Search

This study investigated the relationship between white matter microstructure and the development of morphosyntax in a spoken narrative in typically developing children (TD) and in children with high functioning autism (HFA). Autism is characterized by language and communication impairments, yet the relationship between morphosyntactic development in spontaneous discourse contexts and neural development is not well understood in either this population or typical development. Diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) was used to assess multiple parameters of diffusivity as indicators of white matter tract integrity in language-related tracts in children between 6 and 13 years of age. Children were asked to spontaneously tell a story about at time when someone made them sad, mad, or angry. The story was evaluated for morphological accuracy and syntactic complexity. Analysis of the relationship between white matter microstructure and language performance in TD children showed that diffusivity correlated with morphosyntax production in the superior longitudinal fasciculus (SLF), a fiber tract traditionally associated with language. At the anatomical level, the HFA group showed abnormal diffusivity in the right inferior longitudinal fasciculus (ILF) relative to the TD group. Within the HFA group, children with greater white matter integrity in the right ILF displayed greater morphological accuracy during their spoken narrative. Overall, the current study shows an association between white matter structure in a traditional language pathway and narrative performance in TD children. In the autism group, associations were only found in the ILF, suggesting that during real world language use, children with HFA rely less on typical pathways and more on alternative ventral pathways that possibly mediate visual elements of language.

This investigation examined orthographic and semantic processing during reading acquisition. Children in first to fourth grade were presented with a target word and two response alternatives, and were asked to identify the semantic match. Words were presented in four conditions: an exact match and unrelated foil (STONE-STONE-EARS), an exact match and an orthographic neighbour foil (STONE-STONE-STOVE), a ­synonym match and an unrelated foil (STONE-ROCK-EARS) and a synonym match and an orthographic neighbour foil (STONE-ROCK-STOVE). Accuracy and reaction time results suggest that orthographic and semantic processing follow a two-step ­acquisition pattern. First, the orthographic component of reading develops quickly; however, forming strong conceptual links from orthographic to semantic representations follows a protracted trajectory, which matures between the third and fourth grades. These results are consistent with research that suggests younger children rely on more concrete, perceptual systems and then transition to more flexible, abstract cognition.

Le but général de l’étude est d’établir, en langue française, un profil complet des capacités en orthographe des élèves dysphasiques scolarisés en milieu ordinaire. L’objectif de cette recherche est de montrer dans quelle mesure la progression de l’orthographe lexicale et de l’orthographe morphologique se différencient si on prend un large empan d’âge (de 7 à 18 ans). Les capacités en orthographe ont été évaluées à travers une narration communicative. Deux groupes de participants dysphasiques (7-11 ans et 12-18 ans) ont été comparés à deux groupes de participants typiques appariés sur l’âge chronologique, le genre et le niveau socio-économique des parents. Les résultats obtenus montrent que l’orthographe lexicale est acquise avant l’orthographe morphologique pour les participants dysphasiques et typiques. En orthographe lexicale, à 7-11 ans, les participants dysphasiques ont une difficulté spécifique avec la segmentation des mots : ils produisent des mots qui n’existent pas dans la langue et qui par définition n’ont pas de marques morphologiques. En revanche, à 12-18 ans, le groupe dysphasique ne produit pas plus d’erreurs lexicales que le groupe typique. Ces résultats montrent que les enfants dysphasiques ont besoin de plus de temps pour apprendre que les enfants typiques. A 7-11 ans, avant l’apprentissage de la morphologie, ils doivent parvenir à maîtriser la segmentation des mots. De façon contre-intuitive, le faible nombre d’erreurs morphologiques des participants dysphasiques de 7-11 ans est le signe d’une difficulté. L’augmentation du nombre de ces erreurs à 12-18 ans est le signe que la difficulté a été dépassée et que l’apprentissage des marques morphologiques à l’écrit peut réellement commencer.

The relationship between grammatical and lexical development was compared in 233 English and 233 Italian children aged between 1;6 and 2;6, matched for age, gender, and vocabulary size on the MacArthur Communicative Development Inventories (CDI). Four different measures of Mean Length of Utterance were applied to the three longest utterances reported by parents, and to corrected/expanded versions representing the "target" for each utterance. Italians had longer MLUs on most measures, but the ratio of actual to target MLUs did not differ between languages. Age and vocabulary both contributed significant variance to MLU, but the contribution of vocabulary was much larger, suggesting that vocabulary size may provide a better basis for crosslinguistic comparisons of grammatical development. The relationship between MLU and vocabulary size was non-linear in English but linear in Italian, suggesting that grammar "gets off the ground" earlier in a richly inflected language. A possible mechanism to account for this difference is discussed. [This research was partially funded by the National Council of Research Institute of Psychology.]

At 3 years of age the spontaneous language of 17 typically developing children was compared to two groups of toddlers who were at risk for language delay for very different reasons. One at-risk group, late talkers, appeared normal in all respects except for their delayed language. These 20 children scored at or below the fifteenth percentile for expressive vocabulary on the MacArthur Communicative Development Inventory (Fenson et al., 1993) when originally identified at 20-27 months of age and within the normal range on the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (Bayley, 1969). The other group, 21 children with unilateral focal brain injury, suffered localized damage to their brain prenatally, perinatally, or within the first 6 months of life. Results indicated that both of the at-risk groups were still significantly lower in vocabulary diversity and grammar at 3 years of age. There was also significantly greater variability in the at-risk groups than in the control groups, and in the children with focal brain injury than in the late talkers in both areas. The importance of language comprehension to development in this period was supported by two findings. First, children with focal brain injury had significantly lower scores than late talkers on the Index of Productive Syntax, a test of emerging grammar, and had been lower in comprehension on a standardized test of language comprehension a year earlier. Second, late talkers with delay in comprehension as well as production had significantly lower scores on IPSyn than those with normal comprehension, suggesting that they are at greater risk for continued delay. Qualitative analyses indicated that the at-risk groups produced the same kinds of errors, but that late talkers produced a substantially greater proportion of errors in obligatory contexts than did children with focal brain injury.

In this cross-population study, we use narratives as a context to investigate language development in children from 4 to 12 years of age from three experimental groups: children with early unilateral focal brain damage (FL; N=52); children with specific language impairment (SLI; N=44); children with Williams syndrome (WMS; N=36), and typically developing controls. We compare the developmental trajectories of these groups in the following domains: morphological errors, use of complex syntax, complexity of narrative structure, and types and frequency of evaluative devices. For the children with early unilateral brain damage, there is initial delay. However, by age 10, they are generally within the normal range of performance for all narrative measures. Interestingly, there are few, if any, side specific differences. Children with SLI, who have no frank neurological damage and show no cognitive impairment demonstrate significantly more delay on all morphosyntactic measures than the FL group. Quantitatively, on morphosyntactic measures, the SLI group clusters with those children with WMS who are moderately retarded. Together these data help us to understand the extent and nature of brain plasticity for language development and those aspects of language and discourse that are dissociable.

We examined the development of some features of morphosyntactic ability, specifically the acquisition of auxiliaries and use of agreement marking, along with sentence processing capacity. We used a conceptually simple task called the Tags Question Task, which is a method for evaluating a number of language processes in the production of a commonly used, familiar linguistic device. We compared the performance of children with early focal lesions (N=21), children with specific-language impairment (N=24), and typically developing children (N=24) matched in age and nonverbal ability; additional analyses involved comparisons of children matched on performance level. The data converge to support a "delayed" development of language behavior in our clinical groups, as overall patterns of performance and age-related changes on individual tag features and tag questions were strikingly similar in all three groups across a number of methods of comparison. Implications for theories of the development of brain-language relationships as they pertain to early focal brain damage, specific-language impairment, and the language acquisition process in typically developing children are discussed.

Profiles of verbal learning and memory performance were compared for typically developing children and for four developmental disorders characterized by different patterns of language functioning: specific language impairment, early focal brain damage, Williams Syndrome, and Down Syndrome. A list-learning task was used that allowed a detailed examination of the process of verbal learning, recall, and recognition (California Verbal Learning Test-Children's Version). Distinct patterns of performance characterized the four disorders. These patterns were consistent with the language deficits typically seen in the disorders, with the exception of a dissociation seen in Williams Syndrome.

This article discusses the development of the MacArthur Communicative Development Inventory for American Sign Language (ASL-CDI), a parent report that measures early sign production. Normative data from 69 children (8-36 months) with deafness and their parents with deafness found the development of the ASL-CDI has been successful. (Contains references.) (CR)

Presents two studies that explore facial expression production in deaf signers. An experimental paradigm uses chimeric stimuli of American Sign Language linguistic and facial expressions to explore patterns of productive asymmetries in brain-intact signers. (Author/VWL)

Focuses on the acquisition of negation in American Sign Language (ASL) and the developmental relationship between the communicative and grammatical (or linguistic) headshakes for negation in deaf children acquiring ASL. Results indicate that the systems for communication and language are differentially mediated. (35 references) (Author/CK)

Examination of the production and perception of emotional expression in American Sign Language found that sentences conveying such negative emotional conditions as sadness or anger exhibit distinctive profiles and that signers are capable of recognizing differing emotional states from manual signs alone. (31 references) (Author/CB)

Examines the acquisition of conditional sentences in American Sign Language (which entail the use of both manual signs and grammaticized nonmanual facial expressions) by deaf children. The results indicate that children first acquire manual conditional signs before they employ obligatory grammaticized facial expressions, and also acquire manual behaviors component by component. (46 references) (JL)