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The No Child Left Behind (NCLB) mandate has pushed the debate on how to educate the limited English proficient child to the forefront. Thus, criticism abounds in several states surrounding the effectiveness of bilingual education programs in our nation's public schools. The opponents state that bilingual education is not working; it is an expensive funding pursuit for school districts; and that school children who receive such services are not performing any better academically than their peers who receive their instruction in English. On the other hand, the proponents of bilingual education claim that non-English speaking children must receive their academic instruction in their dominant language as second language acquisition learners. They need to acquire the language first before learning can result. Opponents further report that bilingual education program effectiveness in our schools is greatly misunderstood, and the increase of anti-immigrant sentiment and resentment toward special treatment for minority groups in our country has impacted the support of the English Only movement. This article takes a look at the historical background of bilingual education and the impact of the English Only movement. In the article, the author reviews briefly both sides of the debate.

French Canadian gifted and typical high school students (n=689) completed two questionnaires addressing both the envy they felt and the envy expressed toward them. Students manifested more envy toward their peers' social and financial successes than toward their academic achievements or intelligence, but named their academic talent as enviable. (Contains references.) (CR)

Explored relationships among college students' cognitive and affective reactions to required academic tutoring, prior attitudes, and attachment style. Found that resistance to tutoring was related to prior negative attitudes toward tutoring and to insecure attachment; students with prior negative attitudes tended to feel even more negatively toward tutoring after receiving tutoring in college. (EV)

Women are underrepresented on local school boards. In a 1975 national survey, one-third of all school board members reported that not a single woman was serving on their school board. The research suggests that the presence of women on local boards of education contributes in a meaningful way to a healthier, more realistic, and open atmosphere of decision-making. Boards with at least two women members were less likely to conceal the decision-making process from the public and did, in fact, have more internal conflict. Women respondents emphasized the importance of "hearing complaints and grievances of parents" and "maintaining contact with state and federal legislators" substantially more than did their male counterparts. A survey of school superintendents found that most had negative opinions about women school board members. Suggestions are made for actions to combat sex discrimination in this area. (Author/MLF)

Examines "historical hostility" (a pattern of responses that many African Americans exhibit) and how it may stem from prolonged subjection to inferior treatment in American society. Explores the impact of historical hostility on the counseling relationship, offers suggestions for diagnosing it, and presents some intervention strategies. (RJM)

Presents taxonomy of hostility toward street children: (1) penal-instructive hostility based on punishing children for inappropriate behavior; (2) collective frustrated hostility based on ethnocentric social class attitudes toward the poor; and (3) cultural hostility, accounted for by differences attributed to sedentary and nomadic peripatetic cultures. Presents suggestions for using Convention on the Rights of the Child to reduce hostility. (Author/SD)

Presents the results of an experiment that examined the extent to which a single provocative incident can exacerbate negative feelings toward a group as a whole. After hearing an audiotaped interview where a Latvian student criticized U.S. college students, the U.S. students responded differently to slides showing Latvians. (MJP)

A personal perspective is given on attitudes and behavior toward children with deafness and the lack of understanding it is felt to represent. (DB)

American history and other branches of American Studies now have a prominent place in British universities. Although American history seems palatable to British students, there is some anti-Americanism which can be explained as occasional resentment of American expressions of national superiority or as negative views on American culture. (RM)

Explores three categories of sibling relationships that are well represented in children's literature and child development research: resentment of the new baby; competition between/among brothers or sisters; and siblings' prosocial behaviors. Relates each category to social/psychological research and examples of quality books for children. (DST)

Offers and tests a model of the relationship between self-rejection and deviance, mediated by disposition to deviance. Results indicate self-rejection has a strong direct effect on disposition to deviance, which in turn has a strong relationship to deviant behavior. (TRS)

Fifty-one 10- to 16-year-old siblings of mentally retarded children were given the Family Relations Test and Rotter's Incomplete Sentence Test. Results indicated family dynamics were influenced by parent reaction to the handicapped child. Compared to controls, the siblings showed idealization of the mentally handicapped child and more conflicts with other children in the family. (Author/JDD)

Racial resentment can affect the treatment relationship between client and therapist, especially if they are of different races. All psychotherapists must recognize anger in Black clients as a healthy response to oppression and help them to find constructive outlets for these feelings. (Author/GC)

Library employees who do not consider a library program as part of his real" job may give the project as little time, effort, and thought as possible. (MM)

Chronic alcohol abusers who had been violent while intoxicated and nonviolent alcohol abusers were administered the Buss-Durkee Inventory. Violence was documented. Violent drinkers scored significantly higher than control subjects on the inventory total hostility score and on subscales measuring assault, irritability, verbal hostility, indirect hostility, and resentment. (Author/BEF)

We develop and test theory regarding the effect of CEO paranoia, defined as stable tendencies toward suspicion, feelings of ill will or resentment, mistrust, and belief in external control or influence, on firm stakeholder engagement. We theorize that because CEOs higher in paranoia have tendencies toward hypervigilance and the biases of self-as-target and sinister attributions they typically avoid engagement with external stakeholders. Further, we argue that CEOs higher in paranoia are subject to paranoid activation when confronted with trait-relevant cues that confirm suspicions of being targeted by a malevolent external entity (here, regulatory rulings or rival attacks), thus eliciting a shift away from avoidance to a more aggressive engagement with those stakeholders. To do so, we develop a content-analytic measure of CEO paranoia following both theory and evidence in psychology and methodological best practices, finding evidence that broadly supports our premise. In total, our study draws attention to how the manifestation of CEO paranoia changes the way CEOs engage stakeholders over time, contributing to understanding in multiple ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Resentment towards the Chinese population was perceived during the first months of the pandemic because the pandemic/disease started in that country. Objective: To determine the factors associated with the perception of resentment towards the Chinese in Latin America during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Methodology: Analytical cross-sectional study conducted during the second semester of the pandemic in more than a dozen countries. Four questions were asked about the perception of resentment towards the Chinese (Cronbach's Alpha: 0.88); those with the highest scores on the sum of the four questions were considered to have "more resentment towards the Chinese," and descriptive and analytical statistics were obtained. Results: Of the 7721 respondents, in the multivariate analysis, it was found that there was a difference according to the country; compared to Peru, those who had more resentment towards the Chinese were those residing in Paraguay (aPR: 1.29; 95%CI: 1.17–1.42; p-value < 0.001) and Bolivia (aPR: 1.52; 95%CI: 1.37–1.68; p-value < 0.001), while Chile (aPR: 0.78; 95%CI: 0.69–0.88; p-value < 0.001) had less resentment: 0.69–0.88; p-value < 0.001), Mexico (aPR: 0.68; 95%CI: 0.57–0.80; p-value < 0.001), Panama (aPR: 0.71; 95%CI: 0.59–0.86; p-value < 0.001) and Costa Rica (aPR: 0.64; 95%CI: 0.49–0.85; p-value = 0.002). Discussion: There was a significant difference in resentment for each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior scholarship has tapped public preferences toward policing policy. Still, there is a need to continue to monitor public opinion given recent events. Post George Floyd, several reforms have been proposed: accountability and oversight initiatives (e.g., citizen boards, mandatory reviews), diversion of funds away from policing, and/or greater funding for police. Theory and research suggest that sentiments regarding these reforms are likely divided and vary based on perceptions of and experiences with police, as well as racial resentment. Drawing on a 2021 national poll, this study examined public support for several diverse reforms. Broad approval was evident for most reforms. However, support was contingent on perceptions of and experiences with the police, racial resentment, and socio-demographic factors. Implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we examine the relationships between racial resentment and use of partisan media in the U.S. Our paper first examines the correlation between these two variables then tries to assess whether there are over-time relationships between them. Our paper first establishes that racial resentment is indeed associated with higher levels of using conservative media and lower levels of using liberal media. We then examine whether people's level of racial resentment drives their use or avoidance of specific media content or if using these different outlets changes people's levels of racial resentment. We find some evidence that racial resentment tends to be associated with avoiding liberal media outlets. By contrast, racial resentment does not predict changes in conservative media use. Moreover, we do not find that media use affects racial resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural voters are often portrayed as a monolith of White and conservative, although 22% of the rural population are non-White. Rural minorities, specifically Black rural voters, intersect two potentially competing identities informing political partisanship. First, place: there is a growing geographic schism between rural and urban voters, with rural voters aligning more closely with the Republican party. Second, race: there is a political gap between White and Black voters, with Black voters aligning more closely with the Democratic party. Using data from the 2019 and 2020 ANES Studies I investigate the effects of these intersecting identities on political identification accounting for rural resentment. Rural resentment, or feelings of a loss of political power to urban areas, is found among both White and Black rural voters. For Black rural voters, a strong race identity can buffer the effects of rural resentment, keeping them from pushing toward the Republican party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women are more likely to exit from entrepreneurship for personal reasons; such exits are deemed uneventful and voluntary. We critically evaluate such assumptions by adopting a gendered critique to unpack the nature of such personal reasons arguing that they largely relate to the stress of accommodating incompatible caring/domestic and entrepreneurial labour demands. This, we argue, leads to forced voluntarism which, for many women, instigates conflicting notions of regret, relief and resentment. To explore these arguments, we draw upon in-depth interviews with 16 United Kingdom women entrepreneurs who had voluntarily exited from their ventures citing personal reasons. The evidence describes how women made sense of the decision-making process to exit from entrepreneurship questioning the voluntary nature of the exit decision. We conclude by noting how once again, gendered assumptions conceal the contradictory demands women encounter when trying to reconcile the needs of the household and of their ventures analysing the implications this has for how exit decisions are categorised and the false picture this presents of alleged voluntarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Ethiopia’s Tigrayan elites harbored deep-seated resentments toward the Shewa Amhara ruling class, mainly driven by the suppression of the 1943 Tigrayan peasant rebellion. These resentments catalyzed the rise of ethnonational consciousness within Tigray, manifested through deliberate attempts to undermine Ethiopian culture, tradition, and heritage with a paradoxical ownership claim of Abyssinian history. Tigray’s pivotal role as the nucleus of the Aksumite civilization within the broader Abyssinian context is palpable memory. This civilization extended across territories such as Eritrea and Amhara, encompassing various less-visible groups. Tigrayans featured prominently in the Solomonic Dynasty, stretching from the legendary Queen of Sheba to the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution that toppled Emperor Haile Selassie (r. 1930–1974). Before the advent of Italian imperialism in Eritrea and the Southward expansion of Menelik II (r. 1889–1913), the Tigrigna-speaking regions, along with the Amhara, had served as the epicenter of the Abyssinian politics and cultural sphere. This paper scrutinizes the emergence of Tigrayan ethno-nationalism amid the Marxist Revolution, juxtaposing it against entrenched Ethiopian values. It also highlights the historical significance of Welkait (a generic term used to refer to an area west of river Tekezé that includes Welkait itself, Telemt, Teg,edé, and Humera) and Raya – areas annexed by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in 1991 and still in contention. The author offers an all-encompassing analysis, incorporating a wealth of secondary and primary historical sources, including archives, chronicles, inscriptions, memoirs, traveler accounts, and oral narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the insights of photo-elicitation interviews as a methodological genre for understanding how people construct narratives of a memorial associated with colonialism. We argue that the interaction with photographs made the research participants feel more comfortable and at ease sharing their perspectives on the Savorgnan de Brazza Memorial, and the most salient benefit of the method derived from how people express their feelings and emotions. As our empirical data show, using photographs allows to capture people's deep resentment against the Memorial and how they protest the contrast between the lavish Memorial on the hand, and the derelict statues honouring local historical figures on the other hand. Unlike words-only interviews, the photo-elicitation interviews offered the opportunity for the participants to visually explore the aesthetic, the magnitude and the footprint of the Memorial and to compare it to similar artefacts in the city of Brazzaville. Such contrast, and the emotions that they triggered, would not have been possible to capture if the participants were not exposed to the photographs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]