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A qualitative analysis of interview data with 41 rapists determined that five implicit theories (ITs) underlie rapists' offense supportive beliefs/feelings/motives: (a) dangerous world (DW)--where men have feelings of generalized anger and/or resentment toward others; (b) women are dangerous--where men hold a set of attitudes that are hostile toward women; (c) women as sexual objects (WSO)--where women are seen as primarily sexual objects; (d) male sex drive is uncontrollable--where sexual urges are seen all consuming; (e) entitlement--where men feel that they can do exactly what they want. Consideration of whether DW or WSO ITs were present or absent indicated that three main groups could be identified: Group 1: violently motivated--presence of DW and/or absence of WSO; Group 2: sexually motivated--presence of WSO and/or absence of DW; Group 3: sadistically motivated--presence of DW and WSO. These results are discussed in terms of treatment needs of rapists. Keywords: rapists; rape; implicit theories; motivation; treatment implications

This study was designed to investigate the relationships between gender role stereotypes, rape myths, and social distance from sex offenders and sex crime victims among students and therapists. A Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, an Attitude Variables Questionnaire, and a Social Distance Scale were administered to 125 female social science students and 51 female therapists. The findings validated our hypothesis: traditional gender role attitudes and belief in rape myths were positively related to social distance. Although therapists were willing to be in social contact with both victims and offenders to a much greater degree than were students, both groups expressed a decline in willingness to have social contact with victims and offenders, especially when the relationships were closer and more intimate. It seems that three decades after the first studies of rape myths, prejudices and stereotypes concerning rape and rape victims still exist. Keywords Rape myths * Social distance * Sex offenders * Victims * Therapists and students

Interviews with 28 sexual murderers were subjected to grounded theory analysis. Five implicit theories (ITs) were identified: dangerous world, male sex drive is uncontrollable, entitlement, women as sexual objects, and women as unknowable. These ITs were found to be identical to those identified in the literature as being present in rapists. The presence of dangerous world and male sex drive is uncontrollable were present, or absent, such that three groups could be identified: (a) dangerous world plus male sex drive is uncontrollable; (b) dangerous world, in the absence of male sex drive is uncontrollable; (c) male sex drive is uncontrollable in the absence of dangerous world. These three groups were found to differ in motivation: (a) were motivated by urges to rape and murder; (b) were motivated by grievance, resentment and/or anger toward women; (c) were motivated to sexually offend but were prepared to kill to avoid detection, or secure compliance. Keywords: sexual murder, implicit theories, ITs, motivation, treatment

Understanding critical motivational processes of sexual offenders may ultimately provide important clues to more effective treatments. Implicit, automatic cognitive processes have received minimal attention; however, a lexical decision experiment revealed automatic links between the concepts of power and sex among participants who self-reported attraction to sexual aggression. The current study replicates this experiment with a group of male child molesters and forensic and analogue controls. Subliminally presented sex words elicited a facilitation effect for power words among child molesters only; that is, sex to power associations were evident, as well as a trend for the reverse. These results provide preliminary evidence for an automatic sex-power association in child molesters and may point to a crucial pathological link in the cognitive schemata of sex offenders. As well, the current study suggests that paradigms from cognitive psychology may contribute to multimodal (risk) assessment of sexual offenders. Keywords: sexual offenders; semantic priming; clinical assessment; implicit motivation

The aim of this study was to determine whether the behavioral characteristics demonstrated by rapists clustered together into groups that were similar to the common rapist typology in the literature: anger, power exploitative, power reassurance, and sadistic. Two studies were conducted to examine the evidence for this typology. Study 1 involved the analysis of data from 130 men charged with sexual assault and Study 2 involved the analysis of court transcripts from 50 rape cases tried through the court system. The results of Study 1 revealed that there was some validity to the characteristics usually associated with each of the four types of rape, especially for the power reassurance and sadistic rapists. However, there were some unexpected outliers within both the anger and power exploitative types of rapists, which may suggest that there is more than one type of anger rapist and more than two types of power rapists. The results of Study 2 very closely replicated the results of Study 1. Future research needs to focus on the behavioral, motivational, and cognitive characteristics associated with each of the types of rapists and research them separately, so that it is possible to further evaluate the evidence for the typology identified in this study. KEY WORDS: typology; rape; rapists; sexual assault.

In this paper we respond to two frequent criticisms of our book, A Natural History of Rape (Thornhill & Palmer: 2000). The first criticism portrays the book as little more [...]

A meta-analysis of 119 effect sizes from 14 papers examined the heterosocial competence of sex offenders. Rapists had significantly lower heterosocial competence than non-sex-offenders, but this effect was relatively small. Rapists in prison differed from non-sex-offenders who were not in prison; however, they did not differ from non-sex-offending prisoners. When unreliable measures were excluded from the analysis, nonincarcerated students and other volunteers who reported committing rape did not differ from nonincarcerated non-sex-offenders. The difference in heterosocial competence between child molesters and non-sex-offenders was significantly larger than the difference between rapists and non-sex-offenders. Also, child molesters had significantly less heterosocial competence than rapists. Findings clarify the relationship between heterosocial competence, rape, and child sexual abuse. Implications for the research and treatment of sex offenders are discussed., Clinical psychologists (e.g., Abel, Blanchard, & Becker, 1976) have found that many of the sex offenders they treated had poor heterosocial skills, that is, they lacked the social skills necessary [...]

Two studies using college student samples were conducted to establish reliability and validity for new scales measuring rape victim empathy and rape perpetrator empathy separately. In Experiment 1, two 13-item measures of rape empathy were developed. Variables examined for purposes of construct validity included personal sexual assault experience, general empathy, and perceived rape victim responsibility. In Experiment 2, we added 5 new items to each scale. The final scales were two 18-item measures with high reliability. Variables examined in Experiment 2 included personal sexual assault, general empathy, and acquaintanceship with a victim or a perpetrator. Both studies found gender differences for empathy scores, with women tending to be higher on rape victim empathy, and men tending to be higher on rape perpetrator empathy. Personal sexual experience was related to rape empathy scores. Perceived victim responsibility was negatively correlated with rape victim empathy and positively correlated with rape perpetrator empathy.

Research suggests that up to 50% of men report some likelihood of raping if they know they can get away with it. In order to investigate what self-reported likelihood data [...]

54 inmates were subdivided into four groups and classified according to their index offense. The groups included Rapists (n=14), Incest Offenders (n=9), Child Molesters (n=11), General Offenders (n=20). Nonoffenders (n=20) were included as a control group. Psychometric tests including the Test of Nonverbal Intelligence, the Defining Issues Test, Survey of Interpersonal Values, Porteus Maze, and Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory were administered to all inmate and control groups. Analysis showed the rapists and child molesters scored higher on moral reasoning on the Defining Issues Test; also rapists' scores were more elevated on the Psychopathic Deviate and Paranoia scales of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory than those of other offender and control groups. These results imply that rapists and child molesters have the ability to understand moral issues; however, given their personality orientation, they ignore these interpersonal social values.

Self-identified sexually aggressive (SA) and nonaggressive (NA) college men listened to audiotape analogues of consensual sexual intercourse and acquaintance rape. Phallometric and decision-latency methodology was used to examine sexual arousal and decisions to stop sexual advances in each scenario. Both groups showed increases in penile response to the consensual scenario. Consistent with the inhibition model of sexual aggression, the SA group showed greater sexual arousal and failed to inhibit responding when force was introduced in the rape, whereas the NA group exhibited less arousal and greater inhibition to force. The SA group allowed the rape to continue significantly longer than the NA group. These effects were greatly magnified in SA men who endorsed high calloused sexual beliefs, implying that a cognitive set that justifies sexual aggression and lacks victim empathy may disinhibit sexual arousal and potentiate coercive decision making.

A social cognitive framework was applied to sexually coercive behavior. Sixty-two male undergraduates completed a self-report measure of sexually coercive behavior, as well as several questionnaires assessing trait aggression, the encoding of sexual behaviors, attributions of hostile intent, and traditional attitudes toward women. Results demonstrate a relationship between the encoding of sexual behaviors and committing sexually coercive behaviors. A tendency to encode ambiguous dating behaviors as admissions of sexual intent related strongly to initiating sexually coercive behavior, while none of the variables examined were strongly related to persisting in sexually coercive behavior. Similar effects were found when controlling for all of the other variables. Implications for intervention designs are discussed.

This study compared psychopathic and nonpsychopathic rapists on static risk factors and on emotional and motivational precursors. Sixty incarcerated rapists were assessed for psychopathy with the Psychopathy Checklist - Revised (R. D. Hare, 1991), and they were classified according to the Massachusetts Treatment Center: Revised Rapist Typology, Version 3 (R. A. Knight & R. A. Prentky, 1990b). Psychopathy was positively associated with past nonsexual offenses and negatively associated with age onset for criminal offending, number of sexual victims, and the intensity of negative emotions experienced before sexual offending. However, psychopathy was not related to sexual offense history, age of onset for sexual offending, or victim harm. Last, psychopaths were most likely to be classified as opportunistic and pervasively angry rapists. The findings indicate that psychopathy should be considered when developing intervention strategies for rapists.

Reactions to an acquaintance rape scenario were examined for effects of respondent gender and portrayals of different levels of alcohol intoxication on attributions of responsibility and blame. Comparisons of conditions in which both victim and perpetrator were described as experiencing equivalent levels of intoxication revealed that participants rated the victim as more, but the perpetrator as less, responsible and blameworthy after consuming alcohol - particularly when drinking was accompanied by clear signs of behavioral impairment. In contrast, when the victim was more intoxicated and impaired than her assailant, intoxication of the perpetrator did not serve to excuse his behavior, but actually incriminated him more. Women generally assigned more blame to the victim. Individual differences in rape myth acceptance also influenced attributions.

Eight men admitting to sadistic fantasies or urges (fantasizers), 7 sadistic rapists (sadists), 14 nonsadistic rapists, 31 courtship-disordered men (men displaying exhibitionism, voyeurism, frotteurism, or a combination of these paraphilias), and 20 community controls were compared on their relative phallometric responses to stimuli depicting rape, violent rape, and nonsexual violence. This study extended previous research by including a group of men who admitted to having sadistic fantasies or urges, in contrast to rapists who are likely to deny any such interests because of possible legal or social sanctions, and by including a large comparison group of men with a paraphilia other than sadism. Criterion-related validity was greater after combining the sadistic and nonsadistic rapists: fantasizers, sadists, and rapists did not differ from each other; fantasizers differed from community controls in their relative responses to rape, violent rape, and nonsexual violence; rapists differed from community controls in their relative responses to violent rape and nonsexual violence; and courtship-disordered men differed from community controls in their relative responses to nonsexual violence.

154 Ss were tested using penile plethysmography as part of intake into a voluntary inpatient sex offender treatment program. The testing protocol included slide stimuli of nude males and females in four age categories ranging from age 1 to adult; audiotaped descriptions of sexual activity with children of both genders which included fondling, sexual contact with no resistance, coercive sexual contact, sexual assault, nonsexual assault, and consensual sexual contact with an adult; videotaped depictions of rape of an adult woman, nonsexual assault of an adult woman and consensual sexual involvement with an adult woman, and audiotaped descriptions that paralleled the videotapes. The results indicated that child molesters (male victim) show a decidedly more offense related arousal profile than either child molesters (female victim) or rapists, and that the profiles of child molesters (female victim) and rapists are remarkably similar, although statistically significantly different from each other. Rapists respond significantly more to rape and nonsexual assault than either of the two child molester groups, with child molesters with female victims responding more than those with male victims. In all three groups, the highest level of noncoercive adult responding was to women, with differences among offense groups present for visual stimuli, but not in response to auditory stimuli. Overall, the patterns of results are similar whether they are based on composites across stimulus modality or on the individual stimuli.

Results of a study conducted on a sample of 14 heterosexual rapists and 14 non rapists supports the lack of empathy account for rape, as the rapists were less empathic than the non rapists, whose sexual response was inhibited by the account of the victims' suffering. However, other findings such as the rapists' preference for rape stories and their higher sexual response to rape stories than to stories dealing with consenting sex show that the lack of empathy account for rape only partly explains the cause of sexual arousal. Other factors such as victim distress and violence also increase rapist tendencies.

The authors tested three explanations of findings that sexually aggressive men perceive women's communications differently than less aggressive men. The first suggests that aggressors are incompetent in decoding women's negative emotions. The second posits that they fail to make subtle distinctions between women's friendliness and seductiveness and between assertiveness and hostility. The third explanation contends that sexual aggressors use a suspicious schema and therefore discount the veridicality of women's communications. These explanations were tested using videotaped scenarios in which a woman's responses to a man's advances were systematically varied. The data were most supportive of the suspicious schema explanation. These findings are integrated with other research on the characteristics of sexual aggressors and on the perceptions of aggressive children and of maritally violent men. Implications for interventions are also discussed.

The aim of the current study was to determine the relationship in sexual offenders between conflict, affective states and particular sexual behaviors (fantasies and masturbatory activities while having such fantasies). To this end we developed the 'Fantasy Report', a self-assessment method for recording affective components and sexual behaviors. Thirteen rapists and 9 pedophiles filled out the Fantasy Report every 2 days for a period of 60 days. In rapists, negative mood and the presence of conflicts coincided with both overwhelming deviant sexual fantasies and increased masturbatory activities while having such fantasies. Furthermore, the emotions most frequently reported by rapists following conflicts were loneliness, humiliation, anger and feelings of inadequacy and rejection. Affective components, however, were not associated with nondeviant sexual behaviors. For the pedophiles, the data revealed a significant relationship only between negative moods and deviant sexual fantasies. These data are interpreted to mean that, in sexual offenders, negative affect is a crucial component in the chain that leads to deviant sexual behaviors.

Two studies were conducted to examine the effects of expressed versus denied intent and remorse on evaluation of a rapist. In both studies, the rapist was evaluated more negatively and was assigned a longer prison sentence when expressing rather than denying intent. The rapist received more favorable evaluations when expressing rather than denying remorse. Manipulation of the rapist's expressed remorse did not significantly affect the recommended prison sentence. However, the recommended prison sentence did correlate significantly with participants' perceptions of the rapist's remorse. A multiple regression analysis indicated that recommended prison sentence could be best predicted by attributions of cause, intent, and remorse. The results were related to a growing body of research on accounting strategies, responsibility, and excuse making., Two studies which examined rapist perception on account of rapist expressed intent or remorse are presented. In the first study, the rapist expressed remorse or intent for the rape and subjects evaluated him. In the second study, the rapist did not express any remorse or intent. Results showed that rapists who expressed intent were viewed most unfavorably and given the most severe punishments while rapists who expressed remorse were viewed less unfavourably. Gender differences in perception of rapists were also noted.

Psychological adaptation underlies all human behavior. Thus, sexual coercion by men could either arise from a rape-specific psychological adaptation or it could be a side-effect of a more general psychological adaptation not directly related to rape. Determining the specific environmental cues that men's brains have been designed by selection to process may help us decide which of these rival explanations is correct. We examine six testable predictions against existing data: (1) Both coercive and noncoercive sex will be associated with high levels of sexual arousal and performance in men. (2) Achieving physical control of a sexually unwilling woman will be sexually arousing to men. (3) Young men will be more sexually coereive than older men. (4) Men of low socioeconomic status will likewise be more sexually coercive. (5) A man's motivation to use sexual coercion will be influenced by its effects on his social image. (6) Even in long-term relationships men will be motivated to use coercion when their mates show a lack of interest in or resistance to sex because these are interpreted as signs of sexual infidelity. Current data support all six predictions and are hence consistent with the rape-specific hypothesis, but this does not eliminate the side-effect hypothesis, which is likewise compatible with the findings, as well as with the further evidence that forced matings increased the fitness of ancestral males during human evolution. We suggest some research that may help decide between the two hypotheses. Keywords; aggression; comparative psychology; evolution; psychological adaptation; rape; sex differences; sexual coercion; sexual dimorphism; sexual selection; socialization; sociobiology, It is posited that human behavior originates in psychological adaptation, particularly those displayed by human ancestry. Male sexual behaviour may be a direct result of a rape-specific psychological adaptation or it could be behavior arising from but not directly related to rape. Specific environmental cues are studied to shed light on these hypotheses. Six behavioral predictions are examined in relation to the rape-specific hypothesis but findings also show a correlation with the side-effect hypothesis. Evidence show that fitness of ancestral males increased with forced matings.

Considerable evidence has amassed in studies of both nonoffender and offender samples that demonstrates both that sexual aggression is determined by a multiplicity of variables and that convicted sexual offenders are markedly heterogeneous (Knight, Rosenberg, & Schneider, 1985; Malamuth, 1986). Attempts both to identify sexually coercive men in normal samples and to assess etiology, concurrent adaptation, treatment efficacy, and recidivism for convicted sexually aggressive offenders have also suggested that the critical determining components of sexual aggression interact in complex ways. The purpose of this article is to survey both the offender and nonoffender sexual aggression research for evidence about which dimensions should be included in multivariate models that attempt to discriminate rapists from nonrapists, to identify subgroups among rapists, or to enhance the efficiency of dispositional decisions about these offenders.

This article examines men's sexual arousal to rape cues and its possible role in sexual assault. The article presents six different models that have been described in the literature to account for men's sexual arousal to descriptions of rape. The models are divided into two broad categories, response control models and stimulus control models, and are further divided into models postulating a 'trait' that might distinguish rapists from other men and those postulating a 'state' that might be present in men while they commit a sexual assault. A number of the models are supported by empirical data, and some of these data are reviewed. The article suggests that different models may be operating in different men when they commit sexual assault. These models are discussed in relation to the current literature on the classification and diagnosis of sexual offenders.

Psychometric studies attempting to understand adult rapists have primarily used the MMPI and have been of limited use. Also, psychodynamic theories have failed to provide objective criteria for classification. The present study attempted to integrate these two approaches. Using multivariate clustering procedures, five MMPI profile subgroups were identified. Subgroups replicated those identified in earlier studies. Subgroups were also differentiated along several sexual, affective, and personality measures independent of the MMPI. Results are integrated with psychodynamic theories of rape and implications of the findings and the utility of a classification system for rapists are discussed.

We develop a socio-sexual model and a punishment model of rape, borrowing from the theoretical literature on other forms of violence. Preliminary tests of these models are performed using victimization data from the National Crime Survey. In support of the socio-sexual model, younger women are more likely to be raped than older women during a robbery, suggesting a preference for younger woemn even when opportunity is controlled. In addition, nonstrategic violence is less likely during rapes involving younger offenders and victims, suggesting that these crimes are more likely to be sexually motivated. There is also evidence for the punishment model: Injury is more likely when the offender and victim are an estranged couple, suggesting that some men use rape and violence during rape to punish the victim for some grievance. Further, in contrast to robbery, offenders with weapons are more likely to injure victims, suggesting the nonstrategic use of violence.