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Our understanding of whether, to what extent, and under which conditions religions nowadays influence birth levels depends on research. It is important to seek answers to two fundamental questions. The first question is about the role of religiosity and religious affiliation in the deterministic cause of low fertility and family planning in recent times. The second question deals with the influence of religious institutions on birth levels and the exercise of reproductive rights at the global level and within certain population groups over recent decades. To that end, the paper provides an overview of theoretical examinations of the connection between religions and fertility, empirical studies addressing low completed fertility, birth control, or sexual behaviour in relation to religiosity or religious affiliation of individuals, as well as the influence of religious institutions on fertility transition and the respect of human rights in this field. A review of the recent studies of various populations characterised by low birth levels shows that religiosity, especially practising religion, encourages people to uphold traditional values, attitudes, and behaviours that are directly or indirectly related to the concepts of marriage and childbearing. Moreover, it sheds light on some examples of religious institutions’ concrete opposition to progress in this area, while also highlighting contradictory cases of religions supporting pro-found contemporary changes in reproductive behaviour. [Project of the Serbian Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no. III 47006]

Many studies have looked at benefits of breastfeeding for the baby and, less frequently, the mother. Though many women find breastfeeding difficult, few studies have looked at the potential costs of breastfeeding for this group. From January 19th 2015 through April 18th 2015, the total of 1,980 Serbian mothers completed an on-line survey consisting of 74 questions which addressed their satisfaction with various areas of life. Mothers were divided into four groups depending on their breastfeeding experience: those who enjoy breastfeeding (Group 1), those who breastfeed despite finding it difficult (Group 2), those who do not breastfeed because they find it difficult, but otherwise would (Group 3) and those who do not breastfeed because “it is their choice” (Group 4). There were 1,238 women (53.2%) in Group, 1, 546 (23.4%) in Group 2, 147 (6.3%) in Group 3 and 49 (2.1%) in Group 4. Group 2 scored lower than Group 1 on 25 out of 26 indicators of satisfaction. When these 26 indicators were average, there was a significant difference in the average scores between Group 1 (M = 6.87, SD = 1.10) and Group 2 (M = 6.33, SD = 1.20). Group 3 scored higher than Group 2 on 19 out of 26 indicators. There is a remarkably consistent difference in satisfaction across many areas of life between women who breastfeed joyfully and those who do it out of a sense of duty. As public pressure on women to breastfeed mounts, distinction between these two kinds of breastfeeding experiences should be kept in mind. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. III 47010: Social transformations and the EU accession process: a multidisciplinary approach i br. III 47006: Researching Demographic Phenomena for the Purpose of Public Policies in Serbia]

Introduction. Investigation of sexual and reproductive behaviour of youth in Serbia has not been performed by Internet, although it is their popular information and communication channel. Objective. Analysis of the Internet acceptability among adolescent females as a research method for sexual and reproductive behaviour, identification of the common girl from Serbia, which is informed via the Internet, as well as an overview of the most important problems in the field of sexual and reproductive health of our adolescents. Methods. The possibility of using the Internet is perceived on the basis of the number of girls aged 19­20 years who responded to certain questions asked on the website of the Association of Reproductive Health of Serbia, and reliability of the findings by monitoring the consistency of the obtained responses. Girl’s profile is defined according to most commonly selected answer to a particular issue, and the most important problems by selecting answers to some questions chosen by a significant proportion of patients. Results. Internet has proven to be the accepted research tool among young people, according to a large number of adolescent females who responded to the given questionnaire. The common girl lives in the city (78%), with parents (53%), in the functional family (78%) and belongs to a higher economic stratum (47%). She declares having many friends (44%), being a student, and financially completely relying on parents (67%). She had first sexual intercourse at the age of 17 (20%) and sexual experience with one partner (46%). Her main motive for sexual activity is being in love (64%), and is satisfied with her sexual life (64%). She prefers condom as a contraceptive method, has not been pregnant (90%), and has not been diagnosed with STI (85%). At the same time, serious problems, which may affect sexual and reproductive health, have been identified in a significant proportion of respondents. Conclusion. Internet has a great potential for defining the model of sexual and reproductive behavior of youth, and offers the possibility of alleviating these problems by a variety of activities, including sending motivational messages via Internet. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. 47006]

Introduction: The objective of this paper is to collect the opinions of the leading demographers in Serbia on four significant matters. The matters are: development, state and future of demography, the successfulness of researchers in this scientific discipline, improvement of the Stanovništvo journal, as well as the population priority of our society and range of population policies. Method: A qualitative interview was chosen as the instrument for data collection. Namely, a structured interview, based on nine questions was sent by e-mail to eleven addresses of relevant demographers in the second half of October 2013. The basic reason for sending questions by e-mail was the aspiration to obtain authentic replies which require time for contemplation. Ten completed questionnaires were returned within two weeks. On the one hand, an integral picture on the chosen themes for research was attempted to be obtained in the analysis of received opinions to certain groups of questions and on the other hand to portray the spectrum of different observations. The responses of our prominent demographers were analyzed and compared to clearly pronounced standpoints of eminent demographers published in world journals on similar themes and with findings of internet researches among members of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. Results: The results show that there is a high level of consent among demographers in Serbia regarding the well positioning of demography in relation to other social studies and its good perspectives. The interviewed experts see the future of demography in its integration with a wide circle of sciences, the application of demography and/or greater engagement of researchers in carrying out public policies. However, the estimations of the interviewed demographers as regards the development and state of demography in Serbia are divided. Although a large number of topics had been listed, migrations and population ageing were singled out the most as significant for examining in the immediate future. The inclusion of Stanovništvo on the Science Citation Information Journal List and expanding the circle of authors were the basic recommendations of the respondents regarding better quality of the journal. All interviewed experts mentioned various kinds of knowledge and characteristics necessary for demographers to posses in order to be successful. Contrary to the homogeneous opinion that a demographer should be a superior-researcher, a wide range of responses were given to the question regarding selecting the best indicator for determining the successfulness of researchers in the study of population. As many as eight out of ten interviewed experts believe population ageing is the greatest population challenge which Serbia is facing. However, a low level of consensus appeared among the demographers as regards the range of the political response. Namely, five experts declared they were pessimists in view of the possibilities for mitigating the challenge they singled out. On the contrary, five interviewed experts expressed optimism, as they believe in the economic development of Serbia, the possibilities of institutional adjustments to demographic changes, and/or in man and his rationality. Conclusion: Demographers in Serbia highly appreciate the discipline they belong to. At the same time they are strict critics and have high expectations in all matters dealing with demography. [Projekat Ministarstva nauke Republike Srbije, br. III 47006: Istraživanje demografskih fenomena u funkciji javnih politika u Srbiji]

The problem of a large number of abortions in our country was first pointed out as far back as 1935 at the 17th Congress of Yugoslav Physicians. The abortion problem in Serbia is still present today, even though modern science has provided new methods and means which are a logical solution to the dilemma on birth control methods from the health and social aspect. Namely, total abortion rate in Serbia was estimated at 2.76 in the year 2007. It is very high; double the number of the total fertility rate and among the highest in Europe and the world. The term abortion culture was first used, as far as we know, by Henry David in the introduction of the book From Abortion to Contraception - A Resource to Public Policies and Reproductive Behavior in Central and Eastern Europe from 1917 to the Present in 1999, without specifically determining it. The aim of this paper is to identify the most important factors of the deterministic basis of endemic induced abortions in Serbia together with indirectly estimating their connection with the existence, namely nonexistence, of the abortion culture in our country. In that sense, potential factors of abortion incidence in Serbia which emerge from the social system and those connected to the individual level have been considered. In other words, a series of laws and other legal and political documents have been analyzed which are significant for perceiving the abortion matter, as well as institutional frameworks for family planning, health services, educating the youth regarding reproductive health, including findings of numerous researches carried out among women of various age and doctors from 1990 till present day in Serbia. The following most significant factors for the long duration of the abortion problem have been singled out: insufficient knowledge of modern contraception, a belief that modern contraceptive methods are harmful to health and a number of psychological barriers as well as those arising from relationships with partners. Gynecological attitudes about modern contraception and behavior do not differ significantly from the rest of the population. Additionally, there are few organized efforts to promote sex education, as well as limitations in the family planning programme. Distinguished macro and micro factors of traditional birth control in Serbia confirm the existence of the abortion culture. The nature of these factors though, indicate to the presence of the abortion culture in our country on the political, educational, health and individual level. The abortion culture obstructs the adoption of a modern concept of family planning and points out to the persistence of the abortion problem in our country in the years to come.

Population policy is a requirement and demand of the times we are living in. Serbia's response to the problems of demographic development is based on numerous adopted documents of strategic type regarding the policy towards population fertility, mortality and population ageing. Their adoption, however, represents only the first step. A good first step, it seems. All important resources of the population policy are recognized in the strategies. Numerous measures and activities have been stated, many worked out. A multi-sector approach has been accepted, defined and coordinated in their realization. However, the realization of expected results will greatly depend on the operationalization of proposed measures and activities and of course, their putting into effect. On the contrary, in the strategic document which the state adopted towards migrations, there has not even been an attempt to find solutions regarding a more complete political response towards internal and external migrations. What is the least necessary is carrying out measures and activities in order to mitigate problems which arise from a disturbed spatial population distribution and population drain. The time factor in population policy is especially important because, on the one hand, accomplishment of positive effects and mitigation of demographic disturbances requires time and, on the other hand, any delay of changes worsens the demographic basis and increases the strength of its inertness.

At the end of demographic transition and in its post-transitional phase, according to Tsetse's model, contraception has become a dominant method of birth control, while induced abortions lag behind with insignificant participation. The stated model is of general type and refers to developed countries today. It is possible that there are some differences among them, but to a small extent. However, significant and even great differences exist between Tsetse's model and the relation between contraception and induced abortion in Serbia. This paper deals with the phenomenon of the domination of traditional birth control in Serbia and seeks a reply to the question whether the beginning of the 21st century marks a shift in this sphere. .

The most important problem of demographic development of Serbia is the fact that individual strivings, aspirations and responses accompanying the process of giving birth to children are not rational from the aspect of the needs of the society. Reproductive norms are low. The society did not even try, via its institutions, to exert influence on the formation of attitude about the desired number of children, or to largely alleviate a number of obstacles to their realization. Facing the consequences of reproductive behavior is a reality and definitely follows in the upcoming time as well. Is there a space for action undertaken by educational system as a part of political response with the aim of rehabilitation of giving birth? It seems that this space exists and that at least two measures impose themselves in that sense. Reduction of individual age at the end of school and population education. Postponing giving birth for later and later age is a very important cause of a very low fertility level in Serbia today. The reform of educational system might influence an earlier entering of parenthood by reducing the individual age at the end of schooling. Population education is imposed as a new direction of population policy, bearing in mind that an individual does not have enough specific knowledge. More or less, the relation between individual behavior and macro-processes is not perceived, the consequences of unsatisfactory population tendencies, slow pace of demographic changes and their postponed effect are not recognized, one does not think about the preservation of national identity, culture and duration.

Ever since the 1990's the number of registered abortions in Serbia has been decreasing from year to year. Are the abortion data of the Public Health Institute complete? In other words, has there been a qualitative shift in the sphere of reproductive behavior of Serbia's population in the last two decades? This paper deals with the raised question in three ways. First, in an indirect way, by analyzing whether a radical change in birth control since the 1990's has been possible, having in mind the complexity of the abortion issue in Serbia, as well as the broad social context regarding the last decade of the last century and beginning of this one. The second way deals more directly with the quality of the official data on abortions. Namely, the great decrease in the number of induced abortions, theoretically observed, may be a consequence of the increased level of births, or possibly acceleration in the birth control transition from the use of traditional and inefficient contraception to the usage of modern and efficient methods and means for conception control. For this reason, population fertility trends were analyzed, with a special review on the time period from the 1990's till present day and the results of the available surveyed researches on the structure of contraception usage in order to determine whether objective assumptions exist for the decrease in the number of induced abortions or not. The third way to reach an answer to the raised question in the title was attempted by estimating the scope of induced abortions. In that sense, relevant literature was consulted and the Westoff method chosen for calculating the rate of total abortions in Serbia (excluding Kosovo and Metohia) in the year 2006. After examining the set task from all three sides, there seemed to be no doubt that the official data on the number of abortions in Serbia are not realistic. The basic reason for incomplete official data on abortions seems to be the fact that in most cases induced abortions performed in private health clinics are not included. Moreover, nurses, namely doctors often experience the filling out of prescribed forms for registration of fetal death as unnecessary, imposed, an additional obligation, without sensing the meaning and not understanding the significance of data as such. The abortion problem in Serbia is serious, complex and demands solving. This assumes the carrying out of many measures, including solving the matter of induced abortions registration. Determination of the realistic number of abortions in a community is very important, because in that way attention is drawn to this health and social problem and enables evaluation of actions to be taken for its alleviation. It remains that the state is to pay due attention to the problem of abortions in Serbia and to put private health clinics in which gynecologists perform abortions under control, as well as to promote the role and significance of statistics among health workers. .

At the end of demographic transition and in its post-transitional phase, according to Tice’s model, contraception has become a dominant method of birth control, while induced abortions lag behind with insignificant participation. The stated model is of general type and refers to developed countries today. It is possible that differences also exist between them, but to a small extent. However, significant and even great differences exist between Tice’s model and the relation between contraception and induced abortion in Serbia.

Traditional inefficient contraception, incorporated to a large extent in the system of values, has become a natural part of sexual relations in Serbia and represents a rational preventive choice from the individual standpoint. However, when pregnancy is unwanted or cannot be accepted out of any reasons abortion is used as a resort. For this reason there is a long history of a large number of abortions in Serbia. Research findings in our country identify the following, as the most important factors for not accepting modern values in this sphere: traditional contraception and abortion have a firm social confirmation; there is a trans-generational transfer of psychological resistance towards the use of combined oral contraception pills and intrauterine devices; sexual education has never become a natural way of growing up in the family, nor is a constituent part of school programs and that distinct obstacles of various nature exist regarding contraception availability. A developed network of various types of family planning counseling is an important determinant of the accessibility of contraceptive means and methods. There are, however, numerous conditions which have to be fulfilled in order for the contraception counseling services to function properly. Among them, motivated personnel who acquired general and specific knowledge for work in this field are an especially important prerequisite. This theoretical assumption opens the question -whether gynecologists represent an important factor of slow transition of birth control in Serbia? We searched for the answer in the research analyses obtained through two in-depth surveys which either had to do with this theme or tried to determine the knowledge, attitude and practice of gynecologists. The first research regarding the determination of the causes for a large number of abortions in our country, was directed towards women who decided on abortion. Gynecologists were the target group in the second research which was KAP type. The results of both researches clearly indicate that gynecologists generally observed, contribute to maintaining the abortion culture and slow transition of birth control from the use of traditional contraception to reliance on modern contraception means and methods in Serbia. Namely, a significant number of gynecologists in our country are at variance with the principals of modern family planning. Their knowledge, attitudes and practice relevant for individual contraceptive choices are insufficient, conservative and inadequate. Thus, there is a necessity for special education of doctors especially gynecologists, at all levels from the basic studies, through specialists ones, to special target courses, seminars, symposiums and conferences. Knowledge acquisition, as the basic element of consciousness can affect formation of standpoints, motivation, promote responsibility and create the requirement for promoting a different system of values and philosophy of living in the sphere of reproductive health.

Education for the protection of reproductive health is of special importance for young people in Serbia for several reasons. The first reason is an extremely low birth rate. The second is the fact that a large part of the population suffers from serious and long-standing problems in reproductive health. The third, common to all countries passing through transition, is an increase in risk behavior among young people which threatens their reproductive health either directly or indirectly. Education for reproductive health is a long-lasting process which should be initiated at an early age and should involve all social institutions, primarily health institutions, media and schools. The school is the most important link in the chain of knowledge acquisition. Therefore during elementary education, time must be found for topics such as puberty, emotional life of young people, physiology of reproduction, adolescent pregnancy, communication skills, risk behavior, contraception, sexually transmitted diseases and the importance of family and children. Over the last few years more than thirty counseling centers for young people’s reproductive health have been set up in Serbia within health clinics. Unlike health institutions, media and schools have not yet been mobilized. Therefore it is necessary to promote the role of media and schools in the process of the protection of young people’s reproductive health. .

The central part of this paper is devoted to establishing the demographic picture of the City of Belgrade at the beginning of the 21st century. The authors discuss the number of inhabitants and the components of demographic growth through natural increase (fertility and mortality) on the one hand and net migration on the other. Special attention was paid to the problem of refugees (the number and special distribution of refugees). Age and sex structure, the structure by marital status, as well as educational, and economic structures were analyzed. Current ethnic structure, as well as the changes in this structure since the early 1990s, were also presented. The analysis of the demographic picture has made it possible, first of all, to show the implications for the future of the established population trends, and second of all, to single out the basic demographic problems that need to be addressed strategically by the City of Belgrade and by the State.

The 1990s represent an exceptionally complex period for the population of Serbia. In addition to the impact of long-term factors, various tumultuous events affected its demographic development, such as breaking apart of former Yugoslavia, armed conflicts in the neighboring countries, sanctions imposed by the international community, social changes (transition transformation or regression), deep economic crisis, collapse of social stratification political problems, institutional crisis, and NATO military intervention. Maladjustment to the changed system of values and norms, lower level of personal attainment, feeling of insecurity, and living under permanent stress are the main features of life at an individual psychological level. Deprivation or living at the subsistence level are the main elements of the economic cost sustained by the majority of the population. How have these changes affected an individual's decision to have children? The analysis of futility indicators points to an obvious decline in the number of births across low fertility regions of Serbia. Also, the analysis has raised the question why the decline in population fertility in the low fertility regions was not even higher, bearing in mind the experiences undergone by the countries with economy in transition as well as the depth of the crisis in society. In that sense several factors come to mind. The most important are the universality of marriage socio-psychological investigations confirmed domination of the traditional character or mentality in Serbia during the 1990s, and the government’s approach to the issue of fertility improved during this time. Besides demographic needs were carefully taken into account in all amendments to the old and formulation of the new measures in the area of social policy. Mention should be made of measures ensuring employment rights of women and their entitlement to maternity leave, maternity pay, and provision of institutionalized care for the children. On the other hand under-reporting of live births, lack of knowledge on the size and characteristics of emigration flows limited the analysis of population fertility in Kosovo and Metohia. But, registered data as well as survey results show to the perseverance of the fertility model of transitional type displaying obvious traditional elements.

Is voluntary sterilization as a birth control method accepted in Serbia? This is certainly a question that is being imposed for research, regardless of the fact that voluntary sterilization is neither accessible nor promoted. Most importantly because there is no understanding in the social nor political sphere for legalization of voluntary sterilization as a form of birth control, apart from the clear necessity for this, first, step. They are: the recognition that voluntary sterilization is an efficient and safe birth control method, respectability of basic human as well as sexual and reproductive rights, spreading of sterilization as a form of birth control among population of both developed and developing countries and an epidemic diffusion of repeated induced abortions in Serbia. Thus individual recognition of the advantages of relying on voluntary sterilization, in a non-encouraging atmosphere, certainly represents one more argument to enable couples to prevent conception by sterilization. Since it was impossible to carry out a representative research among the population of men and women who are at risk for conception, an attempt was made to obtain a reply to the set question among women who decided to induce abortion. It was done out of at least two reasons. The first being that women with induced abortion in their reproductive history were the target group for voluntary sterilization. The second reason was based on the assumption that bringing a decision on induced abortion is preceded by the reconsideration of an earlier adopted strategy regarding children, giving birth and contraception and thus its rational component is revealed more and therefore more easily measurable. The research was carried out in the University Clinic of Obstetrics and Gynecology 'Narodni front' in Belgrade from January 21st o March 1st 2002, and included 296 women. By comparing the social and demographic characteristics of the female respondents, as well as important events in their reproductive history with structural traits of the total population of women of same age and parity who induce abortion, the representativeness of samples was confirmed and thus generalization of results. The results indicate that a target group is clearly distinct which would decide on sterilization as a contraceptive method. Not only do more than half of the surveyed women who induce abortion believe that voluntary sterilization as a method of contraception should be available in Serbia, but also a large number of surveyed women, almost a half, would subject themselves to voluntary sterilization after having given birth to the desired number of children and when they would be convinced that sterilization does not influence health, sex potency, nor quality of sex life. Younger women, respondents with secondary education, those who gave birth to the desired number of children, as well as those who have a good relationship with their partner, and confronted themselves with a large number of induced abortions, namely those who wish to use contraception in future, are more open to voluntary sterilization. The reasons for individual non acceptance, namely undetermined standpoint towards sterilization as a contraception method, indicate that many of the registered ambivalent or negative opinions could be changed by knowledge spreading on the characteristics of voluntary sterilization.

The subjects of this article are picture of Belgrade population in nineties assumptions regarding demographic development of Belgrade in nearby future and demographic consequences of adopted scenario. Such a broad approach was necessary in order to review contemporary demographic processes and fully understand demographic development of Belgrade, above all, regularity in tendencies and determining factors and its near and more distant environment in order to establish hypothesis on the trends in fertility, mortality, and migrations of population in future and understanding of macro-consequences regarding population factor.

Objective To investigate the differences in sexual and reproductive health (SRH) between Roma women of reproductive age who live in settlements and the general population of women of the same age in Serbia who do not live in settlements. Methods The Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey 4 (MICS4) was administered to Roma and Serbian women and the results were compared between the two groups. In order to get a qualitative perspective, a specifically designed, short open-ended questionnaire about Roma women was given to Roma Health Mediators (RHMs). Results Roma women have a higher total fertility rate and adolescent birth rate, and early marriage is much more common among them. Differences are less clear regarding antenatal care and assistance during delivery from skilled personnel. Roma women more frequently rely on traditional contraception, and are less likely to use modern contraceptives than the general female population. Problems in the socio-economic sphere, poor school enrolment and maintenance of traditional patterns in Roma people living in settlements contribute to the disparities observed. Conclusion Although data on the SRH of the general population of women in Serbia are far from being satisfactory, those for women who live in Roma settlements are much worse. Political actions aimed at the empowerment of Roma women in the spheres of education, employment and health promotion have been implemented with the hope that they might improve the SRH of this vulnerable population group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]