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In recent decades, issues relating to affordable and inclusive housing have become pressing in the light of globalization and urban neo-liberalism. The predicament is not only common in modern cities but also unfolding in historic cities, especially after receiving the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Site inscription. While there are upsides and downsides to the debate on how urban heritage conservation intersects with housing affairs, arguably, the situation and outcomes differ across temporal and geographical contexts. This study aims to examine the relationship between urban heritage conservation and its implications on affordable and inclusive housing in the George Town World Heritage Site. Based on mixed research methods, the findings gathered indicated that following two defining moments namely, (i) the repeal of the Control of Rent Act; and (ii) the UNESCO inscription, socio-economic transformations have altered the demographics, socio-economic base and housing demands/needs of the heritage site. Undoubtedly, gentrification has set in and housing is deemed unaffordable, especially to low-income citizenry. The study recommends that conceptual notions, policy affairs and action plans in GTWHS should integrate the aspect of inclusive housing to ensure that no one in the heritage site is deprived of a roof above their heads. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the violence trap framework, ruling elites use rents to control contending elites who pose a violent threat. Political development results in transitions from a fragile state, wherein rents are tentative and personalized, to a basic natural state, and then a mature natural state, through standardization of elite privileges, consolidated state control of the political-military apparatus, and the enactment of a credible contracts regime. Accordingly, the institutional logic of fragile states is rooted in the incentives that undergird elite bounded rationality, transacting under highly personalized, tentative patronage networks. The paper addresses the question of why fragile states fail to develop into basic natural states. In doing so, it applies the violence trap analytical framework to illustrate the logic of the fragile state through a most different systems (MDS) comparison of Afghanistan and South Sudan. The main finding is that the institutional logic of the fragile state in the two cases is rooted in a lack of three necessary conditions: institutional incentives for broadening elite consensus, credible patronage agreements among different elite groups, and a consolidated state with specialized political and military functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines, from a legal and economic perspective, the judicial response to rent controls in the EU focusing on three courts that operate at the fundamental rights and constitutional level: the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the German Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfGE), and the Italian Constitutional Court. Based on an analysis of a sample of judicial decisions rendered over time, a convergent trend emerges: these Courts have recognized and effectively protected the landlord's property rights against rent controls that were disproportionate and could not ensure a reasonable return on investment. This trend is prominent in the jurisprudence of the ECtHR: the Strasbourg Court has contributed to reshaping the distribution of power between tenants and landlords, encouraging the transition of Eastern and Southern European Countries to the common European housing market. In both upholding and striking down rent control measures, judges generally take market value and the comparative reference price as the preferred benchmarks for fair rent price. A consumption-based and financial characterization of housing, coupled with the fundamental right to derive economic benefits as core elements of the right to property, underpin the legal reasoning of the three Courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare state research over the past five decades has largely focused on two broad social policy pillars: (1) arrays of income programmes, such as social assistance, unemployment insurance, family allowances and pensions, and (2) a range of social services, including childcare, healthcare, social housing and education. However, an important cluster of policy measures, constituting a third policy pillar, has been largely neglected in the cross-national welfare state research to date, protective legislation. It comprises the networks of protective and regulatory laws and constitutional rights emplaced to secure and promote our welfare. Central to all social policy areas, these measures, including rent control policies, workplace health and safety laws, legislation preventing discrimination against people with disabilities and child corporal punishment bans, are distinct from laws that determine access to income programmes and social services or set out the terms of their provision. Rather, they constitute a standalone third category of policy measures, are key components of all welfare states and, depending upon how they are actualised, can be just as central to our well-being and the promotion of our welfare. They can also have compounding or synergistic interactions with policies in the other two policy pillars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In order to explore the impact of natural resource rent and corruption control on environmental quality (ecological footprint, carbon emissions), this paper uses the moment quantile regression method within the framework of the environmental Kuznets curve hypothesis. Based on the availability of data, the research object is positioned as the sample data of 152 countries from 2002 to 2018 to obtain more in‐depth and comprehensive research conclusions. The empirical results show that: (1) Corruption control has a significant effect on improving the ecological environment in countries and regions with poor environmental quality. The impact of natural resource rent on environmental quality remains inconclusive, when environmental quality is relatively high, natural resource rent tends to promote the increase of carbon emissions, but there is a reduction effect on the ecological footprint. For countries and regions with better environmental quality, there will be an effect of increasing resource consumption and reducing pollutant emissions. (2) Increasing the consumption intensity of energy will lead to the deterioration of environmental quality, and increasing the proportion of renewable resources will increase and weaken this impact, so it is particularly important to improve the energy consumption structure and improve environmental quality. (3) The impact of urbanization on environmental quality dose not form a unified opinion, and the difference in the selection of environmental quality indicators brings variability to the results, which also prompts the adoption of multiple indicators or the establishment of a composite index that covers multiple perspectives of environmental quality to conduct comprehensive and in‐depth research on environmental quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hegemonic responses to housing crises overwhelmingly rely on liberal economic logics, which preclude understandings of housing inequalities as produced by intersecting structures of racial capitalism and settler colonialism. This creates housing futures that replicate housing injustice, through the reproduction of housing crises that uphold racial capitalism, the settler state, and white property ownership. To address this gap, I develop a radical care framework for analysing responses to housing crises as an approach that emphasises relationality, challenges the commodification of housing, and renders different housing futures possible. Radical care is a collective response to immediate crises and precarious futures. I apply this framework to rent control debates in Seattle, USA, which highlight the complex intersections between care and housing politics in responses to housing crises. I argue that analysing housing politics through a radical care framework helps us to account for more expansive sociopolitical imaginaries and actions that point to housing futures beyond the limits of what is deemed possible in a colonial, racial capitalist housing system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the key measures of Law 12/2023 of 24 May on the right to housing was that the autonomous regions could declare specific areas as "stressed residential market areas" and thus the rent control measures that Law 12/2023 introduced in Law 19/1994 of 24 November on urban leases would apply in those areas. After Law 12/2023 entered into force, the Catalan Government declared 140 municipalities as "stressed residential market areas", which resulted in a reduction in the residential housing for long-term leases on offer in favour of other types of lease that are not subject to the rent control framework. This has led to the approval of Decree Law 6/2024 of 24 April on urgent measures on housing in order to, on the one hand, extend the application of the rent control framework to seasonal/short-term leases and, on the other, introduce penalties for failing to comply with the rent control measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We empirically document that the effectiveness of the German rent control introduced in 2015 in achieving rental housing affordability is limited. Exploring the reasons for this limited effectiveness, we focus on the impact of the rent control on the yield on rental housing investments proxied by rent‐price ratios, which we derive by predicting sale prices to rental objects based on a hedonic model using micro‐level quotes on rental and sale listing. Exploiting the temporal, regional, and object‐specific variation generated by the design of the rent control, we identify a causal negative effect of the rent control on the yield of rental objects subject to the regulation. Furthermore, we zoom into the spillovers across regulated objects and objects in the affected markets that were exempt from the regulation and find rising yields for the exempted objects, suggesting that the regulation contributed to gentrification via a shift of rental housing supply away from the regulated segment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The highly popular belief that rent-control leads to an increase in the amount of affordable housing is in contradiction with ample empirical evidence and congruent theoretical explanations. It can therefore be qualified as a misconception. We present the results of a preregistered on-line experiment in which we study how to dispel this misconception using a refutational approach in two different formats, a video and a text. We find that the refutational video has a significantly higher positive impact on revising the misconception than a refutational text. This effect is driven by individuals who initially agreed with it and depart from it after the treatment. The refutational text, in turn, does not have a significant impact relative to a non-refutational text. Higher cognitive reflective ability is positively associated with revising beliefs in all interventions. Our research shows that visual communication effectively reduces the gap between scientific economic knowledge and the views of citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of noninferiority clinical trials for clinical cardiologists. Noninferiority trials are designed to assess whether a new treatment is not worse than an established treatment by a certain degree. The article discusses the advantages and limitations of noninferiority trials, including scenarios where they might be preferred and challenges in their design and execution. Key statistical considerations, such as defining the noninferiority margin and the use of confidence intervals, are also addressed. Overall, noninferiority trials offer benefits when properly conducted and are likely to continue growing in cardiology. [Extracted from the article]

In the past decade, rental housing has emerged as a new field of financialization, highlighting the importance of rent to understanding contemporary urban dynamics. Despite rental markets expressing juridical relations, empirical research on the articulations between law and rent is absent in the existing literature. In light of critical legal approaches, the paper addresses this gap through an ethnographic exploration of conflictual residential rent relations in Barcelona. The paper argues that contracts are not only legal objects crucial for the existence and articulation of rent, but their constant opening and closing, enabled by property law, result in both judicial and invisible evictions, which increase tenant turnover, thus securing incremental rental-based streams. The contract disobedience strategy enacted by the tenant movement in Barcelona has exposed how contracts are tools of domination and poses a critique of the political and legal doctrine of the 'freedom of contract'. This mobilisation has simultaneously articulated a political demand for implementing rent controls, which are placed in a broader, gradually emerging legal countermovement to protect habitation that finds its epitome in parliamentary debates and legislative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Contemporary Accounting Research is the property of Canadian Academic Accounting Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 23 February 2020, the Berlin Senate introduced the Berlin rent freeze ('Mietendeckel'). The law was repealed on 25 March 2021. The Berlin rent freeze was an unprecedented market intervention in the German housing market. We analyse how the rent cap part of the legislation which fixed rents at below market levels affected the supply side in the short term. We find rent decreases accompanied by decreases in supply five times as large. We further investigate spillover effects on the purchase market, regionally heterogeneous effects as well as different effects by dwelling characteristics. We find the rent freeze did not have spillover effects on dwellings for sale which point to a 'wait-and-see-attitude' on the investors' side. We make use of a rich dataset of real estate advertisements and employ hedonic difference-in-difference and triple-difference estimation strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The (re-)introduction of tenancy regulation in the form of rent controls, tenant protection or supply rationing is back on the agenda of policymakers in light of rent inflation in many global cities. While rent controls promise short-term relief, economists point to their negative long-run effects on new construction. This study presents new long-run data on both rent regulation and housing construction for 16 developed countries (1910–2016) and finds that more restrictive rental market legislation generally has a negative impact on both new housing construction and residential investment. This is especially true for strict rent controls and housing rationing measures in the post-1960 period. Tenancy security can on average also dampen construction activity. The negative effect is overall less significant and strong in magnitude than expected and may have been offset by exemptions for new construction, by compensating social housing construction and by a flight of new construction into the owner-occupied sector. Still, on average, rent controls came at the cost of less construction activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain has traditionally shown one of the lowest levels of participation in the rented market within the housing system in Europe. Several authors have argued that housing policies oriented toward facilitating housing access have not paid enough attention to the development of the sector, except for decreasing its regulation. During the last decade, Spain, as many other European countries, has witnessed a relative increase in demand for rented dwellings and subsequent rent increases. A debate is taking place where possible regulation and alternative ways of increasing the rent supply are being discussed to ease the persistent problem of housing access of Spanish households. We argue in this paper that rent regulation cannot be decontextualised from the housing system, especially in countries like Spain where the rented sector has acted as social housing and tenants' financial vulnerability is high. We distinguish between measures with short term effects such a rent regulations and interventions addressing the lack of rent supply with a longer impact. Finally, we advocate for a national framework that allows enough regional and local freedom to adequately solve their rented housing situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of chronic problems with high housing costs, rent regulation has returned to the forefront of policy debate in several countries. This paper addresses three distinct questions related to rent regulation and the role of evidence. First, what are the drivers of policy change on rent regulation and what role does evidence play in shaping change? Second, what is the nature of the evidence base on rent regulation and the key messages that emerge from it? Third, how is this evidence base transmitted into policy debate? We take the example of the recent UK policy debate to examine this issue. The paper discusses the case of current policy development in Scotland to reflect upon policy drivers and the role of evidence. The paper combines insights from a recent evidence review and a decade-long policy ethnography. Not only does research indicate that evidence has played a limited role as a driver for policy change on rent regulation but the nature of the evidence base is such that there are limits on the guidance it can offer and the extent to which policy can in principle be rooted in evidence. The case of Scotland illustrates the forces at play in shaping rent regulation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rents in the Australian private rental sector (PRS) have long been determined by the market, but during the public health and economic crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic, state and territory governments implemented emergency measures to prevent evictions and regulate rents. This article reviews the rent measures implemented and their outcomes, using survey data and other quantitative evidence, and interviews with PRS stakeholders. We find the rent measures, which relied on negotiations between individual landlords and tenants, had a modest effect – just 8–16% of tenants got a rent variation – and tenants, landlords and agents struggled in unfamiliar roles. The emergency period holds lessons and prompts questions about future directions in policy-making for rental affordability and PRS relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Affordable housing is vital in ensuring the inclusiveness of a city. However, urbanization and gentrification have exacerbated the gap between housing availability and housing affordability. Many factors have contributed to the displacement of local communities in George Town World Heritage Site (GTWHS), with rental spike and the repeal of the Control of Rent Act, among others. Through a survey with 318 samples, this study investigates affordable housing alternatives and its administration in GTWHS of Penang state, Malaysia. Policy recommendations are suggested to improve the diversity of affordable housing options and to conserve the historic city's intangible living heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Law 12/2023 of 24 May on the right to housing introduced a range of measures, including, most notably, the possibility of declaring "stressed" residential market areas, which, in turn, are the cornerstone of the price limitation framework on residential lease agreements that the abovementioned housing rights law introduced in the Urban Leases Law. On 11 August 2023, the competent housing authorities of the regional government of Catalonia were the first to apply this provision and declare 140 municipalities as "stressed" residential market areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is the concern of policymakers every year in New York City to consider whether or not the enacted rent control policy has a positive effect on the rental market. In order to measure the efficacy of the rent control policy, we aim to study the change in housing quality of people who live in rent controlled homes compared to those in non-rent controlled homes. A housing quality index metric was created in order to study how housing quality changes over time and its relationship to rent control. The impact of rent control on housing quality is analyzed, thus assessing one measure of policy effectiveness. The analysis indicates that rent controlled homes are associated with higher damage rates than non-rent controlled homes, perhaps indicating that the inverse of the intended effect is occurring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to test two hypotheses related to the supposedly negative impact of rent control on residential mobility: the mobility of renters is, first, negatively related to how attractive their residential areas are and, second, relatively high for renters living in properties built after 2005. Design/methodology/approach: This paper estimates logit and multinomial logit regressions and models household moves. The multinomial logit regressions separate between short- and long-distance moves and between moves to rentals and to owned dwellings. This paper uses the "relative income" of the tenants' residential areas to proxy area attractiveness. This paper estimates regressions for entire Sweden and the three largest "commuting" regions and municipalities, respectively. Findings: The full sample provides support of both hypotheses in all regressions. Hypothesis one gets stronger support for moves to other rentals than moves to owned dwellings but about equally strong support for short- and long-distance moves. Hypothesis one obtains strongest support in Gothenburg municipality while hypothesis two obtains strongest support in the Malmö region. Also, hypothesis two obtains stronger support for short-distance moves than long-distance moves and slightly stronger support for moves to owned dwellings than those to rented dwellings. Research limitations/implications: This paper does not estimate "how much" rent control affects mobility, and results cannot be used to design specific rent setting policies. Results may be sensitive to how different types of moves are defined. Practical implications: Efforts to reform rent setting policies in Sweden are encouraged. Originality/value: To the best of the author's knowledge, this paper's two hypotheses are not tested before in Sweden and can be tested without control groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rent control measures are typically in place to assist low-income households and decrease segregation. Yet, there is little empirical research on the social impact of such policies and specifically the role of how rent-controlled apartments are allocated. This study analyzes the income-distributional effects of rent control with a novel dataset that includes characteristics of those who received rent-controlled apartments between 2011 and 2016 in central Stockholm, Sweden. Specifically, this paper provides analysis of the impact of allocating apartments through a centrally managed queue with apartments from both public and private landlords. To quantify the rent subsidy, we estimate hypothetical market rents by taking the owner-occupied market as a point of deviation. We find a positive relationship between the rent subsidy and time in que. Apartments in the fourth quartile of subsidy require on average 21 years in que, while those in the first quartile require 10 years on average. There is considerably heterogeneity in the level of rent subsidy, and tenant income. Even as allocating through queuing should benefit high-income households less than allocation based on landlord preferences, we find several regressive effects. Controlling for time in queue, we find that tenants in the fourth quartile of annual income receive monthly rent subsidies that are substantially higher than renters in the first quartile of income. Similarly, rental apartments in the fourth quartile of the subsidy have older tenants with substantially higher incomes compared to less subsidized apartments. The regressive effect is driven by high earners renting larger apartments with larger absolute subsidies and being able to wait longer in queue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Covid era, state and local officials across the country imposed moratoria on evicting tenants -- even those who had violated agreed-upon lease terms or, more commonly, those whose leases had simply expired. For over a century, rent controls -- from price caps to the various legal conditions placed on free contracting between parties -- has typified the socalled muddle in which takings jurisprudence still finds itself. Recently, however, the U.S. Supreme Court has been clearer on the Takings Clause and the meaning of "property" in general. In this new environment, rent controls --diverse in substance and often egregious in application --remain the ideal vehicle for the most property-friendly high court in generations to continue moving the needle in this new property-friendly direction. This Article surveys the definitional history of "property," especially how the classical-liberal approach --in which protecting property is the ultimate end, and government the means -- better reflects "property" as it was originally publicly understood when James Madison drafted the Takings Clause. It then moves to the nineteenth century, highlighting how the classical-liberal approach won out over the civic-republican view of property as means to governmental ends -- the latter an almost perfect inversion of the former. Next, this Article discusses the end of the Lochner era -- arguably classical-liberal property's zenith -- and the discouraging emergence of progressive property theory during the New Deal era. We see how this new theory of property, under which definitions can -- and often must -- change depending on what best suits the popular will, led courts to over-defer to legislative "wisdom," rubberstamping countless rent controls and other property regulations that, in an earlier era, would have been struck down upon even cursory scrutiny of the promulgating government's justifications for enacting them. This Article concludes with a discussion of recent developments in the rent-control space, most notably the several Covid-related eviction moratoria. It explains that while several courts continue to defer to lawmakers on what is the most extreme form of rent control yet, recent U.S. Supreme Court rulings offer real hope that the justices will overturn these bans and, in doing so, will also admonish lower courts to begin using their independent judgment in appraising the legitimacy of a given rent-control measure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the research on the impact of robotics on carbon emissions is increasing, there are still relatively few studies on the impact of robots on carbon intensity from the perspective of natural resources and corruption. In order to fill in the research gaps, panel data from 66 countries between 1993 and 2018 are collected, and linear and nonlinear panel regression approaches are developed. Natural resource rent and corruption control are used as threshold variables, robot penetration is used as explanatory variables, and carbon emission intensity is the explained variable. The results of the linear model show that robot penetration is negatively correlated with carbon emission intensity, which means that robot penetration reduces carbon emission intensity. The results of the nonlinear model show that when natural resource rents and corruption control are used as thresholds, the relationship between robot penetration and carbon emission intensity presents a U shape and an inverted U shape, respectively. Specifically, the threshold for natural resource rents is 4.7%. When the natural resource rent is lower than this threshold, the robot penetration rate reduces the carbon emission intensity, but when the natural resource rent is higher than this threshold, the robot penetration rate increases the carbon emission intensity. The threshold value of corruption control is −0.4349. When the corruption control is lower than this threshold, the robot penetration rate increases the carbon emission intensity. If the corruption control is higher than this threshold, the robot reduces the carbon emission intensity. Finally, policy recommendations for better use of robotics to reduce carbon emission intensity are put forward from the perspective of natural resource rent and corruption control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the regulations surrounding the use of generative AI, specifically ChatGPT, in academic writing. Different journals have varying levels of restrictions, with some requiring only a declaration of use while others have more stringent guidelines. The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology is noted for its more lenient approach. The authors highlight the uncertainty surrounding the long-term effects of AI on writing and suggest caution in its use until further evidence is available. [Extracted from the article]

Rent hikes have displaced Black- and immigrantled small businesses and nonprofits for years at alarming rates, and COVID-19 accelerated the trend. Recognizing the ripple effects on owners, community leaders, employees, and underserved communities, several organizers, activists, lawyers, and local legislators around the country are revisiting commercial rent control. This Article uses the commercial rent stabilization bill introduced in New York City in 2019 as a case study to argue that commercial rent control can advance worthwhile interim goals in New York City and elsewhere. First, commercial rent control would help level the exploitative landlord-tenant playing field. Further, it would promote predictability and stability, which would allow Black- and immigrant-led businesses to thrive and serve their diverse communities' needs. Finally, this Article contributes to the commercial rent control scholarship by discussing its policy advantages for small, Black- and immigrant-led commercial tenants, as well as responding to the common mischaracterization of state and federal law that views them as obstacles to commercial rent control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to link the theoretical framework of social capital with historical analysis. It traces a controversy of half a century between landlords and tenants in Palestine and Israel and their attempts to influence the government's policy in the rental market during crisis and transitions. The article portrays social capital as a decisive factor in the success or failure of landlords and tenants to promote their group interests and impact rent control policy. However, as the two groups are competing over the same resource, the triumph of one group comes at the direct expense of the other. In that respect, social capital could act as "double-edged sword". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studio courses in architectural education are undoubtedly among the most important courses that prepare students for professional design life. A given project should be guided with the support of the instructors and should include a simulation of the process in professional business life. Despite this, research shows that there is a disconnect between academia and the professional process. In addition to the fact that the educational process tries to add a different understanding to the student, professional life cannot find the middle point with academic education due to the constant changes in regulations due to rent and similar reasons. In such an environment, giving meaning to projects with an idealistic understanding, offering a thematic experience and producing holistic buildings with identity increases the importance of alternative approaches in project studios in educational processes. Although it is not possible to prevent the emergence of identity-less and rent-oriented products in the market only through architectural education, approaches that will increase productivity in this education will also increase students' expectations from the profession. The conceptual approach, which is one of these alternatives, can be defined as creating a network of relationships based on a basic idea. This network of relationships allows the concept to be transformed into a concrete structure by distributing it to all project processes without moving away from the context and with an inclusive approach. In this study, first of all, the conceptual approach in design education will be emphasized and general definitions will be made, and Studio-2, Studio-3, and Studio-4 courses in Konya Technical University Faculty of Architecture and Design, Department of Architecture in 2021-2022 will be evaluated with a conceptual approach. With this approach, it has been concluded that the student's design perception and thinking technique can be developed by creating concept-based, original, and holistic, and focusing on the missing aspects of professional life in project courses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rent regulation has a significant impact on tenant–landlord relations and the overall functioning of the private rented sector. Different forms of rent regulation—in relation to rent levels, rent increases, security of tenure, etc.—also affect the quality, the social composition and, ultimately, the size of the private rented sector. Together they affect the character of much urban regeneration and renewal. The introduction in Portugal of more flexible rent regimes that aimed to gradually replace open-ended tenancies with freely negotiated contracts led researchers to classify the country as a free market system. In this paper, by using a mixed methods approach that combined desk-based research with census data and in-depth interviews, we test the) classification of Portugal's rented sector as a free market against empirical evidence and examine the impacts of the main rent regulation regimes on social sustainability-oriented urban regeneration. Our results show that open-ended contracts, which were signed before the 1990s, still account for a significant part of the private rented sector, thus the classification of Portugal's rent regulation regime as a free-market system does not capture the country's most significant features. This is particularly evident in inner-city Lisbon, where various extreme rent regimes (in terms of contract duration, tenant security and prices) coexist, giving rise to tensions between housing quality and demographic shifts that threaten the overall social sustainability of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional US rental housing data sources such as the American Community Survey and the American Housing Survey report on the transacted market—what existing renters pay each month. They do not explicitly tell us about the spot market—i.e., the asking rents that current homeseekers must pay to acquire housing—though they are routinely used as a proxy. This study compares governmental data to millions of contemporaneous rental listings and finds that asking rents diverge substantially from these most recent estimates. Conventional housing data understate current market conditions and affordability challenges, especially in cities with tight and expensive rental markets.

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Copyright of European Review of Public Law is the property of European Public Law Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While determining the value of various housing attributes can vary between sales and rental markets, market participants may use the sales comparison approach as a common strategy. Due to the intransparent and illiquid nature of the housing market, the method provides a simple way for market participants in the two different markets to agree on prices. We show that a strong dependence tendency of market participants on market price information is commonly observed in both the sales and the rental market. Using spatial econometrics for 17,500 apartment rents and sales data respectively in Berlin, Germany, we find that the dependence tendency in the rental market is significant, and it is comparable with that in the sales market. In particular, the results are robust within the restricted market setting of increased regulation for rent. These findings are robust over various spatial specifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many affordable housing policies are the domain of local governments. While subnational housing policies can be used to increase racial and economic segregation, they can also protect renters, and thus are not without controversy. Local affordable housing policies include inclusionary zoning, rent control, short-term rental regulation and source of income discrimination. Starting in the 1980s, states began to preempt these local laws, preventing their cities from adopting affordable housing policies. We ask why states choose to preempt one or more of these four affordable housing policies. Using a cross-sectional, time-series dataset of preemptions, we find evidence that more conservative legislatures are more likely to adopt preemptions, while more professional legislatures and states with higher rental rates and previous preemptions are less likely to preempt. Contrary to expectations, interest group density, electoral competition and policy diffusion are not significant predictors of preemption. For advocates and policymakers concerned with increasing affordable housing in their jurisdictions, these results raise unease about the ability to further an affordable housing agenda at the local level, particularly in more conservative political environments, suggesting instead that affordable housing may need to return to the purview of the federal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private rental markets have become increasingly important since the Global Financial Crisis 2008–2009 and rent controls are back on the political agenda. Yet, they have received less attention from housing scholars than homeownership and public housing. This paper presents new data on the development of private tenancy legislation based on a content-coding of rent control, protection of tenants from eviction, and rental housing rationing laws across more than 15 countries and 100 years. This long-run perspective allows for inquiring about the dynamic effects of rent control on the rise of homeownership as the dominant tenure during the twentieth century. We find that both rent regulation and rationing measures were followed by increases of homeownership and decreases of private rentals. We suggest that homeownership was not just produced by generous subsidies or the homeownership dream, but also through the push-effect of regulation crowding out rental units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-run U-shaped patterns of economic inequality are standardly explained by basic economic trends (Piketty's r > g), taxation policies or 'great levellers' such as catastrophes. This article argues that housing policy, and particularly rent control, is a neglected explanatory factor in understanding macro inequality. We hypothesize that rent control could decrease overall housing wealth, lower incomes of generally richer landlords and increase disposable incomes of generally poorer tenants. Using original long-run data for up to 16 countries (1900–2016), we show that rent controls lowered wealth-to-income ratios, top income shares, Gini coefficients, rents and rental expenditure. Overall, rent controls need to be strict in order to have tangible effects, and only the stricter historical rent controls did significantly reduce inequalities. The study argues that housing policies should generally receive more attention in understanding economic inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]