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This article offers three instruments to effectively mitigate climate change in the context of the Conference of the Parties (COP)26 and beyond. The first is the interaction between the climate and trade regimes. To that end, this article presents a thought-provoking premise – that mega-regional trade agreements (RTAs) can take a significant role in climate change mitigation. It argues that mega-RTAs can go further to galvanize climate change mitigation, in particular in the energy sector. The energy sector is the largest contributor of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, with the majority of energy consumption being supplied by fossil fuels such as coal, natural gas, and oil. As such, there are two main arguments made herein. First, mega-RTAs, as tangible indications of what is acceptable to major economies, are the impetus to influencing greater coherence on energy efficiency standards. This contributes to climate action by creating, even if to some extent, the harmonization of an otherwise fragmented status of energy governance. Second, mega-RTAs can create substantive provisions that redirect support from fossil fuels to renewable energy. This is the very essence of the energy transition. It is envisaged that these two roles conveyed effectively through mega-RTAs can substantially support the energy transition and amounts to action that mitigates climate change and promotes sustainable energy. The second instrument to effectively mitigate climate change is the role of two major Asian countries that are key in the fight against climate change, namely India and China. Both countries can play a major role in effectively mitigating climate change in the future, following the agreement at COP26 that coal must be phased down. Lastly, the third instrument is visualizing what a decarbonized future would look like. Two of many possible pathways for decarbonization are examined: clean-energy technologies and shale gas as a bridge to sustainability. The article argues that these pathways can be meaningful for effective climate action and are in alignment with the Glasgow Climate Pact. energy transition, mega-regional trade agreements, fossil fuels, renewable energy, global energy governance, electrification, clean-energy technologies, shale gas, sustainability

In December 2019, the European Commission released a mechanism to fight climate change, namely the European Green Deal. This policy was put in place to materialize the goals of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change of 2015, that is, to combat the issue of climate change along the lines of sustainable development and fight poverty. In the context of the European Green Deal, one of the key instruments envisaged to achieve the ambitious plans of the European Union (EU) is the so-called Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which is the focus of this article and has been described as an ‘extraterritorial outreach’ for attempting to regulate matters outside the EU borders. This article seeks to answer is whether the CBAM is justified in line with the need to protect the environment and address climate change as well as increasing global economic welfare and reducing poverty. This article provides an overview of CBAM, analyses the rationale behind CBAM as well as the various misgivings from third parties. It contextualizes CBAM in the context of free trade and examines whether CBAM is consistent with multilateral trade rules. It then provides the design of a CBAM based on the principles of international trade and sustainable development. The article concludes that, overall, the analysis of CBAMs, particularly regarding the fervency of the EU to make its CBAM compatible with both trade rules and climate change objectives, demonstrates states’ growing interest in protecting the planet, while preserving economic values; it also indicates the importance of trade in managing those interests. Carbon border adjustment mechanism, WTO, European Green Deal, international trade, GATT, sustainable development, Fit for 55

Through their Intergovernmental Panels on Climate Change, the scientific community tells us that we are heading towards a climate catastrophe. As a result, various countries are offering various promising and novel policy instruments to mitigate climate change and continue to grow macroeconomically, as we witnessed in the Glasgow Conference of the Parties in 2021. In other words, finding ways to grow economically while, at the same time, protect the environment and mitigate climate change. In that spirit, this article first provides an overview of the global trade and climate regimes. It then offers an analysis of how the World Trade Organization (WTO) globally and the European Union (EU) regionally might combat climate change in remarkable ways. The article also provides an analysis of European Green Deal and the US Green New Deal (GND), two encouraging policy instruments to help mitigate climate change ambitiously. Finally, the article provides a thorough assessment of the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). European Green Deal, US Green New Deal, Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, carbon pricing, GATT general exceptions, non-discrimination principle in GATT

The past few decades have witnessed widespread attempts by the international community to combat rising global temperatures. Without a doubt, instruments such as the Paris Agreement have proven essential in fighting climate change by promoting the use of renewable energy and energy transitions. Problematically, regions that rely heavily on fossil fuel consumption, such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, have struggled in undertaking their energy transitions and decarbonizing their economies. As such, this article aims to discuss the evidence for a widespread energy transition in the MENA region via economic, legal and social reforms. This article argues that to achieve a successful energy transition in the region, the removal of fuel subsidies must occur, the decentralization of energy markets promoted and renewable trade incentivized. It suggests that fossil fuel exporting MENA countries should continue to diversify their economies in order to reduce reliance on their energy sectors. In turn, this will enable them to undertake fossil fuel subsidy reforms and invest money into renewable energy projects uninterruptedly. To add to this, MENA countries should look to decentralize their energy markets to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels for energy production. Decentralized solar energy, in specific, has extensive potential in the region and would enable a transition toward energy self-sufficiency. This article then concludes that trade practices and climate mitigation are mutually exclusive, and proposes recommendations on how the World Trade Organization can be used to better promote energy transitions.

This article will analyse two key challenges of today: 1) energy security and decarbonization in the context of the United Nations’ sustainable development goals, and 2) decarbonization and energy security from the perspective of environmental justice. Energy security and decarbonization are integral components of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Specifically, they are addressed in SDG 7, which aims to ensure universal access to clean and affordable energy. Access to energy is crucial for the development of vital sectors such as agriculture, business, communications, education, healthcare, and transportation, and a lack of access to energy can impede human and economic development. In addition, the effects of climate change are disproportionately borne by those residing in the developing world. This inequity needs to be at the core of any climate change research – both at a practical and theoretical level. However, some scholars have argued that dominant modes of thinking about climate change and environmental hazards have often chosen to ignore this inequity or have not placed such inequity at the core of their analysis. This is where the Environmental Justice movement acts as a game-changer. We argue that it provides an alternative rationality to approach environmental hazards, with the social injustices and inequities at its center that are direct or indirect effects of environmental degradation and climate change.

This article provides a comprehensive examination of the greatest threat humanity faces today: climate change. It does so by looking at the legal, political, institutional, regulatory, and economic angles of climate change from the perspective of major emitters and the most relevant actors in the mitigation of climate change. The article offers a fresh understanding of the international trading system as a way to reach a prosperous, modern, and sustainable society that will help decarbonize the economy effectively. The article offers new ideas on the creation of a climate club linked to the international trade regime as an effective way to mitigate climate change. How should policies, regulations, laws, and agreements change to get us there? What incentives will be necessary to get there effectively? What has failed and why? We conclude that innovation and technology will be among the key elements of this equation, without which we will miss the goal. climate action, renewable energy, sustainability, storage, clean energy, technology, innovation, climate clubs, international trade

This paper aims at developing effective trade law and policy instruments for sustainable energy and environmental protection with a view to advance current legislation. In the past, trade law has been a very powerful instrument for change in other fields of science. My hypothesis is that trade law can be a tool to help mitigate climate change and enhance sustainable energy. And it is well known that, thanks to trade, countries grow economically. Hence, the triple benefit of trade, which can have a positive economic, environmental and social impact. This paper challenges the view that trade’s only impact on the environment is negative. On the contrary, it takes the unconventional view that the trading system goes beyond benefiting the economy and society in that it can also contribute to environmental protection, with a specific focus on decarbonization, which is one of the main challenges humanity faces today. In this sense, my research proposes a paradigm shift in how we approach trade and develops a new theory based on the triple benefit of trade. This paper incorporates the new trend of bottom-up, rather than top-down, solutions to today’s global challenges. My analysis of trade’s potential for environmental protection will: • Shift the scientific paradigm that trade’s only impact on the environment is negative by proposing the novel idea of using mega-regional trade agreements (RTAs) to mitigate climate change and enhance sustainable energy; • Explain that a bottom-up approach to governance can give us many answers to scientific issues by bringing forward the novel idea of how greater participation of citizens can be very promising in helping achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Such an approach will show the potential of the trading system for moving forward many of the SDGs and is likely to create new opportunities and open new windows for further research.

This article explores the electricity sector of Latvia and Portugal, the European Union’s (EU) policy on clean energy, electricity, and smart technologies, the relationship developed between them, and the feasibility of smart grids’ and other new tools and technologies’ popularisation in the context of the Latvian and Portuguese electricity markets. As member states of the EU, Latvia, and Portugal must follow the decentralization agenda while increasing their use of encouraging renewable energy sources and establish better interconnection of electricity between their respective neighbouring member states. In this context, this article explores the electricity market of Latvia and Portugal, taking into account promising policies introduced by the EU that aim to incorporate new technologies such as storage solutions and the creation of smart grids. The article looks at how the priority of decentralized energy is being achieved in Latvia and Portugal. It explores the current domestic energy market in both countries, the current remarkable achievements in energy decentralization in terms of policy and legislation, as well as unique obstacles that have become apparent. It assesses new technologies and novel projects introduced to incentivize or further develop such technologies, namely smart metering systems, electric mobility, demand response, and electricity storage technologies. The article also looks at data protection concerns, the interconnection between the electricity markets of Portugal and Spain, and the possibility of a place in the market for the new clean energy sources. The article concludes the domestic reality in both countries and outlines a set of recommendations to facilitate the introduction of new technologies in the energy sector and how to further implement the decentralization of the electricity market.

We know the science of climate change; we know the economics of climate change; we also know the law of climate change. However, we do not know how countries may come together to cooperate on climatechange mitigation. One way of doing so successfully is by putting together the climate regime with the international trading system via the creation of climate clubs, namely the coalition of the willing. This article aims to explain that, by building climate clubs and making use of the international trading system, we can reach a better future for all. Through the lens of international trade, this article explores how smaller coalitions (so-called climate clubs) – unilateral, bilateral, plurilateral, rather than multilateral regimes – of states/non-state actors can catalyze or influence action on climate change. The premise of this article is that global action on climate change has not been effectively implemented, as it relies on consensus from too many actors. Thus, it proposes how international trade mechanisms may be re-oriented to address climate change. The article challenges the assumptions about the existing multilateralagreement regime, and argues that reducing dependence on these multilateral mechanisms may influence greater attainment of sustainability goals (more flexible, not reliant on difficult-to-gain consensus among many actors). The article, therefore, examines the future of international regimes and how they may contribute to climate-change mitigation. Its forwardlooking orientation – how international trade can leverage climate-change mitigation – is an important and novel contribution in examining how environmental concerns can be included into international regimes. What changes will look like and how change is attained (through policy, regulations, law, agreements, incentives) may contribute to developing global- level institutional solutions for how climate-change mitigation is framed in international regimes and discourses. The article also addresses emerging academic research into climate clubs in international climatechange mitigation institutions/regimes. The article contributes to growing discourses in global climate governance for how these arrangements and agreements should look/be designed to create real action on climate-change mitigation. Therefore, it expands on existing scholarship through taking a specific lens (international trade) and how it may contribute to mitigating climate change through coalitions (climate clubs) beyond how the existing international regime is configured. climate clubs, minilateralism, legitimacy, multilateralism, accountability, international trade

This chapter examines the climate change mitigation law and policy of five major developing countries: Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (i.e., the BRICS). It will first analyze the case of Brazil, then India, China, Russia, and lastly South Africa. The chapter explores the main causes of Brazil’s contribution to global climate change (namely deforestation, cattle ranching, agricultural expansion, and energy production). It then offers mitigation strategies for the case of India and makes the case for investing in cities, solar energy, hydropower, and electric vehicles. The chapter then explores China’s position in the mitigation of climate change by analyzing key policies such as carbon pricing, energy efficiency, renewable energy, and fossil fuels. It then turns to Russia to examine its domestic policies to reduce carbon emissions. Lastly, it examines South Africa’s climate change mitigation regime.

We are witnessing a paradigm shift in energy access. Energy security governance is decentralizing. Electricity consumers are becoming prosumers, namely consumers who are also producers, of (renewable) energy and using that energy in a smarter and more efficient manner. In other words, citizens are starting to become less dependent on energy companies for energy security. This change will likely be the mega-trend of the twenty-first century, leading to a paradigm shift in global environmental governance.

This chapter examines progress on decentralization in various European Union (EU) jurisdictions. It focuses on specific outcomes of decentralization, including the promotion of electric vehicles and storage. It examines the progress in various EU countries on these fronts as well as any existing barriers. The chapter also examines regulation that has helped towards the goal of decentralization, which could perhaps be adopted in other countries seeking to transition to more liberalized energy markets. For the purposes of this chapter, we focus mainly on electricity markets.

This article contributes to the debate on energy security within the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region by highlighting various aspects of the energy sector, specifically electricity and gas, which are relevant to the discussion on regional integration and their convergence with sustainable development. Development is not possible without energy and sustainable development is not possible without sustainable energy. The article discusses energy sustainability through the trading system and proposes regional trade agreements as means to further enhance peace and the energy security agenda of the region. The article makes the case that, to achieve security of energy supply, two main factors are important: diversification to minimize risk and regional cooperation. It is suggested that the MENA region should reduce or eliminate the technical barriers to energy trade. The article concludes with some recommendations on how to move forward.