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In 1983, Robert Cover challenged the U.S. Supreme Court's approach to conflicts between the law of the state and the religious commitments of "insular communities." Over 40 years later, Cover's call remains urgent, and is of special relevance in New York. In Brooklyn and the Lower Hudson Valley, Hasidic yeshivas with tens of thousands of students seek dispensation from state policy that requires all students to receive a basic secular education. Meanwhile, federal religious liberty jurisprudence, significantly changed since 1983, still fails to satisfyingly arbitrate between the commitments of religious communities and the law of the secular state. Part I of this Note sets the theoretical and doctrinal stage. It explains the intervention made by Professor Cover in Nomos and Narrative, outlines the free exercise maximalism of today's Supreme Court, and proposes how Cover's ideas could be used to redeem a religious liberty jurisprudence gone awry. Specifically, as part of determining when the law of the insular religious community must bend before the law of the state, Part I argues that courts should inquire into whether the state's law is paideic (world- creating) or merely regulatory. Part II applies these ideas to the pressing case study of Hasidic education in New York. It provides the reader with an overview of Hasidic education and the current legal landscape. It also cautions that current doctrine is ill-equipped to handle the dilemma. Finally, Part III encourages New York government to articulate its compulsory education law as a world-creating commitment of the state and urges the courts to recognize the legitimacy and necessity of such a claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the issue of taxpayer-funded crisis relief for religious organizations, examining the challenges faced by the US government during the COVID-19 pandemic and legal debates surrounding the constitutionality of such assistance. It discusses the evolving jurisprudence of the First Amendment's Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses, highlighting tensions between religious equality and the separation of church and state. Insights from Germany's church tax system are suggested to help balance secular goals with respect for religious autonomy in future relief programs. The text also explores the Mitchell v. Helms case and Justice Clarence Thomas's nonpreferentialist approach, as well as the advantages and criticisms of the PPP loan program, proposing a crisis relief model based on Germany's system. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores contentious state-religion relations in Azerbaijan. In recent years, the Azerbaijani government has adopted new regulations in religious affairs aiming at two goals: on the one hand, the government tries to keep religious groups/individuals under control, prevent the politicisation of the religious environment, and prevent foreign countries from expanding their influence in the country. On the other hand, the government aims to promote a positive image of the state in the international community through hosting and funding interreligious dialogue platforms and highlighting the multicultural environment in Azerbaijan. The study examines the evolution of state-religion relations in the country and highlights that in recent years its political regime has applied more restrictive policies towards independent religious communities in legal and extra-legal forms and simultaneously established institutions and co-opted regime-friendly groups through instrumentalising religion to keep the religious environment under control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Islam and Muslim Life in West Africa: Practices, Trajectories and Influences" is a bilingual academic volume that explores the multifaceted nature of Islam in West Africa. The book covers various themes such as piety, gender dynamics, religion and state, activism, violence, and security, providing insights into the Muslim experiences in different West African countries. It challenges dichotomous representations of Islam in the region and promotes a more nuanced understanding of Islamic dynamism. The volume also examines the role of Islam in public life, its historical influences, and its interactions with the state and traditional authorities. It highlights the evolving dynamics of religious authority, expression, and influence in the digital age, as well as the impact of Islam on women's advocacy networks. The book also discusses the efforts of Saudi Arabia and Turkey to spread their religious influence in West Africa through various initiatives. Overall, the volume contributes to a more inclusive and informed discourse on the complex interplay between religion, society, and governance in West Africa. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the events of October 7 and their impact on Israeli society. It highlights the shattered illusion that Hamas would come to terms with Israel if given enough funds for its leaders and for the development of a better economy in the Gaza Strip. The article emphasizes the need for a deeper understanding of Muslim culture and belief systems, as well as the religious dimension that underlies the politics of radical Islam. It also explores the comparisons made between the events of October 7 and the Holocaust, noting the concerns about the endangerment of the Jewish people and the existential nature of the current conflict. The author, Dina Porat, is an expert in the study of contemporary European Jewry and has extensive experience in the field of antisemitism and racism. [Extracted from the article]

The emanation of the concept of ordre public or public order in France is based on the principle of self-affirmation, and civil law of the republic against alien infringement. There has been a separation of the temporal and spiritual power in Europe that dates back to the concept of laïcité which was a concept established by the French revolution by its Civil Constitution of the Clergy 1791 and later consecrated into law in 1905. The issue of discrimination against Muslims has arisen because of the cultural discrimination in religious formalism, such as the prohibition against the burkini and rejection of religious dress in schools. This has been achieved by superimposing the code of laïcité upon the communities' expression of their laws and by upholding the concept of ordre public that is vigorous and stringent against the practices of the Muslim community. The concept of ordre public imposes conformity on the Muslims, reinforcing stereotypes and increasing Islamophobia in France. The argument of this article is that by legally enforcing the imposition of majoritarian customs the French state is ignoring the adoption of the comparative legal method and human rights that acknowledges normative pluralism that serves to eradicate the colonial prejudices that are restricting the understanding and application of tolerant approaches to religious expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship between religiosity and economic growth as an indicator of modernization. It also examines the relationship between religiosity and various dimensions of development such as educational attainment, mortality rate, and urbanization. To this end, average country-level data from 6 different survey waves of the World Values Survey, spanning the period 1989-2022, and various data sources, including the World Christian Encyclopedia, Religion and State Project, Penn World Table, World Development Indicators are utilized. The analyses include a maximum of 108 countries. The ongoing secularization paradigm is experienced differently in each society, depending on the predominance of religious belief and societal characteristics, including the degree of cultural and social diversity. The Seemingly Unrelated Regression method is employed to address the potential problem of correlation between the error terms of the regressions utilizing different religiosity indicators. Estimates indicate that religiosity is negatively associated with economic growth, the presence of a state religion and religious pluralism, while it is positively associated with state regulation of the religious market. Education, which is one of the most fundamental indicators of development, is positively correlated with religiosity. Nevertheless, the most characteristic indicator of modernization and development, urbanization, is negatively related to religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forum Pedagogiczne / Pedagogical Forum is the property of Uniwersytet Kardynala Stefana Wyszynskiego w Warszawie and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: The bureaucratization of religion represents a significant and often underexplored dimension of governance in Southeast Asia. This study delves into the administrative regulation of religious practices and institutions in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand, as highlighted in the September 2023 United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) report. By focusing on these countries, the paper aims to elucidate the broader implications of bureaucratization on freedom of religion and belief (FoRB). Methods: A qualitative research methodology was employed, involving a critical review of the September 2023 USCIRF report and other relevant literature. The study analyzed governmental policies, administrative measures, and their impact on religious practices and FoRB. Comparative analysis across the four countries was conducted to identify common patterns and unique deviations in the bureaucratization process. Results: The study found that the bureaucratization of religion in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand is characterized by intricate administrative controls over religious institutions and practices. Key features include registration requirements, restrictions on religious gatherings, and monitoring of religious discourse. These measures, while varying in form and intensity across the countries, collectively impose significant limitations on FoRB. The analysis revealed that these administrative controls are strategically employed by governments to regulate religious expression and maintain socio-political stability. Discussion: The findings underscore a substantial threat posed by the bureaucratization of religion to FoRB and related human rights. The nuanced use of administrative measures enables governments to subtly control and restrict religious practices without overtly violating international norms. This regulatory approach not only curtails individual freedoms but also affects the overall religious landscape, influencing cultural diversity and inter-religious relations. The study enhances the understanding of the complex interplay between religion and state, highlighting the need for more robust mechanisms to protect FoRB in the region. Conclusion: The bureaucratization of religion in Southeast Asia presents a profound challenge to FoRB. By critically examining the practices in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand, this study provides valuable insights into the administrative strategies used to control religious discourse. The research underscores the importance of addressing these issues to safeguard religious freedoms and promote a more inclusive and respectful religious landscape in Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the First Amendment's Religion Clauses were ratified, church and state became increasingly divorced from one another, as practicing religion became a private activity on which the government could not encroach. This separation, however, was slow, and much credit is owed to the U.S. Supreme Court for its efforts to disentangle the two. One particular area in which the Supreme Court exercised its influence was the U.S. education system; the Court invoked the Religion Clauses and neutrality principles to rid public schools of religious influences and ensure that private religious schools could partake in government programs that were available to all. The Court's efforts, in part, eventually yielded a rise in alternative education opportunities, including charter schools and, more recently, religious charter schools. This Note examines whether religious charter schools are private or state actors under the state action doctrine and, consequently, whether they are prohibited under the Religion Clauses. This Note argues that charter schools, generally, cannot be categorized as either private or public actors; rather, particular practices and characteristics of a charter school can be deemed state action such that the school must comply with the Religion Clauses' demands. This Note analyzes these instances, focusing on the Court's jurisprudence regarding religious curricula, teacher-led prayer, government funding, and religious symbols. Ultimately, this Note concludes that the most identifying feature of a religious charter school--its religious curriculum--cannot be considered state action and, thus, religious charter schools are permissible and beneficial additions to school choice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On February 5, 2023, Suối village in Lai Châu, a northern border village of Vietnam, has been recognized as the most attractive community-based tourism area in ASEAN. Indeed, this village is situated amidst majestic natural scenery, inhabited by friendly, open-hearted Hmong people adhering to the Christian faith, who are adept at communication. Few are aware that the present-day beauty and vitality of Suối village have been revitalized from a community nearly depleted by long isolation, economic deprivation, and opium addiction. Studies explaining the changes among the newly-formed Protestant Hmong communities in northern highlands of Vietnam tend to emphasize the roles of Protestantism in the improvement of their living conditions. Our research, based on field data analysis spanning from 2018 to 2023 and through the lens of religious and developmental theories, underscores that the development of the Hmong Protestants in Suối village represent a successful combination of two main factors recognized as religion and state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of MEMLEKET: Politics & Administration / Siyaset Yönetim is the property of Local Governments Research, Assistance & Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

States support religion to varying extents. What is the effect of state support for religion on generalized social trust? The majority of previous studies of religion and social trust focus on individual-level factors, and none examines the impact of state support for religion. We argue that when a state chooses to support the majority religion, this creates increased levels of doctrinal homogeneity and conformity, which, in turn, cause higher levels of social trust within the majority religion. Drawing upon the Religion and State and World Values Survey datasets, we find that state support for religion is associated with higher levels of social trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State and Church relations are everywhere a product of years of history and reflect not only the complexity of the different institutional interactions, but also the social pressure and demand surrounding the religious phenomenon. The World Youth Day (WYD) 2023 in Portugal is a good place to investigate the contemporary contours of this phenomenon. It is a living lab of the separation of State and Church in the country, which allows us to examine new and old religious and political dynamics, especially with the Catholic Church. Through a diachronic analysis of these relationships and a descriptive and analytical methodology, this article analyses the model of separation with cooperation in force in Portugal. It seeks to investigate to what extent the established model of relations between the State and the Church has been challenged by a context such as WYD, in which the public visibility of religion has led to more frequent interactions and a more intense dialogical relationship between the secular and religious fields. It focuses on how WYD pushed the boundaries of this spheres, forcing constant redefinitions in the public space, and analyses how it was received by Portugal's highest representatives, political parties, and civil society. It can be concluded that although the model of separation was not affected, a system of cooperation with a specific church was promoted by the state, which guaranteed it a prominent place during the days of WYD. This seems to guarantee the stability of this model of positive secularism which, in the future, seems far from being affected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State and federal prohibitions on religiously affiliated charter schools have remained undisturbed since charter schools first emerged in the 1990s. Three recent Supreme Court cases have raised questions about that paradigm. Carson v. Makin, Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, and Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer interpret the Free Exercise Clause as prohibiting states from denying a qualified religious entity a public benefit solely because of its religious character. At first glance, it appears that the practice of granting school charters to secular non-profits while denying such charters to religiously affiliated non-profits violates this principle, rendering these longstanding statutory prohibitions unconstitutional. This Article argues against such an interpretation. Because religious organizations are exempt from the requirement that non-profit organizations file an annual information return -- the 990 -- with the IRS, religiously affiliated charters would be free from the sole oversight mechanism applicable to charter schools. The 990 is a vital tool in revealing charter school fraud and self-dealing, which has become a real problem with the emergence of "sweep contracts" -- arrangements in which charter school operators siphon off public funds to for-profit management companies for personal gain. Religious organizations operating charter schools would have unfettered discretion over public funds. This, in turn, would have the effect of privileging religion over non-religion and placing a governmental function in the hands of a religious organization, which violates the Establishment Clause. Because compliance with the Establishment Clause is a compelling governmental interest, such prohibitions are constitutional. Nonetheless, this Article suggests that expanding the 990 requirement to include religious organizations may be a less burdensome alternative to their continued enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia is the property of Revista de Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Whilst Indigenous autonomy is generally regarded as something positive, the existence of human rights abuses inside Indigenous communities has received relatively little attention in legal scholarship. Human rights abuses include severe violations of religious freedom, particularly of converts away from the traditional religion. Based on original empirical field research conducted in the Nasa Indigenous territories in the southwestern highlands of Colombia (2010-2017), I discuss the challenge of balancing the right to self-determination of Indigenous Peoples and the individual human rights of people living in Indigenous territories, particularly religious minorities. I show this has implications for the analysis of "minority in the minority" situations beyond the context of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting from an analysis of the Italian model of church-state relationships, the present paper focuses on the status of atheistic convictions in Italy. Since the 1990s, where the Union of Atheist and Rationalist Agnostics claimed its right to start negotiations to enter into an agreement with the State, Italian courts have faced the crucial issue of the legal definition of a religious denomination. The decision of the Constitutional Court no. 52/2016 has been the final result of a lengthy and troubled process. The paper will explore the coherence of the decision with the Italian Constitutional framework, with the ECHR and with article 17 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Finally, the paper will investigate on the option of enforcing an updated law regulating religious freedom and its predictable impact on non-religious communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following their ban in 2017, the state targeted Jehovah's Witnesses as harmful sectarians in the context of a 'conservative twist' in Russian politics grounded in late-Soviet anti-sectarian models and narratives. The active use of religious instruments in the political setup has led to a growing securitization of religion in Russia, where 'non-traditional' religiosity and religious non-conformism have been criminalised and blended with terrorism and extremism. The article focuses on forensic expertise in religion used in trials against believers and discusses how the forensic analysis of religious teachings for criminal evidence (criminotheology) have construed Jehovah's Witnesses as dangerous extremists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how converts to Christianity tend to navigate a complex social landscape by occupying hybridized sites seeking to remain Hindu while following Christ. This strategy is especially visible in Krista Bhakta (Christ followers) movement, the upper caste groups who see a cultural continuity with the Hindu traditions. Using "hybridity", a concept that Homi Bhabha popularized to capture the mixing of Eastern and Western cultures in postcolonial literature, this essay explores how it can be applied in the religious sphere that adopts this subversive tool within political and cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses data from the Religion and State (RAS) project to examine the extent to which 43 European states are, in fact, secular and religiously free. I find that these European states engage in substantial levels of support for religion, regulation, restriction, and control (RRC) of the majority religion, and government- based discrimination (GRD) against religious minorities. This is true of both countries in Europe with official religions and those which declare separation of religion and state (SRAS) in their constitutions. This demonstrates a distinctly European pattern of state-religion relations that is influenced in no small part by anti-religious forms of secularism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of Religion or Belief, or FoRB, provides for autonomy of religious communities, including freedom to organise themselves, to train their leadership, and to educate their members, without government interference. Tensions between the tenets of the religious community and the wider society are inevitable. In this article, we justify religious autonomy through three lenses: transactional, traditional FoRB, and minorities. If people are free to join and leave the community, religious autonomy should prevail. We then analyse European cases that illustrate the tension between religious autonomy and non-discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the political strategies used by conservative Christian groups in Puerto Rico to oppose the implementation of a gender perspective in the school curriculum. The electoral cycles of 2015-2016 and 2019-2020 are examined, and the impact of conservative religious groups on sexual and reproductive rights is evaluated. The opposition of religious conservatives to the gender perspective is highlighted, and the lack of government action to mitigate gender-based violence is mentioned. The international connections of these groups are also mentioned, as well as the need to counter misinformation and promote gender equality. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Annals of Social Sciences / Roczniki Nauk Społecznych is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tocqueville Review -- La Revue Tocqueville is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including mode of governance which increasingly focuses on France's Muslim citizens; law of ‘separation' and counterinsurgency and the dissolution of the Collective against Islamophobia in France.

Social research data shows that Jehovah's Witnesses experience social ostracism, distancing, marginalization, and labeling in contemporary Lithuania. This article searches for an explanation for these public attitudes by applying a sociohistorical approach to the analysis of the processes of othering and resilience of Jehovah's Witnesses in Lithuania from the organization's arrival at the beginning of the twentieth century to today, focusing on its relations with society and state. It is based on the document and literature analysis of organization and academic sources as well as interviews with Jehovah's Witnesses conducted in 2020–2021. The article argues that the social history of Jehovah's Witnesses in Lithuania illustrates the processes of othering and resilience since the arrival of the organization in Lithuania throughout the Soviet period and in the Republic of Lithuania, as since 1990 both society and state have been contributing to the process of othering, while Witnesses continue persistently to exemplify resilient religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the book "Worldly Politics and Divine Institutions: Contemporary Entanglements of Faith and Government" by Nahshon Perez, the author explores the entanglement of religion and state in modern democracies. Perez argues that religion-state entanglement should be studied critically rather than avoided, and examines the difficulties and possibilities of creating democratic safeguards in such systems. Using a bottom-up "casuistic" methodology, Perez analyzes legal cases involving discrimination and government endorsement of religion in public spaces. He concludes that while entangled systems can be compatible with democracy, safeguarding democratic principles requires complex legal measures. The book is a valuable contribution to the study of comparative law and religion, blending political theory and empirical social science. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this first part we deal with the introduction to the topic and the 1970s. This decade is commonly understood as a period of reunion between the revolution and the Catholic Church after the turbulent first decade of the revolution. We end this part with the study of Monseñor Francisco Oves as a way of saying that this reunion had well-defined limits. Cuban socialism had not abandoned its Enlightenment heritage and insular Catholicism maintained matrices of Christianity common to the pre-conciliar period. The two parts of this article explores the relationship between the Cuban revolutionary government and the Catholic Church during the 1970s and 1980s. It encompasses the period between the 1960s and 1990s, characterized by the utopian romanticism of olive-clad guerrillas in the first instance, and the severe economic crisis known as the "Special Period" due to the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s in the second. We investigate the modes, understandings, and mutual meanings regarding this topic, which appears to be central in the politics of the past two centuries, maintaining its relevance in contemporary times, namely: revolution and religion; left-wing and religion; state and religion; and state and churches. In addition to the pertinent bibliography on the subject, we conducted research in Cuban state and ecclesiastical archives in Cuba. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Journal of Law, Religion & State has compiled a list of newly released books in the fields of law, religion, and State. The list covers a wide range of topics including political science, sociology, history, philosophy, culture, and morality. It aims to provide an inclusive overview of available books and save readers the trouble of searching across multiple publishers. The list does not endorse the books or their viewpoints, and it may not be comprehensive. However, it includes various books on religion, law, and politics that offer diverse perspectives and insights into different cultural and historical contexts. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the tension between the separation of State and church, and the collaboration between religious ministers and civil figures in the novel Christmas in the mountains (1871) by Ignacio Manuel Altamirano. Based on this element and revisionist historiography, it reviews the prevailing interpretation of official historiography regarding both freedom of worship and independence between the Catholic Church and political authority during the restored republic. Likewise, it identifies the type of ethics, secular or religious, present in the novel within a context that is very favorable to a secular vision of virtue. As a whole, the text addresses the moral theme, very present in nineteenth-century discourses and stories, but relatively absent from Mexican research, from a contextual perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of having a state religion on fiscal capacity. Our analysis extends the legitimization argument, which postulates that a state religion legitimizes the revenue-raising motives of the state. We then argue that the effect reduces the incentive of the state to invest in fiscal capacity. First, we build a simple theoretical model to highlight our central idea and derive our testable hypothesis. The model shows that in the presence of a legitimization effect, countries with a state religion face weaker incentives to invest in fiscal capacity, as they can raise revenue by exploiting the legitimizing power of the church. Next, we test the hypothesis in a potential outcomes model, which models the selection on observables using both recent and historical data. We show, always following our theoretical model, that countries with a state religion have lower fiscal capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intention behind this article is twofold. Firstly, it aims at reviewing the political settings that lead to the second phase (1937–1953) in the formation of the hawza leadership, often ignored by scholars. This period follows the death of the founder of the hawza ʿilmiyya of Qum, Ayatollah ʿAbd al-Karim Haʾeri in 1937, and precedes the 1953 CIA sponsored coup d'état, and includes the appointment of Ayatollah Husayn Borujerdi as the leader of the modern hawza. Secondly, the article assesses the leadership style of the triumvirate of Shiʿa jurists known as marajeʿ thalath, who managed to firmly consolidate the modern hawza of Qum despite the secularizing policies of the Pahlavis which aimed at eliminating the religious sector from the Iranian political scene. In order to understand the course of subsequent developments of the religious establishments and Shiʿi scholars in their attainment of power and influence in Iran in the course of the Islamic Revolution in 1979, it is crucial to investigate the developments during this period. This paper is the first study that draws on a range of primary sources not consulted before to research the political and social contributions of the triumvirate during the period of 1937–1953. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yāsir al-Ḥabīb is a Britain-based cleric of Kuwaiti origin who aims to establish a religious state in the Persian Gulf region. This article assesses his project as a particular form of Shiite politics, in light of Peter van der Veer's transnational theory of religious nationalism. It first examines religious conceptions of land in Twelver Shiism to situate Fadak, an oasis on the Arabian Peninsula. Fadak has been "promised land," pledged by the Prophet Muḥammad to his daughter Fāṭima. Ḥabīb reverts back to this sectarian trope in his legitimization of a Shiite state but reframes it in the language of religious nationalism. Three nodes in van der Veer's rendering of religious nationalism guide the analysis: the modern union of the nation's territorial embodiment with sacred geography, transnational migration enabling larger national identifications, and its "indigenous" crafting. They are traced in Ḥabīb's British operations, which mobilize local "citizenship" in unbounded sectarian confrontation for the religious "nation," while cohering paradoxically in the "freedom" discourse of his Shīrāzī Shiism. The epilogue finds heuristic value in Fadakism's comparison with Zionism, centered on the question of assimilation – in the shape more of outward pressure in the second and elective affinity in the first. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion and sexuality are polysemic categories. While conservative religion often fights against progressive sexual politics in contemporary America, this "usual story" is fractured and destabilized by people navigating the relationship between religion and sexuality as complex social creatures, not pundits or caricatures. Drawing from interdisciplinary scholarship, I examine salient issues of sexual politics—including abortion and reproductive rights, LGBT rights, and pornography—to show how religious actors have been on both sides of these debates. Because of this polysemic complexity, scholars of religion must not only tend to the dynamic interaction between religion and other categories, we must also recognize and study the diversity within the categories themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on cultural languages ​​and language cultures as a contact zone and bureaucracy is excessive, the army rests only on discipline, religion opposes that nationalism in the background, the bourgeoisie is atomized. It also mentions cartography also worked on heterogeneity of the Habsburg Empire. It also mentions Michael Doyle even has the abstract concept of "Augustan threshold" introduced, marking the transition from the expansion marked for consolidation.

In recent years, many scholars have drawn a distinction between procedural and programmatic secularism. Procedural secularists seek to build communities wherein 'competing concepts of the good life' are afforded opportunities for expression. Programmatic secularists seek to limit the influence of religion within the public sphere. The 1870 Education Act created a network of Board schools across England and Wales. In accordance with the Cowper-Temple Clause, religious education in Board schools would be non-denominational in character. Students would be taught Bible passages and hymns, but would not be taught any denominationally specific aspects of Christian doctrine. This development stimulated a controversy between the defenders of non-denominational education and those who believed that state-sponsored non-denominational education threatened the existence of voluntary schools. The debates that ensued are often characterised as sectarian in nature. However, they can alternatively be seen as negotiations of the proper definition and the proper parameters of religious freedom and toleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on history of the extent of religious sectarianism in Australia. Topics discussed include cultural and theological force in post-invasion Australian history, denominational differences in the secular and compulsory education and desire for social harmony and cohesion evolved during institutional arrangements of the colonies.