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A review on the relations between labor and management during the 1905 revolution in the Russian Poland is given. The effect the revolution had was that the restrictions laid upon the trade unionEs legal range of activities thwarted all the hope of putting the management-labor relations on an equal level.

Social and political tensions between the working class, the political leaders, and the political organizers preceding the 1905 revolution are discussed. The author examines the events that led up to the revolution, such as the labor strike and terrorist attack that killed the Tsar's uncle.

The Cossacks, which have been known to be the most ruthless defenders of the Tsarist regime, launched a series of mutinies in the spring of 1906 which ended in an open revolt in the home territory of Ust-Medveditskaia Stanitsa. These unlikely events were caused by economic difficulties among the Cossacks, an ill-timed mobilization of Don Cossack regiments, and because they were forced to serve as police instead of their usual role as heroic warriors. The revolts eventually died down but the significance of these events should not be ignored and forgotten.

Proponents of Russia's public library movement were among the few educated Russians to continue campaigning for the integration of the lower classes after the revolution in 1905. Other members of the intelligentsia and gentry instead began to perceive the lower classes as dangerous. The library activists eagerly outlined specific plans for transforming the lower classes through books, with the lower social groups viewed as more capable and of higher intelligence after 1905 than previously. The public library movement called for unrestricted access to information.

The 1905 Russian revolution and the political reforms gave birth to anti-German feelings which manifested in areas such as surname, an area of concern for the Russians. These names gave an identity to the people and therefore, after the turn of the century, some of the names which were unobjectionable to the bearers in their native surroundings earlier, became unbearable. Some names were changed as they referred to parts of bodies, some due to political reasons, some personal and some due to misunderstanding.

The response of British diplomats to the political crisis in Russia during the first decade of the 20th century indicates the thinking prevalent in the British Foreign Office and Diplomatic Service. Events such as the 1905 revolution convinced the diplomats stationed in Russia that reform was necessary, but they did not doubt that an alliance was a proper goal to pursue. British foreign policy thus continued to ignore the domestic policies of potential allies.

The 'Markovo Republic,' forcibly declared by the peasant assembly of Markovo, led to refusals to pay taxes and rent strikes against the establishment during Russia's first revolution in 1905. The republic, governed by communal peasant institutions, facilitated the balance of the traditional and the modern by an interaction of radical, city activists and village communal values. The provincial governor dissolved the Markovo Republic after 10 months.

The tsarist political police, Fontanka, declined in the aftermath of the 1905 Russian Revolution. Fontanka had a split personality from 1905 until 1911, as P.A. Stolypin tried to moderate police resistance to political reform. After Stolypin's assassination in Sep 1911, pro-tsarist elements took over. Their paranoid fear of political reform and the masses, together with their new leaders' zeal for court politics, led to ill-advised attempts to repress political and social change. This in turn contributed to the Tsar's fall.

The Russian Revolution of 1905 can be considered the precursor of the 1917 Revolution which put the communists in power. In 1905, mutinies and a general strike occurred. Earlier in the year, peaceful demonstrators had been massacred by the Tsar's troops. The Tsar granted concessions as civil rights, a parliament and constitution.