Search

Using a national opinion survey conducted in 2009 in Kyrgyzstan, we focused on responses from ethnic Kyrgyz respondents in the south where major riots between Kyrgyz and Uzbeks occurred in 1990 and 2010. We performed latent class analyses on these responses to assign Kyrgyz into Muslim religiosity categories and construct a social distance scale to measure Kyrgyz’ levels of acceptance of Uzbeks living in Kyrgyzstan. We discovered that, in spite of ongoing unresolved interethnic grievances in the south, Kyrgyz who were members of the highly active Muslim religiosity category exhibited a significantly higher probability for accepting the closest relations (kin through marriage) with Uzbeks than Kyrgyz who were members of the non-religious category. Because other researchers indicated that religion did not play any role in causing the riots in 2010, we believe that Muslim religiosity could potentially play a role in developing beneficial relations between these ethnic groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do riotous-violent protests increase the likelihood of protest success? The protest literature has largely found that riotous-violent protests (RVPs) are not effective. However, a burgeoning literature contradicts these findings. We extend this literature by exploring how waves of RVPs increase the likelihood of protest success. Protesters learn from past protest-government response dyads, which reduces the costs of continued protest in the face of repression. The temporal accumulation of riotous-violent protests exhausts the resources and collective will of the regime to continually hold out on protester demands. Thus, as the number of RVPs increases in a country-year, we expect there to be a coinciding increase in instances of government accommodation. Furthermore, we argue that democracy conditions the relationship between waves of RVPs and protest success. We conduct a cross-national observational data analysis of 119 countries from 1990 to 2019 using data from the Mass Mobilization Project. Our results support both of our hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A popular form of neoliberal feminism seeks to advance gender equality in leadership and beyond by encouraging women to be resilient as individuals. By locating career advancement as within an individual's control, recent research has shown that this focus subtly shifts the blame for gender inequality onto women and reduces support for needed structural changes to tackle gender discrimination. We extend research into neoliberal feminism by examining anticipated negative effects on women's protest motivation. Across four studies in the United Kingdom (total N = 1,168), undergraduate women students and employed women with university degrees in both the control and resilience conditions first read about gender inequality. Participants in the neoliberal feminist conditions then read messages promoting individual resilience as key to women's advancement (Study 1–3) or participated in activities designed to build their own resilience as individuals to help them advance (Study 4). In Studies 1, 3, and 4, participants in the neoliberal feminist conditions compared to the control had lower collective action intentions – a negative effect that was either indirect, via reduced perceptions of gender discrimination (Studies 1 and 4) and reduced anger over inequality (Study 1), or direct (Study 3). Together, these studies provided partial support for our hypothesis that neoliberal feminism can undermine women's protest motivation. Future research can help establish how contextual and other factors contribute to the strength of these effects and explore how feminists can better harness messages of resilience. To advance gender equality, our findings suggest that advocates should focus less on individualistic solutions and more on addressing structural barriers, laying the groundwork for effective protest action and social change. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ's website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/03616843241238176. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a qualitative exploration of the thoughts of police chiefs and upper-level police administrators in New York State regarding the hiring of applicants who hold left-wing or right-wing ideological perspectives. A near equal number of respondents indicated little hesitancy to hire, while others stating they should not hire such an applicant. Some respondents offered non-committal viewpoints. Most respondents provided a more thoughtful response, indicating the complexity of this issue for police agencies. The overall conclusion is that employing officers who hold biased opinions can impact police legitimacy. Policy implications and considerations for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disorder has always plagued humanity, with violence being triggered by real or perceived grievances, rumours and speculation, and internal or external agitators. The risk to people, communities, businesses and the rule of law is not isolated to a particular country or society. The propensity for violence and how it is incited is, however, an evolving threat with the advent of the 'modern riot'. The causes of violence centre on economic and social injustice, sports- and event-related riots, a reaction to police or security forces and political unrest. As the US nears the contentious 2024 elections, the failing trust in the three branches of government combined with external global tensions and conflict, threats from domestic extremist groups, a rising acceptance of violence as a means of settling political disagreements, hostile nation actors and international terror groups that exploit societal instability create fertile conditions for widespread violence. Exacerbating these factors are the risks from artificial intelligence (AI) deepfake, rapid mass communications, the citizen journalist, prominent influencers amplifying grievances and inflammatory media reporting. This convergence of exacerbators and accelerants for political discord offers the potential for serious security risks and significant business disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Conflict, manifesting as riots and protests, is a common occurrence in urban environments worldwide. Understanding their likely locations is crucial to policymakers, who may (for example) seek to provide overseas travelers with guidance on safe areas, or local policymakers with the ability to pre‐position medical aid or police presences to mediate negative impacts associated with riot events. Past efforts to forecast these events have focused on the use of news and social media, restricting applicability to areas with available data. This study utilizes a ResNet convolutional neural network and high‐resolution satellite imagery to estimate the spatial distribution of riots or protests within urban environments. At a global scale (N = 18,631 conflict events), by training our model to understand relationships between urban form and riot events, we are able to predict the likelihood that a given urban area will experience a riot or protest with accuracy as high as 97%. This research has the potential to improve our ability to forecast and understand the relationship between urban form and conflict events, even in data‐sparse regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2007–08 global food crisis led to hunger riots around the world. Food prices have again risen spectacularly since the COVID-19 pandemic but have fortunately not led to major social unrest in the global South. In this research note, we argue that the difference lies, in part, in the nature of the two price shocks and, in part, in the policy response from governments and international organizations. This time round, the stability of rice prices appears to have dampened the impact of food inflation in major rice-importing countries. This pattern of global rice price is in sharp contrast to that seen in 2008 when the price tripled between January and May. The two food crises also differ substantially in the extent and responsiveness of public policy. Right from March 2020, governments began taking fiscal and administrative measures to help the populations suffering from the loss of livelihood. Nonetheless, food inflation remains a concern, and prolonged conflict in Ukraine and the ongoing inflation spiral could put in jeopardy the mitigating effects of anti-inflationary policy measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The maternal mortality and perinatal mortality rate in Cameroon are among the highest worldwide. To improve these outcomes, we conducted a formative qualitative assessment to inform the adaptation of a mobile provider-to-provider intervention in Cameroon. We explored the complex interplay of structural barriers on maternity care in this low-resourced nation. The study aimed to identify structural barriers to maternal care during the early adaptation of the mobile Medical Information Service via Telephone (mMIST) program in Cameroon. Methods: We conducted in-depth interviews and focus groups with 56 key stakeholders including previously and currently pregnant women, primary healthcare providers, administrators, and representatives of the Ministry of Health, recruited by purposive sampling. Thematic coding and analysis via modified grounded theory approach were conducted using NVivo12 software. Results: Three main structural barriers emerged: (1) civil unrest (conflict between Ambazonian militant groups and the Cameroonian government in the Northwest), (2) limitations of the healthcare system, (3) inadequate physical infrastructure. Civil unrest impacted personal security, transportation safety, and disrupted medical transport system. Limitations of healthcare system involved critical shortages of skilled personnel and medical equipment, low commitment to evidence-based care, poor reputation, ineffective health system communication, incentives affecting care, and inadequate data collection. Inadequate physical infrastructure included frequent power outages and geographic distribution of healthcare facilities leading to logistical challenges. Conclusion: Dynamic inter-relations among structural level factors create barriers to maternity care in Cameroon. Implementation of policies and intervention programs addressing structural barriers are necessary to facilitate timely access and utilization of high-quality maternity care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black protest events in the United States have been characterised by police use of violence against protestors during periods, such as the widespread riots of the 1960s, when many white people and police see black people as posing a special danger to the status quo. It appears that the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, which triggered widespread Black Lives Matter protests, is another such time. However, social scientific evidence that addresses the question of whether police responded with unnecessary violence to these black-led protests remains in short supply. In this study, we conducted a content analysis of protest participants’ federal court statements about their lived experience with police violence during Chicago, IL, protests. Their accounts suggest that police, rather than protestors, initiated violence and relied on it to control protestors in ways that violated Chicago Police Department policies and constitutional protections afforded citizens. Despite efforts to reform police management of protests over the last half century, our findings suggest that the historical pattern of police use of militaristic tactics and gratuitous violence to control black protest events persists today. We consider the implications of the findings for relations between the police and black communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, President Lyndon Johnson called for a $10 million investment in a new "major model school experiment" in Washington, DC: the Anacostia Community School Project (ACSP). Examining the ACSP offers a rich intellectual history of federal education politics from which two simultaneous realities emerge. I argue that alongside the landmark legislation and case law, federal bureaucrats adopted the language of "innovation" to troubleshoot education reform in large Black urban communities in the 1960s; in doing so, they ultimately tied educational equity to riot prevention and crime politics. Black Washingtonians also understood that a properly nurtured education system could render significant social, political, and economic dividends for their communities. The community of Anacostia, located in the southeast quadrant of the District of Columbia, fashioned the project into a pathway toward social welfare, articulating a holistic vision of education attuned to the needs of the whole person and the whole community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1947, following the UN decision to divide Palestine, Bahrain's Jewish community became the target of communal violence. As crowds protested the partition plan, Manama's Jewish quarter was attacked and looted. In their aftermath, the Manama riots have been understood as a nationalist show of anger against Zionism, unfortunately unleashed against local Bahraini Jews. However, a close reading of events shows the riot as complex event involving local labour politics, anti-colonialism and Shi'a religious rituals. Drawing on British records, Jewish correspondence and personal memoirs, this paper locates the riot in its post-war Persian Gulf context and argues that it represented an encounter between regional politics of the Palestine Mandate and the post-war tensions of Manama as a late colonial oil city. While ostensibly driven by Arab opposition to Zionism, the riots also saw the culmination of socio-political tensions over labour and colonial rule, exacerbated by five years of war. As such, the Manama riots should be understood not only as an extension of emerging Arab-Jewish conflict in Palestine, but also within the local politics of the post-war Persian Gulf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion of factors driving young people's involvement in serious violence continues to be well documented across policy, news media, and academic research. The government response to riots taking place across the UK in 2011 set a precedent for an increasingly punitive discourse surrounding young people's involvement in criminal lifestyles, as well as the Criminal Justice System's response to the overall issue. In order to develop a greater understanding of the complex breadth of driving factors behind serious youth violence and their discoursal representation, this article presents findings of a multifaceted investigation through the interpretivist paradigm, merging macro-level policy with micro-level community insights. The article commences with an argumentative discourse analysis of a selection of Government and Youth Violence Commission policy documents before drawing on three semi-structured interviews with community-level practitioners in England working within policing and youth work organisations. The findings reveal a complex interplay of socio-environmental factors, poverty, domestic trauma, cultural dimensions, and street-based exploitation positioned alongside constructs of social exclusion and masculinity. The study uncovers a broad issue of systemic marginalisation and reduction in community resources, exacerbating conditions of social exclusion that create a greater propensity for involvement in serious youth violence. The findings support calls for the framing of serious youth violence as an issue of 'public health', encouraging deeper investigation into underlying socio-economic, cultural, and political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 1866 President Andrew Johnson boarded a train in Washington, DC, and headed to Chicago with a group of men he increasingly disliked. Johnson, a Tennessee Democrat, became president [...]

The article discusses the increasing threats to academic freedom and the safety of scholars, students, and academic staff worldwide. It highlights the expansion of Endangered Scholars Worldwide (ESW) as an online publication under the New University in Exile Consortium, which aims to create a supportive intellectual community for threatened scholars. The article specifically focuses on the decline of academic freedom in India due to repressive state policies, mob violence, and right-wing political actors. It mentions the revocation of visa privileges for critics of the ruling party, changes in school curricula, interference in university administration, and instances of mob violence targeting Muslim students. The ESW calls on the Indian government to protect academic freedom and human rights within its territories. [Extracted from the article]

This article studies the narratives of voices identifying the harrowing aftermath of the 1947 partition of India and Pakistan, and the representations of the contemporary effects of partition in Bapsi Sidhwa's novel Ice Candy Man. The narrative unfolds past experiences through the eyes of different characters and surroundings from different social, political and religious backgrounds. The novel vividly portrays the horror of violence during the partition, as communities that once coexisted peacefully become engulfed in a whirlwind of hatred and bloodshed. Sidhwa's polyphonic narrative experiences reflect the multifaceted nature of violence, from communal riots to personal tragedies creating a poignant portrayal of human suffering and resilience. The theme of partition, violence, and memory permeates throughout the novel, encapsulating the socio-political upheavals that marked the birth of two nations – India and Pakistan. This paper, therefore, attempts to analyse the novel in order to understand the ideas of the 'polyphonic narrative' of Mikhael Bakhtin's theory and many other postcolonial critic's ideas. For portraying the human experience amidst a backdrop of partition and historical turmoil in shaping narratives as presented in the text by applying the theoretical framework of Postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document provides a summary of various events and developments in Western Australia (WA) during the year 2023. It highlights the impact of the Aboriginal Cultural Heritage legislation on the "Yes" vote in the Voice to Parliament referendum, with WA registering a resounding "No" vote. The text also discusses the new Premier Roger Cook's economic priorities, including plans for WA to become a global green energy superpower. Other topics covered include the troubled youth justice system, abortion law reform, planning reforms, a Cabinet reshuffle, the passing of former members of parliament, and former Premier Mark McGowan's new roles in the private sector. [Extracted from the article]

Aim: To investigate depression, anxiety, PTSD, and insomnia levels among Sudanese citizens during the 2023 Armed Forces conflict in Sudan. Methods: An online survey was distributed. It is composed of five parts, covering the following areas: (a) sociodemographic data; (b) depression assessment; (c) generalized anxiety disorder assessment; (d) post-traumatic stress disorder assessment; and (e) insomnia assessment. Statistical Package for Social Sciences version 27 was used for data analysis; frequency and percentage were used to describe the qualitative variables. The Pearson correlation coefficient and Chi-square test were used for correlation and association analysis; a p -value equal to or less than.05 was considered statistically significant. Results: The study included 221 participants, whose ages were 35.02 ± 11.83 years. Among the participants, 57.5% were female. The length of stay in the war zone was 39.29 ± 31.71 days. The sound of gunfire, bombs, or explosions was the most frequent war violence personally experienced by participants or their family members, friends, or acquaintances, in 203 (91.8%) and 221 (100%), respectively. Moderate-severe and severe depression were present in 25.3% and 62.0%, respectively. Moderate and severe anxiety were present in 36.2% and 52.9%, respectively. 58.8% had PTSD. Sub-threshold insomnia was present in 57.5%. There was a negative correlation between sex (female) and depression (correlation coefficient = −.183, p -value =.006), which indicates that depression is more likely to be in females. For PTSD, there was a negative correlation between age and PTSD (correlation coefficient = −.150, p -value = 0.026), which indicates that younger age groups were more likely to experience PTSD. Additionally, there was a negative correlation between marital status (married) and PTSD (correlation coefficient = −.175, p -value =.009), which indicates that married participants were more likely to experience PTSD. Conclusions: Exposure to war-related trauma can also lead to mental health issues. These findings emphasize the urgent need for proper mental health support and interventions in war-affected areas to address the prevalent mental disorders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sheds light upon how memes about rioting in present-day Belfast are read by their audiences. As such, it answers to a distinct research gap in the meme studies literature, which has mostly shied away from in-depth engagements with audiences, favouring instead the intertwined concepts 'imagined audience' and the ideological 'directionality' of memes. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 19 respondents in Belfast, I develop four themes on how they read memes about political violence. The findings indicate that the concept 'imagined audience' is reductive at best, which was evident in this study as interviewees did not blindly follow the ideological 'directionality' when reading a meme. Moving beyond this reductive view allowed me to unpack how meme audiences place value in the pop-cultural form of the meme; their take on its 'imagined author'; how they perceived the meme as a site for identity work, and their emotional engagements with memes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the textual differences between the quarto and folio versions of William Shakespeare's 2 Henry VI evince the three-way ideological contestation between the aristocracy, the middling sort, and the lower classes in early modern England. Perhaps the most famous scenes from the play, those depicting Jack Cade's rebellion, exist in both versions, but the portrayal of the uprising is very different between the two texts. The 1594 quarto gives us a vicious Cade intent on destroying businesses, raping women, and spurning well-meaning nobles; the 1623 folio version, by contrast, gives us an eloquent if imperfect Cade whose grievances are justified, reasoned, and well articulated. Political and economic power was steadily shifting during this period from the aristocracy to the middling sort, and, although the differences in Cade's rebellion from the quarto to the folio might seem to indicate a revision in favor of the rebels, what the changes represent is the beginning of the transfer of ideological power from the aristocracy to upper-class commoners. To the nobility, the rebels are rioters, intent on causing chaos. For the middling sort, it was more advantageous to label them justified protesters, as the rebellion might remove the middling sort's direct competition—the aristocracy. Thus, the two authoritative texts of Shakespeare's 2 Henry VI can help us understand changing perceptions of popular riot and protest in the period and their connection to dominant and emerging class ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Everything is Possible: Antifascism and the Left in the Age of Fascism" by Joseph Fronczak explores the global antifascist movement of the 1920s and 1930s. Fronczak argues that people around the world came to see antifascism as a universal form of politics, with street battles between fascists and antifascists occurring in various cities. The book emphasizes the importance of street-level politics and the role of everyday people in shaping the antifascist movement. Fronczak also highlights the connection between antifascism and anticolonialism, as well as the transformation of antifascism into armed resistance during the Spanish Civil War. [Extracted from the article]

The document is a correction notice for an article titled "Preventing and Responding to Dissent: The Observational Challenges of Explaining Strategic Repression." The authors acknowledge two statistical errors in the article and provide the corrected results in Table 1. The errors were related to the operationalization of the dependent variable, Mobilized Dissent, and the results were estimated using the incorrect operationalization. However, the correction does not significantly change the estimates or affect the substantive conclusions of the article. The revised results and replication files are available for further reference. The given text provides model statistics and revised results for a study on the effect of mobilized dissent on state repression in US state-days. The authors discovered a coding error in their data on conflict and rainfall in the United States, which they have corrected. The revision to Table 2 does not significantly change the estimates or affect the substantive conclusions of the study. The revised results are available for replication on the APSR Dataverse. [Extracted from the article]

In the article "Principled Conscientious Provision: Referral Symmetry and Its Implications for Protecting Secular Conscience," Abram L. Brummett, Tanner Hafen, and Mark C. Navin reject what they call the "referral asymmetry" in U.S. conscientious objection law in medicine, which recognizes rights of conscientiously objecting physicians to withhold referrals for medical interventions but does not (yet) recognize rights of physicians to make referrals for medical interventions to which they are morally committed but to which their health care institutions are morally opposed. This commentary concentrates on a second asymmetry, namely, the relationship of a health care provider's referral or nonreferral to the medical standard of care. The commentary argues that this second asymmetry seems to require action more appropriately recognized as civil disobedience than conscientious provision of referral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]