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Immigrants are increasingly participating in politics, publicizing their political concerns and contributions. How does such political participation relate to national majorities’ immigration attitudes? Previous research suggested potential improvement of majority attitudes but also demonstrated the exacerbation of perceived threat. We investigated whether greater immigrant political participation is related to more positive or negative immigration attitudes among majority members. We implemented a cross-national and a cross-cantonal multilevel study drawing on the European Social Survey, the Second European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey and the Swiss Migration-Mobility Survey with 43,632 participants in 26 European countries in Study 1 and with 1058 participants in 19 Swiss cantons in Study 2. Overall, higher levels of immigrant political participation were related to more positive attitudes. This association between participation and attitudes was stronger among left-wing than among right-wing nationals. Finally, we found no evidence that larger immigrant groups’ participation evoke threat and exacerbate attitudes. We conclude that immigrant political participation is associated with more positive majority attitudes.

We develop a minority influence approach to multilevel intergroup research and examine whether country-level minority norms shape majority members’ perceptions of discrimination. Defining minority norms via actual minority discrimination and political participation, we hypothesized that in national contexts with greater minority experiences of discrimination and greater minority political participation, majority perceptions of discrimination should be higher. We implemented two cross-national multilevel studies drawing on the European Social Survey and Eurobarometer data with 19,392 participants in 22 countries in Study 1, and with 17,651 participants in 19 countries in Study 2. Higher aggregate levels of minority discrimination were not related to greater acknowledgment of discrimination among majority members. However, higher aggregate minority political participation did relate to higher perceptions of discrimination in Studies 1 and 2. We conclude that country-level minority norms are consequential for majority attitudes, but these norms need to be actively communicated through political participation.

Background Antisense oligonucleotide (ASO)-based drugs for splicing modulation were recently approved for various genetic diseases with unmet need. Here we aimed to develop an ASO-based splicing modulation therapy for Cystic Fibrosis (CF) patients carrying the 3849+10 kb C-to-T splicing mutation in the CFTR gene. Methods We have screened, in FRT cells expressing the 3849+10 kb C-to-T splicing mutation, ~30 2′-O-Methyl-modified phosphorothioate ASOs, targeted to prevent the recognition and inclusion of a cryptic exon generated due to the mutation. The effect of highly potent ASO candidates on the splicing pattern, protein maturation and CFTR function was further analyzed in well differentiated primary human nasal and bronchial epithelial cells, derived from patients carrying at least one 3849+10 kb C-to-T allele. Results A highly potent lead ASO, efficiently delivered by free uptake, was able to significantly increase the level of correctly spliced mRNA and completely restore the CFTR function to wild type levels in cells from a homozygote patient. This ASO led to CFTR function with an average of 43% of wild type levels in cells from various heterozygote patients. Optimized efficiency of the lead ASO was further obtained with 2′-Methoxy Ethyl modification (2′MOE). Conclusion The highly efficient splicing modulation and functional correction, achieved by free uptake of the selected lead ASO in various patients, demonstrate the ASO therapeutic potential benefit for CF patients carrying splicing mutations and is aimed to serve as the basis for our current clinical development.

Recent policy changes highlight the need for citizens to take adaptive actions to reduce flood‐related impacts. Here, we argue that these changes represent a wider behavioral turn in flood risk management (FRM). The behavioral turn is based on three fundamental assumptions: first, that the motivations of citizens to take adaptive actions can be well understood so that these motivations can be targeted in the practice of FRM; second, that private adaptive measures and actions are effective in reducing flood risk; and third, that individuals have the capacities to implement such measures. We assess the extent to which the assumptions can be supported by empirical evidence. We do this by engaging with three intellectual catchments. We turn to research by psychologists and other behavioral scientists which focus on the sociopsychological factors which influence individual motivations (Assumption 1). We engage with economists, engineers, and quantitative risk analysts who explore the extent to which individuals can reduce flood related impacts by quantifying the effectiveness and efficiency of household‐level adaptive measures (Assumption 2). We converse with human geographers and sociologists who explore the types of capacities households require to adapt to and cope with threatening events (Assumption 3). We believe that an investigation of the behavioral turn is important because if the outlined assumptions do not hold, there is a risk of creating and strengthening inequalities in FRM. Therefore, we outline the current intellectual and empirical knowledge as well as future research needs. Generally, we argue that more collaboration across intellectual catchments is needed, that future research should be more theoretically grounded and become methodologically more rigorous and at the same time focus more explicitly on the normative underpinnings of the behavioral turn.