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The paper explores why the provinces of Ontario and Quebec devised contrasting policies in response to similar incidents of urban violence in the mid-2000s. In both settings, municipal police departments launched aggressive campaigns against so-called "youth gangs." However, Ontario went one step further and created a new "youth policy" to expand out-of-school programs for children and adolescents. By examining the origins of the policies in each province, the paper concludes that Black political actors in Ontario were leading champions of the youth policy, whereas, in Quebec, police chiefs took the driver's seat and advocated for a disciplinary strategy against "street gangs." The contrasts in policy and Black political participation exemplify the distinct racial politics of the provinces. Race-conscious policy in Ontario grows out of a tradition of Black radicalism and multi-racial coalitions. In Quebec, minority nationalism turns race into a proxy for clashes over ethnicity and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Claire Jean Kim's book, "Bitter Fruit," which examines the racial tensions between black and Korean Americans in New York City during the 1990s. The book introduces the concept of "racial triangulation" to analyze the relationships between these two groups and emphasizes the importance of local and national political processes in shaping racial populations. However, the article points out some limitations of the book, such as its under-examination of violence in constructing black identities and its lack of focus on political economy. Overall, "Bitter Fruit" provides a valuable analysis of black-Korean conflict and challenges prevailing intellectual forces within political science. [Extracted from the article]

The year 2014 is a notorious landmark for U.S. water policy. During that year, water crises in two Michigan cities – contamination in Flint and water service shutoffs in Detroit – brought renewed attention to the inadequacies of U.S. drinking water policy for ensuring access to safe and affordable water. The crises exposed the cities' shared economic challenges rooted in histories of disinvestment and racial inequality. The events drew national and international responses, in part from the hard work and political successes of local resident-activists, ultimately leading to state and federal level policy change. Ten years later, we see three ways the water crises in Flint and Detroit transformed the politics of U.S. water policy: greater visibility of water politics and infrastructures, greater focus on water access and affordability in addition to historic focus on quality, and greater attention to the racial dimensions of water policy decisions. These shifts are evident in federal and state policy and administrative agendas, political coalitions' priorities and strategies, and narratives of water policy in media coverage and public discourse. Despite historic progress and investment, the U.S. still lacks the necessary structures for comprehensive policy reform to ensure equitable access to safe drinking water, and public trust in water utilities is at an all-time low. Continuing to advance on water justice requires taking full advantage of the new landscape of water politics, including by engaging in scholarship and praxis that take intersectional approaches, and implementing policies that promote systemic reform rather than individual crisis response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This sociological essay examines the important role Alma Barlow played in the creation of the Richmond Tenants Organization (RTO). Her role in this endeavor is crucial as it highlights other issues forced into the public arenas at the same time. The first concerned housing, specifically, public housing, made more urgent during the era of housing discrimination, and the call by many for the U.S. government, and states and local communities to enact a comprehensive public housing policy. Second, the rise of Alma Barlow and the fight for equity in public housing and many other areas of Black life, as revealed in her political activism in the city of Richmond and the state of Virginia, replicated the political activism of other Black women activists on the national stage -women like Fannie Lou Hamer, Septima Clark, and Ella Baker. Third, Alma Barlow's housing activism was occurring simultaneously with two other issues of national importance being acted out in Richmond and vicinity: Brown vs Board of Education and issues of school integration and desegregation, and the legal and political issues associated with the Richmond-Chesterfield Annexation Dispute. Fourth, this article discusses the issues which precipitated the rise of the RTO, the process in the creation of RTO, the confrontations with the Richmond Redevelopment and Housing Authority (RRHA), and the many issues involved in this confrontation, and the role Alma Barlow played in this process. Finally, Alma Barlow's organizational role outside of RTO is analyzed to illustrate her widening social, economic, and political role in the city, the region, and the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As sociologists of education, we're deeply concerned about the growing censorship in our schools and the attack on teaching the truth about our history and present-day inequality. We also recognize how an educational past mired in antiblack practices and policies remains with us today and thus why teachers are still faced with navigating censorship and constraints on what they know are critical and proven pedagogies. This article explores the continued need for "fugitive" practices to employ educational models that de-center Eurocentric narratives and center Black or other marginalized cultures and ways of knowing. We argue that educators committed to antiracist teaching can learn from the legacy of the art of Black teaching and how it was subversively taken up and put into practice by Black teachers over time (Gay, 2002; Givens, 2021; Walker, 2018). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article demonstrates how anti-trafficking media use the public memory of the Underground Railroad to racially legitimize US global policing regimes. From far-right paramilitary vigilante groups to liberal multicultural public history institutions, the anti-trafficking industry's reverence for 19th-century Black women abolitionist icons is mobilized, counter-intuitively, to build public support for carceral agendas. Through visual analysis of the media of two exemplar organizations—Operation Underground Railroad and the National Underground Railroad Freedom Center—I unpack the racial dynamics of anti-trafficking's carceral humanitarianism and the racial politics of anti-trafficking's memory of transatlantic abolition. I argue that incorporating icons of radical Black freedom struggle, such as Harriet Tubman, into anti-trafficking's neoliberal carceral agenda becomes a racial alibi for the perpetuation of ongoing racialized state violence in the name of abolition. US policing is thus racially legitimized as a set of freedom-granting institutions amid the ongoing Black women-led freedom struggles that name policing's role in perpetuating antiblack state violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling party of an emergent Indian nation-state, has, from its genesis ventriloquized and brandished its exacerbating agenda of Hindu Fundamentalism in a flawed myth of an anecdotal Hindu Nationalist past where non-Hindus are conveniently ostracized. This political gambit is deployed to manufacture an overblown theory of a decline in Hindu culture, the best resonance of which is the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019, discriminating, and interrogating the legitimacy of specific communities on sheer grounds of religion. Amit Masurkar's film of 2021, Sherni (The Tigress) provides a critical insight into this brutal Racial Politics pervading an upper caste Hindu society, in the guise of a subtle subtext, camouflaged within a distracting narrative of Man versus Nature. This paper facilitates the reading of this hidden discourse of Realpolitik alongside the predominant cultural narrative of gender and natural domination. Through a palimpsestuous reading, it explores themes of racial exclusion and segregation in an Ultra-Right Hindu Nation that the film silently addresses. Furthermore, this paper challenges the dominant narrative of Ecofeminism, to instead investigate the categories of race and ethnicity that intersect gender issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bharatiya Janata Party, the ruling party of an emergent Indian nation-state, has, from its genesis ventriloquized and brandished its exacerbating agenda of Hindu Fundamentalism in a flawed myth of an anecdotal Hindu Nationalist past where non-Hindus are conveniently ostracized. This political gambit is deployed to manufacture an overblown theory of a decline in Hindu culture, the best resonance of which is the Citizenship (Amendment) Act of 2019, discriminating, and interrogating the legitimacy of specific communities on sheer grounds of religion. Amit Masurkar's film of 2021, Sherni (The Tigress) provides a critical insight into this brutal Racial Politics pervading an upper caste Hindu society, in the guise of a subtle sub-text, camouflaged within a distracting narrative of Man versus Nature. This paper facilitates the reading of this hidden discourse of Realpolitik alongside the predominant cultural narrative of gender and natural domination. Through a palimpsestuous reading, it explores themes of racial exclusion and segregation in an Ultra-Right Hindu Nation that the film silently addresses. Furthermore, this paper challenges the dominant narrative of Ecofeminism, to instead investigate the categories of race and ethnicity that intersect gender issues.

In 2016, British investigative journalist Simon Rogers created a map/timeline of Twitter hashtags associated with Black Lives Matter. The map (which no longer exists) indirectly shows both the intensity of Black Lives Matter protests and their geographic scope. Within the United States, we see not only protest activity in metropolitan areas with large black population percentages, but also protest activity in metropolitan areas with few (if any) African Americans. Further, we see protests not just in the United States but throughout the world. The 2020 George Floyd murder arguably spurred more protests against police violence within the United States and around the world than any other moment. We understand these protests as part of a broader decolonial project that seeks to eradicate racialised violence. How does this project develop? In examining Black Lives Matter as a movement, most have either focused on domestic activity within the United States or on instances of international activity, but few have attempted to theorise its spread. I suggest that any approach that focuses solely or primarily on technological advances or on the work of activists misses an essential and under-examined element – US Black popular culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harriet Beecher Stowe, the internationally known U.S. author and abolitionist, whom President Abraham Lincoln famously called "the little woman who wrote the book that started this great war," referring to Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852) and the American Civil War (1861-1865),2 was also the author of numerous other works, many of them much lesser known today. Stowe's Palmetto Leaves (1873), the subject of this essay, was, for example, a best-selling travel narrative about life in Florida after the American Civil War and is considered to have been an impetus behind the modern tourist industry in Florida. Today, however, Palmetto Leaves has been mostly overlooked or forgotten by scholars. In spite of this oversight, Stowe's text about life in Florida during the post-war period of Reconstruction merits close evaluation because it exposes Stowe's racial, political, and gendered views as they evolved after the Civil War. Because the author and her work were so popular in their day, Palmetto Leaves makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the politics of Northern White women writers and post-Civil War sentiment in the North. As I offer in this essay, Stowe, and her largely White and female readership in the North, increasingly saw the benefits of, and helped enable, a racially hierarchical society during the period of Reconstruction. Thus, in spite of Stowe's "pioneering" decision to go south in the years after the war ended, my essay complicates our understanding of the proto-feminist author and shows how Stowe ultimately eschews new frontiers in Palmetto Leaves and instead embraces racially regressive views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. national policies toward Native Americans followed a zig-zag path of change from 1889 to 1970. How do we explain policymakers' unsteady attraction to the rights of Native Nations? I argue that in precarious circumstances, Native Americans forged interest-based political coalitions with non-Native American western rural interests. At times, this cross-racial, interest-based coalition successfully challenged the power of non-Native American eastern ideologues. These findings advance our understanding of the interplay of race and federalism. Also, these findings illustrate the unique importance of Native Nations for American political development. This article presents quantitative and qualitative analyses of a new dataset on federal Indian policy. It also reviews existing historical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial politics in animated films has long been an important topic for scholars, but racial diversity in the casting of voice actors for animated films has been understudied. This article examines patterns in voice actor casting among 850 characters from 170 animated films released from 1989 to 2019. Because characters in animated films are not bound by voice actors' physical attributes, especially given that many animated characters are not even human, we consider the concepts of color‐blind and color‐conscious casting to understand the racial politics of voice actor casting. Our findings show that racial inequality and white dominance are a categorical reality in the animated film industry and that culturally specific film settings provide opportunities for voice actors of color. However, we also find that both color‐blind and color‐conscious casting can limit the realization of diverse and inclusive casting in animated films that feature fantastical, imaginative characters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial politics in animated films has long been an important topic for scholars, but racial diversity in the casting of voice actors for animated films has been understudied. This article examines patterns in voice actor casting among 850 characters from 170 animated films released from 1989 to 2019. Because characters in animated films are not bound by voice actors' physical attributes, especially given that many animated characters are not even human, we consider the concepts of color‐blind and color‐conscious casting to understand the racial politics of voice actor casting. Our findings show that racial inequality and white dominance are a categorical reality in the animated film industry and that culturally specific film settings provide opportunities for voice actors of color. However, we also find that both color‐blind and color‐conscious casting can limit the realization of diverse and inclusive casting in animated films that feature fantastical, imaginative characters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Oakland teachers joined the wave of teacher strikes across U.S. cities sparked by teacher activism against neoliberal reforms that cut funding to public schools, increased privatization, and led to school closures. As in other cities, a group of progressive rank-and-file teachers working toward transformative change moved their union toward social movement unionism, and in the process, garnered the support of communities of color that had been alienated from organized teachers. Drawing on in-depth interviews with teacher activists involved in the 2019 Oakland teacher strike, I demonstrate how strategic decisions to focus on gaining power within the union and to center the leadership of progressive teachers of color, especially women of color, helped to build public support for both the strike and the broader movement against privatization, yet also led them to focus on an inside strategy that may undermine their more transformative goals. I argue that as activist teachers gain power within their unions, activist groups that function independently from the union provide a critical outside space where teachers can develop an intersectional and transformative praxis that helps them better strategize against the racial politics of advocacy in the neoliberal context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following essay details a debate between UC Berkeley and a Regent who made charges of discrimination against Asian-American students that are similar to the current legal challenges facing Harvard University. The crux of such charges: onaverage, that one racial or ethnic group is more “qualified” than other groups, often underrepresented minorities, yet they havelower admissions rates. In 2004, Regent John Moores, convinced of discriminatory practices toward Asian-American students inthe admissions process at Berkeley, did his own analysis of UC admissions data focused on SAT scores and that he publicizedin the LA Times and other venues. Moores claimed his investigation provided clear evidence of discrimination. In the aftermath of California’s Proposition 209 barring the use of race in admissions, Moores complained that Berkeley’s adoption of a “holistic” review of applications reduced the importance of test scores by elevating subjective "measurements" that served as possiblyillegal proxies for race and ethnicity. Conjuring memories of charges of discrimination in the 1980s by the Asian-American community regarding Berkeley’s admissions processes, Moores asked, “How did the university get away with discriminating soblatantly against Asians?” For anti-affirmative action advocates, like Moores, standardized test scores were, and are, seen as the gold standard of academic ability since it is a “universal” measure unlike grades that are local assessments of abilities andsubject to grade inflation. However, when compared to grades in high school, test scores have proven weak indicators ofsubsequent academic success at highly selective universities that must choose among a large pool of highly qualified students.Test scores also are not necessarily good measures for predicting the future engagement of students in the wide range of experiences and opportunities offered by major universities – including public service, undergraduate research, and co-curricularactivities. Anti-affirmative action advocates largely see admissions as a reward based on test scores and are not terriblyconcerned with the predictive validity of other admissions criteria. This essay concludes with a brief discussion of the similarities of Moores’ analysis and charge of discrimination in admissions with that at Harvard, and the probable legal path toward a new Supreme Court decision on affirmative action.

In this article, I consider the approach of racial relations versus the perspective of racial politics. The former, formulated within the framework of the Chicago School of Sociology in the 1920s, assumes that races interact with each other according to the “cycle of racial relations”. This interpretation highlights the cultural and psychological dimensions and neglects the ideological, political, and institutional factors constraining and driving individual and collective choices. The racial politics approach suggests that social interactions are mediated by attributes other than race. The racial or ethnic factor is part of the social framework, and it establishes value and meaning to social categories and creates criteria for social hierarchization. In the first part of the article, I criticize the racial relations perspective and propose an analytical framework centered on the state and social movements, with a mechanism- and process-based explanation. In the second part, I retrace Brazilian racial politics, identifying the mechanisms operating over time. I argue that racial democracy is an ideology that regulates social relations, denies racism, delegitimizes black protest, creates obstacles, and hold back the fight against racism. Finally, I put forward the expression post-racial democracy as an alternative and challenging notion vis-a-vis racial democracy.

This article traces the career of LieutenantColonel Francisco Xavier Bigode, the last commander of Salvador’s black militia, the Henrique Dias Regiment (later Battalion), from his enlistment in 1797 to his murder after the 1838 Sabinada Rebellion. It examines how he adapted his Old-Regime baroque ideology and his understandings of the segregated militia’s place in the colonial order to the liberal principles of the newly independent Brazilian empire that continued to pay salaried black militia officers less than their white counterparts and, in 1831, abolished the black militia. Although he was not a leader in the movement for independence, his four-decade military career spanned the entire independence process in Bahia and his choices reveal some of the options available to Brazilians at this time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on the effects of racial context on public opinion often use residence-based measures of context, ignoring how the demographic composition of a context may change throughout the day. In this short article, we introduce a new zip code–level measure, racial flux, that accounts for how contexts differ between worker and resident populations. We merge our measure with survey data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study and show that greater racial flux—more Black workers relative to Black residents in a zip code—is associated with more conservative voting behaviors and racial attitudes among whites who live in the zip code. Our study suggests that whites are as politically responsive to the presence of nonresident minorities as they are resident minorities. More work is needed on measuring racial context and on exploring the contours of how and why context affects political preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the racial politics of Marilynne Robinson's latest novel, Jack. Comparing it to her earlier ones, the essay argues that Robinson more explicitly addresses problems of structural racism. But in highlighting those problems, Robinson remains committed to a view of human persons defined first and foremost by a soul that transcends racial identity. The racial politics of Robinson comes shaped by religion, especially by a belief in the imago Dei. As a result, some readers celebrate her sense of shared human nature, while others will see in it a failure to recognize the power and force of race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial disparities in Latin America exist in poverty levels, income, education, infant mortality, political representation, access to social services, and other key indicators. However, researchers in comparative politics face an uphill challenge to prioritize racial politics in studies of democratization, democratic consolidation, representation, and even social movements and inequality, despite racial hierarchies being quite harmful to democracy in Latin America. This article argues for the centering of Black politics and racial hierarchies in Latin American politics and highlights recent literature to map just how that can be done. More than adding race as a variable or a control, we must understand racial identification and anti-Black racism in Latin America: how they operate, and how they influence, complicate, motivate, affirm, and inspire politics. In this article, I address (a) why we should center racial politics in Latin American politics, (b) how comparative racial scholars have centered Black politics, (c) the methodologies necessary to accurately measure racial identification, and (d) recent research that examines the interplay between racial self-identification, Black group consciousness, and voting behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces White identity as an understudied concept in Canadian politics and compares how White settlers' ingroup attachments and their outgroup attitudes—specifically, White settlers' anti-Indigenous attitudes—shape Canadian politics. We find that White identity is associated with greater support for government spending on policies that disproportionately benefit White Canadians, such as pensions, whereas Indigenous resentment is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are often perceived as disproportionately benefiting Indigenous peoples, such as welfare. In Canada outside Quebec, both White identity and anti-Indigenous attitudes are associated with voting Conservative. In Quebec, White identity mobilizes support for the Bloc Québécois, while White settlers' negative attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are not associated with vote choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research has found that descriptive representation by race, ethnicity, or gender increases political action, but it has paid less attention to how the intersection of these identities influences participation. We extend this literature by assessing the effects on voter turnout of collective descriptive representation in U.S. state legislatures on the basis of race, ethnicity, gender, and their intersections. We argue that members of historically excluded groups respond to the overall composition of their state’s legislature. We test this proposition in seven elections (2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, and 2012). Our results are consistent with the minority empowerment literature, as overall collective representation does substantially increase turnout among previously excluded groups. However, the impact varies intersectionally. For white women, gender trumps race, as higher collective gender representation, regardless of race or ethnicity, increases voter turnout. For African Americans, race trumps gender, as both black men and women respond most consistently to higher levels of collective racial representation. For Latinos, we find less consistent results, but note a collective ethnic turnout effect for 2002 and 2006. We conclude that collective representation, especially at the intersection of identities, is an important factor influencing levels of turnout among previously excluded groups.

This study examines why Americans have positive or negative affect towards the US federal government. Specifically, it draws on existing theoretical and empirical research regarding individual attitudes towards the European Union, examining the effect of ethnocentrism on American attitudes towards the federal government. Relying on this existing research regarding the EU, it is hypothesized that those who are more ethnocentric will be more negative towards the US federal government. To test this expectation, we use longitudinal data from the American National Election Study from 1992 to 2012. We find those who are more ethnocentric are significantly more likely to possess negative attitudes towards the federal government. These findings have important implications for policymaking at both the federal and state levels, as well as party positioning both at the time of and between American elections, and the overall stability of multilevel governance in the United States. Additionally, the findings of this study indicate that theories designed to explain phenomena in the European Union are applicable to the US case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a novel Indigenous resentment scale to measure anti-Indigenous attitudes in settler-colonial societies. I draw from existing quantitative research on measuring outgroup attitudes, Indigenous philosophy, and settler-colonial scholarship to develop a concept and measure of settlers' resentment toward Indigenous peoples (settlers' "Indigenous resentment") with high construct validity. I test the Indigenous resentment scale using original and nationally representative survey data. I conduct a reliability analysis and use statistical learning techniques to show that the Indigenous resentment scale is internally consistent and unidimensional, and has high theoretical construct validity. As I show, the Indigenous resentment scale is a strong predictor of social avoidance behaviors and significantly predicts opposition to government policies designed to help Indigenous peoples. I explain how the Indigenous resentment scale improves upon existing attempts to measure anti-Indigenous attitudes and discuss the usefulness of the scale in social scientific research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of the environmental state – treadmill of production and ecological modernization – have dominated discussion of the political economy of environmental change. While the former contends that the state's mitigation of labor–capital relations engenders ecological instability, the latter posits that the state's use of business-friendly incentives can goad producers and consumers to adopt sustainable practices. However, these theories largely focus on dynamics related to class, labor, and markets, and thus overlook the role that race and racism play in the political economy. In contrast, this article argues that racial politics are not peripheral influences, but rather are central to the political economy in which environmental policy formation occurs. The author advances the argument with the concept of the racial fix, which refers to the idea that race and racism are mechanisms for circumventing barriers that slow the treadmill of production. Synthesizing long-standing and emerging research, the author outlines three dimensions – spatial, political, and cognitive – that constitute the racial fix. Overall, this article not only shows how race and racism serve as building blocks for environmental state formation, but also articulates new theoretical paths for studying the relationship between race and environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the socio-materiality of Black hair care practice as an affective surface through which we can understand Black women's experiences of intimacy and belonging. Texture of hair has often been overlooked in the examination of racialized presentation, even as shade or skin colour has been over-determined. By paying attention to the centrality of touch in negotiating grooming practices in Black hair care, a multi-layered appreciation of the material entanglements in Black intimacies can be explored. Hair is more than part of the body, it is both highly visible, as well as intensely personal and political in terms of the ways it is worn and seen by the observer. Drawing on a sensory ethnography of Afro hair salons in the UK and biographical narrative analysis, this article explores Black women's relationships with their hair in everyday life, alongside a parallel reading of the classic text "Cassie's hair" by Susan Bordo. This layering of narratives allows for a new form of listening to emerge, an attunement that forefronts the habitual practices of hair dressing and hair making as ways of "becoming black". In every twist, braid and weave, these biographies highlight the intimate entanglements by which the ambivalence of black belonging is negotiated. Touch in particular, both nurturing and hostile, represents an important socio-cultural ritual through which collective belonging is experienced: evoking memories of inter-generational and transnational intimacies with black communities in another time and another place. This paper offers a novel way of reimagining the role of affect in understanding collective intimacies and sustaining black identity in diasporic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short piece is a reply to Galgut and Glover's comment on my article. I put forward two responses to their contentions. Firstly, I uphold that they misinterpret my argument, attribute to me claims I do not make, and offer responses that do not challenge my core thesis. Secondly, I demonstrate that the examples of racialization I provide are relevant for the animals-off-the-menu proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of U.S. democracy rests on the assumption that all citizens will see their issues and needs reflected in elected officials. Yet, historically this has not been the case, as racialized minorities have been excluded and systematically marginalized from the representative process. Today, nonwhite populations remain significantly underrepresented in federal and state governments. Although scholars have examined the effects and mechanics of ethnoracial political representation, less is known about how individuals from minoritized populations perceive and make sense of political (under)representation. Drawing on a novel data set of 71 in-depth interviews with Latinos in the Chicagoland area and the San Francisco Bay, this article examines Latino understandings of representation. Our findings show that respondents view Latinos and other "people of color" as largely underrepresented amid an exceedingly white federal government. Yet Latino sentiments on the issue go beyond race, as respondents contend that class and a record of experience advocating on behalf of immigrant and working-class communities also matters for feeling represented by elected officials. Our findings make a case for bridging the sociological literature on racialization and political theories on representation, and have implications for understanding broader notions of political belonging and government trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on public attitudes toward the death penalty has yet to systematically examine the role of race in the context of offense‐related attributes. This study uses a conjoint experiment randomly exposing a sample of 500 U.S. adults to different pairings of capital offenders to test the role of both offender and offense‐related attributes on beliefs about death penalty deservingness. The results show offense‐related factors play a significant role in who the public deems deserving of the death penalty, while the offender's race matters only for citizens holding prejudicial opinions towards Blacks or Latinos. Instrumental considerations typically outweigh racial considerations in death penalty judgments, although perceptions of those factors might be racialized as well. The results point to a potential disjuncture between the desires of citizens and the implementation of the death penalty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum builds on the discussion stimulated during an online salon in which the authors participated on June 25, 2020, entitled "Archaeology in the Time of Black Lives Matter," and which was cosponsored by the Society of Black Archaeologists (SBA), the North American Theoretical Archaeology Group (TAG), and the Columbia Center for Archaeology. The online salon reflected on the social unrest that gripped the United States in the spring of 2020, gauged the history and conditions leading up to it, and considered its rippling throughout the disciplines of archaeology and heritage preservation. Within the forum, the authors go beyond reporting the generative conversation that took place in June by presenting a road map for an antiracist archaeology in which antiblackness is dismantled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay posits that justice is the core value epitomizing our moment. Justice is violated when positive outcomes are undeserved, and the felt sense of injustice motivates a need for retribution. Because politics involves allocation (distribution and redistribution), deservingness is a core appraisal of "who gets what" and therefore justice is fundamental for politics. This is especially germane to race, ethnicity, and politics scholars. I present a few core tenets of justice theory, and argue that political science can take advantage of the moment to engage the concept of justice; especially as it relates to the study of racial attitudes and the identification of racial enablers—those ostensible non-racists who facilitate the status quo. Summarily, I propose that justice can unify debates over prejudice and politics, and advance our scholarly understanding of how well-intentioned people—regardless of their identities, or ideological or partisan labels—can facilitate racism, racial inequality, and injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]