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Residential segregation was practiced by federal, state, and local governments as an instrument of racial domination in the United States throughout much of the 20th century. Systematic racial discrimination in housing was unconstitutionally developed and implemented by state and federal agencies. Laws, regulations, and private practices in the real estate industry were used to promote legally enforced residential segregation in the United States. Zoning, redlining, and blockbusting created the division of our urban landscape along the color line: black and white. Residential segregation has had debilitating impacts on African Americans in cities in terms of lost opportunities for economic prosperity and the denial of homeownership and the wealth‐building potential that comes from it. Oakland, California is at the center of this research, where urban renewal and an interstate highway destroyed whole neighborhoods in West Oakland. The Acorn Housing Project was built in the aftermath of the urban renewal program. Title VIII of the Fair Housing Act remains the most promising basis for developing strategies for African Americans to fully engage in American’s legacy of wealth building through homeownership—the American Dream. Historically, that dream was designed only for white America. The task now is to realize it for everyone.

A well-known limitation of commonly used segregation measures is their inability to describe patterns at multiple scales. Multi-level modeling approaches can describe how different levels of geography contribute to segregation, but may be difficult to interpret for non-technical audiences and have rarely been applied in the US context. This paper provides a readily interpretable description of multi-scale Black–non-Black segregation in the United States using a multi-level modeling approach and the most recent Census data available. We fit a three-level random intercept multi-level logistic regression model predicting the proportion of the population that is Black (Hispanic and non-Hispanic) at the block group level, with block groups nested in tracts and tracts nested in Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs). For the 102 largest MSAs in the United States, we then estimated the extent to which micro- versus meso-level variability drives overall racial residential patterning within the MSA. Finally, we created a typology of racial residential patterning within MSAs based on the total proportion of the MSA population that is Black and the relative contribution of block groups (micro) versus tracts (meso) in driving variation. We find that nearly 80% of the national variation in the geographic concentration of Black residents is driven by within-MSA, tract-level processes. However, the relative contribution of small versus larger scales to within-MSA segregation varies substantially across metropolitan areas. We detect five meaningfully different types of metropolitan segregation across the largest MSAs. Multi-level descriptions of segregation may help planners and policymakers understand how and why segregated residential patterns are evolving in different places and could provide important insights into interventions that could improve integration at multiple scales.

Telomeres are repetitive nucleotide sequences located at the ends of chromosomes that protect genetic material. We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to analyze the relationship between exposure to spatially concentrated disadvantage and telomere length for white and black mothers. We find that neighborhood disadvantage is associated with shorter telomere length for mothers of both races. This finding highlights a potential mechanism through which the unique spatially concentrated disadvantage faced by African Americans contributes to racial health disparities. We conclude that equalizing the health and socioeconomic status of black and white Americans will be very difficult without reducing levels of residential segregation in the United States.

Black Americans have been disproportionately affected by the severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2 or COVID-19) pandemic. Since the pandemic's start, we have observed compounded health, social, and economic impacts for communities of color, fueled in part by profound residential segregation in the United States that, for centuries prior to the pandemic, created differences in access to opportunity and resources. Based on a longitudinal cohort of Black residents living in two racially isolated Pittsburgh neighborhoods, we sought to: 1) describe the experiences of behavioral responses to COVID-19 conditions (e.g., closures of businesses, schools, government offices) and illness experiences reported by residents within these disinvested, urban areas and 2) determine if these experiences were associated with perceptions of risk, negative mental health outcomes, and food insecurity; and 3) examine whether any of the associations were explained by social isolation or modified by neighborhood walkability. We found direct associations between residents' experience with COVID-19-related closures and with the illness, with perceived risk, and change in psychological distress, sleep quality, and food insecurity from pre-COVID-19 levels. Social isolation was a statistically significant mediator of all of these associations, most strongly mediating the pathway to psychological distress. We found neighborhood walkability to be a significant moderator of the association between closure experiences and sleep quality. The results suggest that experiences of COVID-19 closures and illness were associated with serious threats to public health in Black, disinvested, urban neighborhoods, beyond those caused directly by the virus. Outcomes of the pandemic appear very much dependent on the extent to which social and physical resources are available to meet the demands of stress.

BACKGROUND Racial residential segregation in the United States has been linked to racial differences in birth outcomes, with studies reporting associations between segregation and birth weight. However, this relationship is likely confounded, and many individual and neighborhood-level covariates included in previous models are likely mediators, potentially obscuring any causal impact of segregation on birth weight. METHODS We compiled a record of non-Hispanic black and white singleton births to US-born/resident mothers in 2000, linked to segregation indices at the metropolitan statistical area (MSA) level in the non-Southern US. Segregation was measured via the dissimilarity index. The outcomes were individual-level birth weight and the metropolitan statistical area-level black/white gap in birth weight. We instrumented for segregation using the railroad division index. We compared race-stratified ordinary least squares models to two-stage least squares models, with cluster robust standard errors. RESULTS We estimated a 1.2 g decrease in black birth weight for every one-percentage point increase in segregation (95% confidence interval [CI]: -1.9, -0.50) via ordinary least squares but a 2.8 g decrease (95% CI: -6.0, 0.48) using two-stage least squares. For white infants, our ordinary least squares estimate was 0.53 (95% CI: -0.23, 1.3), and our two-stage least squares estimate was in the opposite direction (-0.68, 95% CI: -3.5, 2.1). CONCLUSIONS Ordinary least squares estimates may understate the effect of segregation on birth weight in blacks. Evidence from instrumental variable models was consistent with a causal impact of segregation on black birth outcomes, but estimates were imprecise and may be affected by weak instrument bias.

Background: Racial/ethnic residential segregation has been studied extensively, but few studies have focused on the growing population of American Indians and Alaska Natives (AIANs). An examination of the group's residential patterns will contribute to an understanding of the social position of AIANs and the overall pattern of racial/ethnic residential segregation in the United States. Objective: What is the average level of residential segregation in 2010 across metropolitan and micropolitan areas with a substantial AIAN presence? What are the most and least segregated areas for this group? What are the causes and correlates of residential segregation for this group? Methods: I use the index of dissimilarity to measure the residential segregation of single-race and multiracial AIANs from non-Hispanic whites in 264 metropolitan and micropolitan statistical areas, using data from the 2010 census. I also use data from the 2010 census and the 2006-2010 American Community Survey to estimate OLS regression models examining the possible causes and correlates of segregation levels across metropolitan and micropolitan areas. Results: The index of dissimilarity for single-race AIANs is 31.8, while for multiracial AIANs it is 23.6. For both single-race and multiracial AIANs, higher segregation levels are found in metropolitan areas with larger populations, a higher proportion of AIANs, more female-headed households, and a lower relative education level for AIANs. Conclusions: Relative to other racial/ethnic groups, AIANs - especially multiracial AIANs - experience low levels of residential segregation from non-Hispanic whites. Contribution: This is the first study that reports and examines residential segregation levels for AIANs using 2010 census data.

The purpose of the chapter is to identify the primary historical and continuing causes of residential segregation in the United States. The research of Hirsch (1978) Jackson (1985), Teaford (1990), Massey and Denton (1993), Sugrue (1996), Gordon (2008) and Sharkey (2013) informed the focus group agenda. The participants identified segregation ordinances and deed restrictions as the main tools used to racially segregate the early twentieth century American city. Whereas, zoning, housing policy – particularly the issuing of FHA mortgages – urban renewal, and the placement of public housing were the primary drivers of segregation in the mid-twentieth century. The group further concluded that federal housing policy and contemporary banking practices since the 1968 Fair Housing Act has continued to reinforce segregation in the United States. In the accompanying essay, “We Are Still Doing This – But There is a Way to Stop,” Rosalind Williams maintains that current use of low-income housing tax credits continues to segregate African Americans into enclaves of concentrated poverty. She argues that the way to end racial segregation is to develop affordable housing in areas of high opportunity, discourage suburban sprawl, comprehensively address the needs of distressed housing, and reform racially tinged real estate and banking practices.

Studies of racial residential segregation have found that black-white segregation in U.S. metropolitan areas has declined slowly but steadily since the early 1970s. As of this writing, black-white residential segregation in the United States is approximately 25 % lower than it was in 1970. To identify the sources of this decline, we used individual-level, geocoded data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to compare the residential attainment of different cohorts of blacks. We analyzed these data using Blinder-Oaxaca regression decomposition techniques that partition the decline in residential segregation among cohorts into the decline resulting from (1) changes in the social and economic characteristics of blacks and (2) changes in the association between blacks’ social and economic characteristics and the level of residential segregation they experience. Our findings show that black cohorts entering adulthood prior to the civil rights movement of the 1960s experienced consistently high levels of residential segregation at middle age, but that cohorts transitioning to adulthood during and after this period of racial progress experienced significantly lower levels of residential segregation. We find that the decline in black-white residential segregation for these later cohorts reflects both their greater social and economic attainment and a strengthening of the association between socioeconomic characteristics and residential segregation. Educational gains for the post–civil rights era cohorts and improved access to integrated neighborhoods for high school graduates and college attendees in these later cohorts were the principal source of improved residential integration over this period.

The author uses restricted geocoded tract-level panel data (1986–2014) that span the prison boom and the acceleration of residential segregation in the United States from two cohorts of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (1979 and Children and Young Adults) to study whether the association between childhood neighborhood disadvantage and adult incarceration varies by race and ethnicity. Sibling fixed-effects models suggest that exposure to childhood neighborhood disadvantage increases the likelihood of incarceration in adulthood, net of observed and unobserved adjustments. However, the association appears weakest for blacks, especially black boys, compared with whites and Latinos. This suggests a more consistent likelihood of incarceration for blacks across all neighborhood origins. The author discusses potential theoretical explanations, including discrimination in profiling, policing, surveillance, and other prejudicial policies in the criminal justice system that are likely to uniquely affect blacks from all neighborhoods.

Racial residential segregation in the United States is generally associated differences in health outcomes among Blacks and Whites due to differential exposures to physical, social and economic resources. While several studies have explored the association between segregation and several chronic conditions in the US, few have specifically examined diabetes using a nationally representative population-based sample. The current study relies on 2005 data from both the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey (BRFSS) and the American Community Survey (ACS) to explore the association between segregation, socioeconomic status and diabetes. Using multilevel mixed-effects logistic regression, we present models that account for clustering of individuals within metropolitan areas and are adjusted for objective environmental measures (including segregation) and potential individual-level confounders (including education, employment, and income) among a sample of 121,321 adults who were at least 18 years old. After controlling for individual-level factors, Blacks residing in highly segregated areas have the same odds of being diagnosed with diabetes as Whites. Whites are more likely to be diagnosed with diabetes in areas where there are higher percentages of Blacks than in areas with low Black representation. Moreover, in this national sample, there is no statistical association between Blacks residing in highly segregated neighborhoods and diabetes risk. However, the increased prevalence of diabetes among Whites living in Black metropolitan areas suggests that future studies are needed to explore the linkages between levels of segregation and diabetes risk.

Relatively few studies examine the relationship between racial residential segregation and educational or cognitive outcomes. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health and the institutional resources model of neighborhood effects, I investigate one account of how macrostructural arrangements between race, neighborhood segregation, and school quality interact to produce inequalities in test scores. Consistent with the institutional resources model, results suggest that school quality varies across neighborhoods based, in part, on their degree of racial concentration. Indeed, school quality and other school characteristics mediate the relationship between racial concentration and verbal skills, particularly among black males. These findings have implications not only for inequalities in cognitive skills among blacks across residential space, but also between blacks and whites given high levels of residential segregation in the United States. In sum, findings illustrate yet another way in which residential segregation contributes to, and not merely reflects, racial inequalities.

Racial segregation has been a persistent feature of the American social landscape and a longstanding contributor to racial inequality, particularly between Blacks and Whites. Affirmative action policies have been used to address the systemic discrimination and attendant socioeconomic consequences to which African Americans have been subjected. Yet affirmative action has not been widely used in all domains in which segregation and systemic discrimination occurred. Although such policies have been adopted in the domains of employment and postsecondary education, few federal affirmative action programs have been used in housing. This is surprising given high levels of segregation across the metropolitan United States, as well as the stated integrative objectives of the U.S. Congress when it passed theFair Housing Act of1968. To understand this puzzle, we use the Gautreaux Assisted Housing Program, a housing mobility effort of the Federal government and the Chicago Housing Authority that used explicit racial criteria, as a surrogate for affirmative action in housing more broadly. We conduct a comparative analysis of Gautreaux and affirmative action in college admissions using insights from applied political philosophy and sociology. By confronting Gautreaux with a more traditional affirmative action program, we are able to identify and compare the judicial, moral, and instrumental justifications for each, enabling us to draw conclusions about whether and how affirmative action can justifiably be used on a large scale to reduce neighborhood segregation, the possible forms it could take, and the difficulties it would face. We close with a discussion of the recent shift toward integration taken by the Department of Housing and Urban Development under the Obama administration, its relationship to affirmative action, and its implications for declines in residential segregation in the United States.

This paper estimates a model of potential to enter self-employment based on individual, household and community-level factors. This paper focuses on the impact of segregation on the likelihood of black and white working-age adults to be self-employed workers rather than wage or salary workers. A multi-level analysis combined answers of over 400,000 respondents to the 1990 and 2000 Integrated Public Use Micro Sample (IPUMS) [Ruggles, S., Sobek, M., Alexander, T., Fitch, C., Goeken, R., Hall, P., King, M., Ronnander, C., 2004. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 3.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minnesota Population Center [producer and distributor], Minneapolis, MN] with structural measures from 327 metropolitan areas from the U.S. Census Bureau's Housing Patterns files [Iceland, J., Weinberg, D., Steinmetz, E., 2002. Racial and ethnic residential segregation in the United States, 1980–2000. Special Report Series, CENSR no.3, U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC] to test the influence of each segregation process. The two residential segregation processes (relative clustering and exposure) were found to limit and enhance potential entry into self-employment, but in unique ways for each group.

Investigating the role of preferences in causing persistent patterns of racial residential segregation in the United States has a long history. In this paper, we bring a new perspective - and new data from the 2004 Detroit Area Study - to the question of how best to characterize black and white preferences toward living in neighborhoods with people of different races. White and black residents of the Detroit metropolitan area (n = 734) were asked in an area probability sample survey about their evaluations of 33 actual communities throughout their metro area. These evaluations are used as an indirect measure of racial residential preferences by viewing how race - both of the respondent and of the community - shapes them. We find modest racial agreement about which communities would be "seriously considered" and "never considered" as a place to live, but by and large perceptions of the metropolis are racialized. Whites are influenced by the percentage white in a community (net of the community's social class characteristics) and very unlikely to consider communities where they are anything but the strong majority. African Americans are also influenced by race, but in different ways and less fundamentally: 1.) Communities with high percentages of African Americans are among those most likely to be "seriously considered," but so are communities with just a handful of African Americans; 2.) African Americans are less likely to "never consider" all communities, and more likely than whites to consider both communities where they are in the majority and in the minority; 3.) African Americans are unaffected by a community's percent white net of community social class characteristics. We place these results in the context of the debate about racial residential preferences, arguing for the importance of grounding our understanding - and measures - of racial residential preferences in the context of real urban landscapes.

In this paper, we use racial data from Census 2000, available for the first time in 50 years, to examine the links among race, socioeconomic status, and resi dential location on the island of Puerto Rico. Puerto Ricans overwhelmingly chose white as their race, and they chose only one race, not a combination of races that would seem more in keeping with the ideology of mestizaje. Overall, segregation by race is modest compared with residential segregation in the United States. In keeping with the Puerto Rican claim that class is more important than race, we find that segregation by race is generally lower than segregation between the lowest and highest income categories in all metro areas, but that the results for education and occupational status differ by met ropolitan area. In San Juan-Bayam?n, the most diverse metropolitan area on the island, we find that as percent black increases, neighborhood socioeconomic status decreases, though the changes are not that stark, except in Loiza, a community of black Puerto Ricans and in some Dominican neighborhoods, though there are relatively few of these neighborhoods.

Introduction The study of residential segregation has long been a staple of Anglo-American urban research. Racial segregation tends to be the overriding concern of studies of residential segregation in the United States (Farley et al 1978; Denton and Massey 1988; Logan and Alba 1995; Darden et al. 1997; Krivo et al. 1998; Alba et al. 2000; St. John and Clymer 2000). The few exceptions include Jargowsky's (1996) provocatively titled study of residential segregation by income (independent of race) and work by Waitzman and Smith (1998) examining the relationship between residential segregation by income and mortality in the thirty-three largest cities in the United States. As for Britain, the main emphasis often has been on the segregation of social classes, dating even before Frederick Engels' well-known descriptions of residential patterns in Manchester in the 1840s (Ley 1983). In Canada, due mainly to changes in the social landscape produced by post-1970 immigration policy, segregation by ethnicity and immigration status has become the subject of most studies of urban residential segregation (Fong 1994, 1996; Hou and Balakrishnan 1996; Ley and Smith 1998; Murdie 1998; Ley 1999; Fong and Shibuya 2000; Bauder and Sharpe 2002). There has been a disproportionately small quantity of research that has focused explicitly on residential segregation in Canadian cities by income and/or class, (1) a condition that has existed for some time (Harris 1984). The few studies that do exist suggest that residential segregation by income increased in the late 1980s and early 1990s (Hajna1 1995; Bourne 1997) or, at the very least, that poverty is becoming more concentrated in Canadian cities (Maclavchlan and Sawada 1997; Kazemipur and Halli 2000;Myles et al. 2000). This paper seeks to fill this gap by investigating temporal trends and spatial patterning of residential segregation by income in thirty-nine of Canada's largest urban areas for the period 1991-1996. During the period spanning 1991-1996, the combination of an economic recession and substantial cutbacks in social services, especially income transfer programs, contributed to the widespread perception that the gap between rich and poor was widening. However, when we examine trends in income inequality at the national level (as measured by the Gini coefficient) during that time period, we see that there was a steady rise in labour and market income inequality between 1991 and 1996, but that taxes and transfers succeeded in keeping post-transfer income inequality and disposable income inequality from increasing during the period (Figure 1). In fact, inequality in post-transfer family has remained more or less constant over the entire period from 1974 to 1997 (Wolfson and Murphy 1998). Perhaps, any perception of a widening gap between rich and poor is borne out of changes to urban neighbourhoods, in terms of their increasing economic homogeneity, despite what the national figures tell us about post-transfer, pretax income inequality. [FIGURE OMITTED] Background and Rationale As has been argued elsewhere (Wilson 1987; Mayer and Jencks 1989; Ross et al. 2002), the stark spatial separation of income groups within urban environments sets up the possibility that the most disadvantaged income groups will become spatially isolated from life-enhancing opportunities such as good quality education and emerging employment opportunities that are often located in high-growth suburban areas. Residential segregation by income can become particularly problematic in jurisdictions where there is heavy reliance on local property taxes for the funding of locally provided public goods and infrastructure. This effect is amplified in the American context because local governments bear a large social welfare burden and rely heavily on locally generated tax revenues, especially residential property taxes. The result has been the creation of substantial intra-metropolitan fiscal disparities and a highly uneven distribution of investment in public goods for U. …

In this article, we assess trends in residential segregation in the United States from 1960 to 2000 along several dimensions of race and ethnicity, class, and life cycle and present a method for attributing segregation to nested geographic levels. We measured segregation for metropolitan America using the Theil index, which is additively decomposed into contributions of regional, metropolitan, center city–suburban, place, and tract segregation. This procedure distinguishes whether groups live apart because members cluster in different neighborhoods, communities, metropolitan areas, or regions. Substantively, we found that the segregation of blacks decreased considerably after 1960 largely because neighborhoods became more integrated, but the foreign born became more segregated largely because they concentrated in particular metropolitan areas. Class segregation increased between 1970 and 1990 mainly because the affluent increasingly clustered in specific metropolitan areas and in specific municipalities within metropolitan areas. The unmarried increasingly congregated in center cities. The main purpose of this article is to describe and illustrate this multilevel approach to studying segregation.

This article is a revision of the previous article by D.S. Massey, volume 19, pp. 13263–13266, © 2001, Elsevier Ltd.

Introduction ~ Christopher D Lloyd, Ian Shuttleworth and David Wong Section 1: Concepts & Methods Segregation matters measurement matters ~ Ron Johnston, Mike Poulsen and Jim Forrest Using a general spatial pattern index to evaluate spatial segregation ~ David Wong Measuring 'neighbourhood' segregation using spatial interaction data~ Christopher D Lloyd, Ian Shuttleworth and Gemma Catney The Micro-Geography of Segregation: Evidence from Historical US Census Data~ Antonio Paez, Manuel Ruiz, Fernando Lopez and John Logan Neighbourhood racial diversity and white residential segregation in the United States ~ Richard Wright, Mark Ellis and Steven Holloway Analysing segregation using individualized neighbourhoods ~ John Osth, Bo Malmberg, and Eva Andersson The international comparability of ethnicity and collective identity implications for segregation studies ~ Pablo Mateos Section 2: Processes Perspectives on social segregation and migration: spatial scale, mixing and places ~ Ian Shuttleworth, Myles Gould and Paul Barr "Sleepwalking towards Johannesburg"? Local measures of ethnic segregation between London's secondary schools, 2003 - 2008/9 ~ Rich Harris Segregation, choice based letting and social housing: How housing policy can affect the segregation process ~ Maarten van Ham and David Manley Demographic understandings of changes in ethnic residential segregation across the life course ~ Albert Sabater and Nissa Finney A Tale of Two Cities: Residential Segregation in St. Louis and Cincinnati ~ Sungsoon Hwang Section 3: Outcomes & Implications 'Religious' concentration and health outcomes in Northern Ireland ~ Gemma Catney Class Segregation ~ Danny Dorling Exploring socioeconomic characteristics of ethnically-divided neighbourhoods ~ Kenneth French Section 4: Conclusions and outcomes 17. Conclusion: Possible future agendas and summary thoughts ~Christopher D Lloyd, Ian Shuttleworth and David Wong.

(1997). The History of Residential Segregation in the United States and Title VIII. The Black Scholar: Vol. 27, Ebonics II, pp. 22-30.

The United States has long been characterized by racial segregation in residence. As the country moves into a period of increasing global interaction, these questions might be posed: Will globalization effect change in U.S. residence patterns by race? If so, how? If not, why not? To consider these questions, we briefly review segregation in the United States and present data for eight metropolitan areas to illustrate the extent of residential segregation. Next, we examine four leading conceptions of globalization and consider whether these suggest ways in which globalization may affect residential segregation in the United States. We conclude that globalization falls low on a long list of factors related to residential segregation. In particular, we argue that desegregation would require deliberate steps in domestic public policy.

This article examines the causes and consequences of residential segregation in the metropolitan areas of the United States, with an emphasis on segregation between black and white households. In theory, residential segregation may be generated by black selfsegregation, collective action to exclude blacks from white neighborhoods, or individual moves by white households away from integrated neighborhoods. Understanding the causes of residential segregation is important if segregation has negative social or economic consequences, either for the minority residents or for the whole society. Over the past few decades, increasing residential segregation has taken place between jurisdictions in a metropolitan area rather than between neighborhoods within a jurisdiction. Potential policy solutions to residential segregation can be classified as place-based policies, people-based policies, or indirect solutions. Given legal constraints, public policy to counteract residential segregation will need to be formally race-neutral, targeting neighborhoods or individuals on the basis of income rather than race.

In this article, the author uses a slum clearance project in Lexington, Kentucky, as a lens through which to examine the spatial dynamics of racial residential segregation during the first half of the twentieth century. At the time, urban migration and upward socioeconomic mobility on the part of African Americans destabilized extant residential segregation patterns. Amid this instability, various spatial practices were employed in the interest of maintaining white social and economic supremacy. The author argues that such practices were indicative of a thoroughgoing reinvention of urban socio-spatial order that in turn precipitated the vastly expanded scale of residential segregation still found in U.S. cities today. Evidence of this reinvented ordering of urban space lies in the rendering of some long-standing African American neighborhoods as “out of place” within it and the use of slum clearance to remove the “menace” such neighborhoods posed to it.

Standard intuition suggests that residential segregation in the United States will decline when racial inequality narrows. In this paper, we hypothesize that the opposite will occur. We note that middle-class black neighborhoods are in short supply in many U.S. metropolitan areas, forcing highly educated blacks either to live in predominantly white high-socioeconomic status (SES) neighborhoods or in more black lower-SES neighborhoods. Increases in the proportion of highly educated blacks in a metropolitan area may then lead to the emergence of new middle-class black neighborhoods, causing increases in residential segregation. We formalize this mechanism using a simple model of residential choice that permits endogenous neighborhood formation. Our primary empirical analysis, based on across-MSA evidence from the 2000 Census, indicates that this mechanism does indeed operate: as the proportion of highly educated blacks in an MSA increases, so the segregation of blacks at all education levels increases. Time-series evidence provides additional support for the hypothesis, showing that an increase in black educational attainment in a metropolitan area between 1990-2000 significantly increases segregation. Our analysis has important implications for the evolution of both residential segregation and racial socioeconomic inequality, drawing attention to a negative feedback loop likely to inhibit reductions in segregation and racial inequality over time.

On May 17, 2014, the United States of America commemorated the 60th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Brown v. Board of Education, 1954), the Supreme Court's landmark decision that outlawed segregation according to race in public spaces throughout the nation (Zirkel & Cantor, 2004). The ruling became arguably the most influential legal decision of the 20th century (Benjamin & Crouse, 2002). It generated new momentum for the pursuit of racial justice and civil rights. It also represented the turning point for many African Americans throughout the nation. The Brown decision clearly reinforced the importance of education and its significance in advancing the larger society. The Supreme Court ruling also conveyed that equal access to an education is paramount and should be afforded to all American citizenry. Stated differently, Zirkel and Cantor (2004) wrote that the decision:highlighted the human suffering caused by racism and its correspondent racial segregation; it clarified that state sponsored segregation (and racism) were inherently more harmful than segregation that occurred without the force of law; it articulated the central role that education had come to play in modem life and concluded that opportunity for all required an end to racial segregation in education; and [it] provided the fuel and the encouragement necessary to further the civil rights work of the 1960s (p. 4).In essence, the Brown decision abolished the "separate but equal" doctrine previously upheld by the Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896 (Groves, 1951), which maintained the constitutionality of racial segregation in public spaces. Without any doubt, advancement has been made 60 years after the Supreme Court ruled on Brown; however, much improvement is still needed throughout the American educational enterprise (Russo, Harris, & Sandidge, 1994). Access to a quality education remains a topic of concern (Moore & Lewis, 2012, 2014; Orfield & Eaton, 1996). Although some educational progress has been made, the same social and economic conditions outlined in Brown still persist for many African Americans (Cartledge, Gibson, & Keyes, 2012; Ford & Moore, 2013; Zirkel & Cantor, 2004). Too many African American students find themselves in failing educational systems (Kozol, 2005; Moore & Lewis, 2012), where they are unable to obtain the needed education to advance through society (Johnson, 2014; Lewis & Moore, 2008a, 2008b).Across the nation, African American students experience extreme levels of residential and school segregation (Acevedo-Garcia, Rosenfield, McArdle, & Osypuk, 2010). In such communities, they tend to endure high levels of poverty, where they encounter immense difficulty accessing meaningful opportunities in their neighborhoods (Kozol, 2005). Extant social science research highlights the blatant inequities found in communities with high-concentrations of poverty and African Americans (Acevedo-Garcia et al., 2010; Moore & Lewis, 2012). This body of research also draws attention to the huge disparities in the schools as well (Kozol, 2005; Lewis, Venzant Chambers, & Butler Ray, 2012; Miller, Wilkinson, Cummings, & Moore, 2014). With increasing residential segregation in the United States, African American students often find themselves trapped in struggling schools with meager resources (Moore & Lewis, 2008a, 2008b), high student-teacher ratios (Moore & Lewis, 2012), and less experienced teachers, school counselors, and administrators (Eaton, 2010; Kozol, 2005).Over the last 60 years, a plethora of publications have been devoted to examining the status of African American students at every juncture of their formal education (e.g., elementary, secondary, and postsecondary). Much of the literature base highlights the educational experiences and outcomes of African American students. Therefore, it is startling that many of the educational concerns presented prior to Brown still exist today. …

To examine the relationship between race and lung cancer mortality and the effect of residential segregation in the United States.A retrospective, population-based study using data obtained from the 2009 Area Resource File and Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results program.Each county in the United States.Black and white populations per US county.A generalized linear model with a Poisson distribution and log link was used to examine the association between residential segregation and lung cancer mortality from 2003 to 2007 for black and white populations. Our primary independent variable was the racial index of dissimilarity. The index is a demographic measure that assesses the evenness with which whites and blacks are distributed across census tracts within each county. The score ranges from 0 to 100 in increasing degrees of residential segregation. RESULTS The overall lung cancer mortality rate was higher for blacks than whites (58.9% vs 52.4% per 100 000 population). Each additional level of segregation was associated with a 0.5% increase in lung cancer mortality for blacks (P.001) and an associated decrease in mortality for whites (P = .002). Adjusted lung cancer mortality rates among blacks were 52.4% and 62.9% per 100 000 population in counties with the least (40% segregation) and the highest levels of segregation (≥60% segregation), respectively. In contrast, the adjusted lung cancer mortality rates for whites decreased with increasing levels of segregation.Lung cancer mortality is higher in blacks and highest in blacks living in the most segregated counties, regardless of socioeconomic status.