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Referendums were historically and theoretically justified as a people's veto. Do voters use them as such or are referendums merely second-order votes? This article aims to answer this question through a comparative study of all constitutional referendums around the world between 1980 and 2022 using a VP-Function model. The results indicate that the support for constitutional referendums follows a pattern in which compulsory voting, economic conditions and voter mobilisation are important. Contrary to findings in more generic studies of referendums, there is no indication of a 'honeymoon' period for constitutional referendums. Also, in contrast to other studies, the presence of emotive words and what may appear as 'leading questions' favour higher support, though this is not present in countries with compulsory voting. The results contribute to the study of referendums and to the wider debate about voters' preferences by showing that political factors are more important than structural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June 27, 2015, the Greek coalition government, led by the left-wing SYRIZA party, announced the July 5th referendum, asking citizens to decide on the adoption of the EU-proposed economic plan. Referendums in Greece are infrequent, and this decision sparked various interpretations of the motives behind it. In events like the 2016 US presidential elections and the Brexit referendum of the same year, public opinion, especially as expressed on platforms like Twitter, often diverged from the narrative set by the news media agenda. The outcome of the Greek referendum reflected Twitter users' preferences more closely, surprising many and challenging the traditional role of news media in shaping public opinion. This paper revisits the 2015 Greek referendum, comparing topics discussed in news media with those on Twitter to understand whether the disparity between the two platforms resulted from the dominance of news media agenda-setting or other factors, such as Twitter's inclination toward alternative voices. The study employs content analysis and topic modeling on a dataset comprising news articles and tweets. Results indicate that the news media agenda predominantly influenced topics discussed by "YES" supporters on Twitter, while it played a less significant role in shaping the topics discussed by "NO" supporters during the 2015 Greek referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2016 EU referendum, estimates on net-migration by the UK's Office for National Statistics have shown two parallel trends: declining new arrivals from the EU (EU immigration) and increasing departure of EU nationals formerly living in the UK (EU emigration). To date, little is known of the latter and of the circumstances and factors that inform and shape EU citizens' decisions to leave the UK. Drawing on in-depth qualitative interviews with 37 EU families who left the UK after the EU referendum, this article offers insights into their social hopes, migratory trajectories, motivations and decision-making. Using a family-centred approach, the analysis of these 'exit trajectories' through the lens of migration infrastructures reveals a range of challenges EU migrants must negotiate and overcome – often within their households. The analysis complicates assumptions of the meaning and experience of 'going home' as seen from a family perspective and reveals the intergenerational tensions, challenges and accommodations that 'return' produces and how these differently affect each family member. Faced with diverging interests, needs and expectations, families pursued two main strategies for accommodating these differences: a spatial strategy, namely negotiating and choosing a destination that would suit the present and future of the family members, or a temporal one, planning the exit strategy not as a one-off event but taking place over a longer period. However, accommodation and reconciliation are not always possible, leading in some cases to the fragmentation or dissolution of the family unit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2018 and March 2019, environmental organizations in the province of Azuay achieved two objectives against the Río Blanco and Loma Larga mining projects, obtaining the suspension of extractive activities by means of a protective action and a popular referendum, respectively. What factors influenced the fact that the anti-mining actors in the province of Azuay achieved the results described above, considering that the mechanisms to make them effective were carried out through institutional channels? This article answers this question based on qualitative research. The data have been collected through the review of written and digital media and of digital portals of social organizations and governmental entities. The argument is that this result has been the product of a variation in political opportunities – changes in the coalitions of the ruling elite and presence of conjunctural allies – in two moments of Ecuador’s recent history (2007-2008 and 2017-2018), which favored the institutional actions of anti-mining organizations. It has been found that the transformations in the coalitions of the ruling elite, expressed in changes in the authorities of national state entities, also shaped the presence of conjunctural political allies for social organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federalism is the foundation of the American governmental system with the dormant Commerce Clause serving as a barrier against states reaching beyond their borders. The dormant Commerce Clause was tested in the U.S. Supreme Court case, National Pork Producers Council v. Ross over California's Proposition 12, an animal health and welfare ballot measure that regulates the sale of livestock into the California marketplace. Proposition 12 survived its challenge before the U.S. Supreme Court because the Court found that pork chops are not regulated under the dormant Commerce Clause. This decision immensely impacts Iowa's economy as Iowa is the number one pork producer in the nation, and most of its production is not in compliance with Proposition 12. Exploring the economic, environmental, and human health impacts of factory farming, and the cost of compliance with Proposition 12, this Note suggests that the consolidation of the agricultural industry has harmed, rather than helped, Iowans. This Note argues that Proposition 12 presents a unique opportunity for the Iowa Legislature to wean itself off factory farming and reestablish its roots as a state committed to small family farms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence from the Oregon Citizens' Initiative Review (CIR) shows the efficacy of a deliberative minipublic serving as a trusted information proxy for an electorate that votes on initiatives and referenda. This paper builds on that model by envisioning a decentralized online process that offers the function of the CIR without the planning and expense of convening the minipublic itself. The resulting model, which we call the Personal Voting Guide, draws on experiments in digital deliberation and provides a scalable process for generating key findings and pro/con arguments on referenda and initiatives, as well as guidance for choosing among parties or candidates. The proposed model addresses the same challenges that inspired the CIR by ensuring trustworthy, high-quality information and motivating voters to use that information before completing their ballots. It also emphasizes the potential for users to customize their voting guides on ballot issues, candidates, and parties based on varied political values, source perceptions, and tolerance for information complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Representations of UK parliamentary power in the popular media have attracted little attention, despite shaping citizens' impressions of the institution. We begin to close this gap, through a content analysis of 657 articles in the national newspapers 2013–2019—a period straddling the Brexit referendum. Pre-referendum, media representations of parliamentary power were mixed, while afterwards, as parliament exerted influence over Brexit, it was presented as more powerful. But right-leaning newspapers shifted their normative position from lamenting parliament's weakness to criticising its strength. Parliament hence faced a lose-lose situation, with key media outlets depicting it either as dangerously weak or dangerously strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article systematically reviews the literature on combining referendums and deliberative processes. With referendums being criticized for various reasons, including their deliberative deficit, and amid the deliberative turn in democracy, various hybrid combinations of referendums and deliberative processes have been practised or suggested. We bring together the hitherto scattered literature that focuses on assumed and observed strengthening effects of deliberation in light of ascribed referendum deficits. Following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses method, we reviewed and thematically analysed 55 publications. We show that, despite their different focal points, a clear overlap exists between perceived shortcomings of referendums and the added value of deliberation. Expectations of hybridization run high, with empirical evidence emerging that shows promising positive effects. Nevertheless, non-positive effects are both anticipated and observed, and these underscore the importance of ensuring appropriate connections between aggregative and deliberative processes and of systemic embedding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intergovernmental Relations in the UK: Cooperation and Conflict in a Devolved Unitary State by Marius Guderjan explores the evolving machinery of intergovernmental relations in the UK, focusing on the tensions and challenges arising from devolution of powers in a unitary system. The book provides detailed accounts of recent constitutional reforms in Scotland and Wales, highlighting the complexities of coordination between devolved and central governments. It also examines the role of the civil service in facilitating intergovernmental relations and offers insights into policy developments in various sectors, making it a valuable resource for understanding the dynamics of devolution and intergovernmental cooperation in the UK. [Extracted from the article]

In 1958, Charles de Gaulle, with no official standing other than his personal charisma, returned to power with the help of the military. For this reason, Raymond Aron and others, without necessarily criticizing de Gaulle, have interpreted the origin of the French Fifth Republic as a revolution or regime change. In recent years this interpretation has become less common, but this essay aims to defend it. However, most interpreters regard the regime change as completed in 1958, when de Gaulle returned to power and rewrote the constitution. Instead, this essay argues that the circumstances of 1958 created serious ambiguities in the new Fifth Republic. It did not specify what kind of regime the new republic was. These ambiguities were resolved by the constitutional change that de Gaulle executed in 1962, when he called a referendum to establish the direct election of the president through universal suffrage. 1962 completed the regime change begun in 1958. Because of the present popularity of direct universal suffrage, the referendum of 1962 now has the aura of a footnote to the events of 1958. But for the participants, 1962 was a high-stakes, regime-level struggle, and this essay explains why. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the rise of Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson, a Black progressive trade unionist who won the 2023 election on a pro-worker and racial justice agenda. Johnson's victory represents a new urban progressive era in Chicago, challenging decades of austerity and inequality. His administration has focused on legislating for the working class, implementing policies such as fair wages, paid leave, and homeless support. However, Johnson faces challenges from ruling-class resistance, budget constraints, and community discontent around issues like crime and immigration. The article highlights the need for the labor-led movement behind Johnson to effectively support his governance and build broader community relationships for continued success. [Extracted from the article]

Recent scholarship has demonstrated a shift in media discourse about marijuana, yet few studies investigate how structural conditions influence variation in engagement with frames about marijuana. Moreover, given the long history of racialized discourse surrounding marijuana, it is surprising that scholars have not investigated framing in media produced by and for communities of color. Drawing on news articles about marijuana in regional Black newspapers in the United States from 1991 to 2016 (n = 2,625), regression analyses reveal that structural factors like political action (e.g., ballot initiatives) and crime rates influence engagement across four unique framing domains: youth, policing, crime, and policy. I argue that, as newsworthy events, ballot initiatives provide opportunities to (re)frame marijuana as a policy issue, whereas conditions of crime shape the extent to which Black newspapers discuss marijuana as a problem impacting youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, voters across Australia resoundingly rejected the Constitu-tional institution of an Indigenous Voice to Parliament. Among several claims made by vote no campaigners against this institution, a text published in the 1980s by the notorious extreme right organization, The Australian League of Rights, surfaced. The central claim of this text, titled Red Over Black, is that Aboriginal claims for justice and land rights are a communist conspiracy. In the lead-up to the referendum, the campaign to vote no echoed this claim. Drawing upon the Laclauian Discourse Analysis, this paper considers how this signifier, ‘communist,’ continues to resonate in political campaigns in Australia. My claim is that the foundations for this continued resonance emerge in enduring reactionary organizations such as the Australian League of Rights, which was founded in the 1940s. The paper thus outlines how the League imagines the communist conspiracy and explains how this conspiracy remains embedded in political discourse today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The document "Wet Paint 2 – Visual Culture in a changing Britain" discusses a roundtable debate on the changing landscape of British art and visual culture. It covers various political and cultural events, including Brexit, the Covid-19 pandemic, and issues of Scottish independence. The text also delves into the complexities of multiculturalism, diversity, and representation in contemporary Britain. The contributors reflect on historical contexts, artistic responses to societal changes, and the evolving definitions of British art in a globalized world. The document highlights the need for a more inclusive and expansive understanding of British art that reflects the diverse identities and cultural forms present in modern Britain. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Haunting biology: Science and indigeneity in Australia" by Emma Kowal explores the intersection of Western biological studies of Indigenous Australians and contemporary Indigenous genomics. The book delves into the history of scientific studies on Indigenous Australians, the efforts of Indigenous activists to control research, and the haunting legacies that complicate current genomics research. Through engaging stories and critical analysis, Kowal challenges readers to understand Indigenous biological difference in the 21st century while navigating the ethical complexities of past research practices. The book offers insights into the complexities of Indigenous genomics and the need to acknowledge and address the ghosts of the past for a more inclusive and just future. [Extracted from the article]

The opportunity for private individuals to engage in addressing issues of national and local significance is exercised through participation in the management of public affairs. This participation, a constitutional right enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine, now holds a broader scope and greater impact than initially anticipated when the Basic Law was adopted at the end of the 20th century. Ongoing changes within Ukrainian society and the rapid evolution of administrative law have given rise to new legal avenues for individual engagement and interaction with public authorities. Effective regulation of public relations between government entities, individuals, and civil society organizations is a vital characteristic of a rule-of-law state. Currently, the effectiveness of citizens' exercise of this constitutional right is measured not only by their ability to vote in elections, participate in referendums, or hold public office but also by their capacity to contribute to decision-making by public authorities. One such legal instrument facilitating this participation is public consultation, which is becoming a crucial component in fostering collaboration between government and civil society on matters of societal and state development. The recently enacted Law of Ukraine "On Public Consultations" introduces, for the first time, a formal definition of public consultation at the regulatory level. It establishes principles for their implementation, identifies participants eligible for involvement, sets forth procedural guidelines, and outlines mechanisms for reporting and monitoring outcomes. These provisions ensure that public consultation serves as an effective tool for involving the public in policy development and for facilitating participation in the formulation of regulatory and legislative acts, rather than mer ely functioning as a formal process. The enactment of this law, which provides an additional mechanism for public involvement, aligns with a broader European trend toward expanding public participation in decision-making processes at both local and central levels. Nonetheless, this legislation also contains several shortcomings that may hinder the practical implementation of some of its provisions and limit the extent of civil society's influence on governmental decision-making. The aim of this article is to examine the Law of Ukraine "On Public Consultations" and assess its implications for the evolving relationship between the State and civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the concept of oligarchy in modern political theory, examining the relationship between wealth, power, and democracy. It compares authoritarian Singapore and liberal-democratic United States as examples of civil oligarchies. "The Anti-Oligarchy Constitution" by Fishkin and Forbath analyzes how constitutional and party-political structures shape democratization and de-democratization in the US. Levitsky and Ziblatt highlight the risks of authoritarianism in the US due to flaws in the political system, advocating for comprehensive reforms to safeguard democracy. The document includes academic sources discussing oligarchy, democracy, and political theory, offering diverse perspectives and historical insights for those interested in political science and social theory. [Extracted from the article]

The article is devoted to the analysis of the constitutional and legal framework of the all-Ukrainian referendum in Ukraine, consideration of the practice of its holding, and also to the identification of problems in legal regulation and implementation mechanisms. The article notes that an all-Ukrainian referendum is an important instrument of direct democracy which provides citizens with the opportunity to influence decision-making of national importance. However, the current legal framework governing referendums in Ukraine has significant regulatory and procedural shortcomings which create obstacles to the effective implementation of this institution. Imperfect legislation makes it difficult to conduct referendums in accordance with democratic standards, and political factors can impede the transparency and impartiality of the process. Solving these problems is a prerequisite for the development of a stable system of dir ect democracy in Ukraine. The article notes that the political situation in Ukraine, including the rule of law, the war in the east and economic instability, poses risks to referendums. In particular, there is a possibility of manipulation by politicians or the use of referendums to undermine democratic institutions. Such referendums may cause additional social polarisation, especially if the questions relate to controversial topics such as EU or NATO membership or language status. Special attention is paid to possible ways to improve the legal provisions to ensure the effectiveness and transparency of the referendum process. In particular, attention is drawn to the regulatory limitations, procedural shortcomings and political challenges that affect the possibility of implementing referendums in accordance with democratic standards. The article also examines the compliance of Ukrainian legislation with international norms and principles of referendums and analyses foreign experience that may be useful for improving the legal framework of the all-Ukra inian referendum. Ukraine's referendum legislation is generally in line with international standards, but requires further harmonisation to be in line with democratic principles and international norms. The key recommendations of international organisations such as the Venice Commission include transparency of the referendum process, ensuring freedom of expression and involvement of the parliament in overseeing the referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is devoted to the study of the concept of «Ukrainian people». The subject of the study is the physical and legal entities of the Ukrainian people. The hypothesis of the study is the thesis that the legal entities of the people of Ukraine are the bearers of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine. This thesis is called the hypothesis "A". It was found that the electoral legislation provides that the sole source of power in Ukraine is individual citizens (natural persons). These individuals are registered in the State Register of Voters. On the basis of this register, the state election management body, the Central Election Commission, organizes all elections and referendums in Ukraine, distributes ballots and summarizes the results of the popular will. Individuals of the Ukrainian people are the bearers of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine. It was also found that legal entities of citizens are not registered in the State Register of Voters. All legal entities of Ukraine are registered in the Unified State Register of Legal Entities, Individual Entrepreneurs and Public Organizations. The illogicality of the idea that legal entities of Ukrainian citizens cannot be the bearers of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine is emphasized, simply because they are not included in the voter register by the state. It is argued that it is logical to assume that these legal entities are also the bearers of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine. It has been proven that legal entities of citizens of Ukraine are legal entities of the Ukrainian people, and not of any other people. Natural persons of citizens of Ukraine and legal entities of citizens of Ukraine are one Ukrainian people. Hypothesis "A" is tested for compliance with the real conditions of this war. It is found that the State Register of Voters was destroyed by this war and needs to be restored, while the Unified State Register of Legal Entities, Individual Entrepreneurs and Public Organizations has survived and is functioning. From this fact, it is concluded that the people remain the constitutional bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power in Ukraine during this war, namely the legal entities of the Ukrainian people, and not individual citizens, as it has always been. The hypothesis "A" confirmed by this war means that the state of Ukraine at any moment of this war can distribute ballots to legal entities of Ukrainian citizens and the people of Ukraine will vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the criminal law doctrine, it is considered that the object of any criminal offense is one of the main elements of its composition, without which it will not make sense to talk about the existence of such an offense and bring criminal responsibility for it. Collaborative activities are no exception. Considering this, as well as the relative novelty of the studied article 111-1 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, we believe that the definition of the object of this criminal offens e needs to be clarified taking into account certain debatable aspects of the selected issue. The purpose of this article is to define the concept of the direct object of collaborative activity, as well as possible additional objects of actions that make up its composition. The most accurate and universal is the concept according to which the object of a criminal offense is defined as the order of social relations, which is protected by the norms of the criminal law. According to this, the object of collaborative activity is the direct object of collaborative activity can be defined as the order of public relations in the sphere of ensuring the state s overeignty, defense capability and national security of Ukraine in the state, political, economic, informational and military spheres. Mandatory additional objects of collaborative activity are: the order of public relations in the sphere of ensuring the activities of state authorities (parts 2, 5, 7); order of social relations in the field of economic activity (part 4); the order of public relations regarding the provision of electoral legislation and the referendum (part 6); the order of social relations in the sphere of ensuring normal moral, intellectual development and socialization of minors (part 3); order of public relations in the sphere of protection of human life and health and property relations (part 8). This study does not solve all the problems associated with determining the composition of collaborative activity, but it is promising in the field of solving problems regarding criminal liability for criminally punishable acts that make up the composition of coll aborative activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the challenges faced by libraries in engaging with political content due to regulations from the Public Disclosure Commission in Washington State. Despite high levels of trust in libraries and librarians, restrictions on discussing electoral matters limit their ability to provide information on politics and civic engagement. The article explores the implications of these restrictions on library programming and displays, highlighting the need for careful navigation of political content to avoid perceived bias or advocacy. Suggestions for alternative approaches, such as partnerships with academic institutions, are proposed to address these challenges. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Trump's election victory and his future foreign policy" in the magazine WeltTrends describes how Donald Trump won the US presidential elections and what political implications this will have. Trump narrowly defeated Kamala Harris and is expected to pursue a tough "America First" foreign policy. His government will focus on China, Europe, and NATO, and will try to reduce trade deficits and strengthen relations with allies. It is expected that Trump will also radically reshape domestic policy in the USA. [Extracted from the article]

The article "On a Brussels Course: Poland's Foreign Policy in the Turbulence of the Times" in the magazine WeltTrends describes Poland's foreign policy challenges, especially in light of the US presidential elections and relations with the USA. The national conservative government in Warsaw continues to focus on Western integration and cooperation within the EU and NATO. Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski plays an important role in diplomacy, particularly in relation to Ukraine. The article discusses how Poland shapes its relationships with other countries such as Germany and Hungary. [Extracted from the article]

Studies on the Irish referendum experience have generally accepted that political parties play a fundamental role in the direct democratic process. While this is rarely problematised, parties often campaign in referendums in order to steer them towards outcomes that are strategically beneficial. Contemporary research on Irish referendums has delved into how parties shape their campaigns to achieve these goals, but a more preliminary question is still to be addressed: to what extent do parties participate in referendum campaigns? This paper attempts to do so by examining campaign expenditure, which offers a concrete quantitative indicator for party engagement vis-à-vis referendums. Departing from theory on party behaviour and referendum instrumentalization, the article takes into account Irish regulations on campaign finance before offering a descriptive and explorative comparison of the expenditure of Irish political parties in recent referendum campaigns. Several patterns within the data are then discussed in light of potential influential factors identified in previous scholarly work. Results suggest that a referendum's topic and its salience in the public sphere, as well as a party's financial resources and government status, could explain party behaviour in Irish referendum campaigns, and a set of congruent hypotheses for future research are formulated in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws upon new data from a recent Economic and Social Research Council funded project, Beyond Unionism and Nationalism, to examine whether electors in Northern Ireland identifying as neither nationalist/republican nor unionist/loyalist, the 'neithers', desire a referendum on Northern Ireland's constitutional status (often labelled a border poll) on whether it should remain part of the UK or form part of a United Ireland and which of those two options they prefer. With surveys of public opinion and election results suggesting there are now three minorities in the region, unionists, nationalists and 'neithers', the views of the lattermost category may be vital in determining the arrival and outcome of a referendum. Utilising the largest n (2,045) set of face-to-face interviews with 'neithers' yet undertaken, the article suggests that their low levels of electoral activity extend to a current lack of enthusiasm for both an exercise in self-determination and a United Ireland. The piece also indicates, however, that national identification and religious affiliation are significant attitudinal indicators even among a group of electors located beyond the traditional bloc divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the referendum on Britain's membership of the EU, leavers and remainers have become identified in media, political, intellectual, social scientific and everyday discourses with a contested set of racialised and classed characteristics. Central to this portrayal of leavers and remainers is the idea widespread within remain-orientated discourse that leavers are more likely to hold racist attitudes on questions of multiculturalism and immigration compared to remainers. This article draws on fieldwork that examines the emotive accusation of racism articulated by leavers and remainers at each other, and expressed in everyday discourses and social interactions. We explore the ways in which racism becomes reduced within social interactions to an individual characteristic of leave or remain 'kinds of people'. Our argument is that the individualisation of racism in this way inadvertently displaces and curtails critical reflection on the reproduction of white privilege in British society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Yellow Vest Movement in France, which began in 2018 as a protest against rising fuel taxes. The movement was characterized by a lack of clear political nature, with debates on whether it was about environmental justice or selfish motives. The Yellow Vests claimed to represent the sovereign people, reminiscent of the French Revolution's Sans-Culottes, demanding control over representatives and a moral renovation of democracy. The movement's use of revolutionary imagery and demands for popular control over elected officials reflect a resurgence of popular sovereignty in modern protests, challenging traditional forms of representation. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the Chilean constituent process that began in response to widespread protests against the Constitution of 1980. The process involved two assemblies, a failed referendum in 2022, and a subsequent agreement to establish a "Constitutional Council." The article explores the theoretical and political challenges of constituent power in the context of the Chilean process, highlighting the need to balance revolutionary and constrained approaches to constitution-making. It critiques traditional theories of constituent power and proposes a relational approach that emphasizes the dynamic and democratic nature of constitutional processes. The article concludes by calling for a nuanced understanding of constituent power that goes beyond normative constraints and engages with the complex political and cultural factors that shape constitutional legitimacy. [Extracted from the article]

Community recreation centers (CRCs) are gaining popularity across the country. While many support the argument that CRCs improve quality of life by building social capital and improving the physical health of residents, that support does not necessarily translate into community support for the funding and construction of CRCs. Some communities undertake surveys to try to gauge the support for CRCs but have had mixed results on the insights provided by those surveys. Furthermore, public perceptions about the accuracy and usefulness of survey data could lead to stakeholder disregard for the data produced by them. This case study focuses on the benefits of a robust partnership between a local community and a regional university in developing a survey research project to analyze support for building a CRC. In this paper, we emphasize the value of producing trusted data and provide lessons on how community-university partnerships can achieve similar objectives. The first lesson is that community-university partnerships, by emphasizing local connections, can help foster trust in survey research projects. Second, strategic community-university partnerships can derive additional benefits such as division of labor, expertise, and cost savings. Third, by embracing the above two benefits, collaboration is not only possible, but can produce tailored survey research projects that provide stakeholders insights into critical questions. Finally, community-university partnerships that are structured around shared values can help communities solve critical policy issues effectively and efficiently. This case study details these lessons through an examination of a robust communityuniversity partnership that led to the passage of a ballot referendum to build a CRC. This community-university model of collaboration provides a framework for communities and universities to work together to serve the public good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a decolonising geographical approach to critique the limitations of the Eurocentric model of local government democracy in Aotearoa and Tauranga Moana. Thematic analysis of media representations of the Māori ward debate and semi‐structured interviews illuminates how Māori have been marginalised from local government decision‐making. First, I illustrate the way legislation, practices and processes of local government democracy, including referenda, are mechanisms that marginalise Māori and Te Ao Māori. Second, the article highlights that the establishment of Māori wards within the local government structure is the only way to ensure dedicated representation of Māori as elected members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the concept of permanent neutrality in international law, using Turkmenistan as a case study. Turkmenistan's foreign and domestic policies are heavily influenced by its permanent neutrality, which is enshrined in its constitution and national monuments. The text also explores how autocrats, like Turkmenistan's regime, may use international law, specifically permanent neutrality, to legitimize their rule both domestically and internationally. The analysis suggests that Turkmenistan's use of permanent neutrality aligns with the concept of Authoritarian International Law (AIL), showcasing the regime's strategic manipulation of legal norms for non-democratic purposes. [Extracted from the article]

The article "One Year On ... The Nation's Still Shrinking" reflects on the state of Australia a year after the publication of "The Shrinking Nation." It discusses the political, social, and cultural changes that have occurred, including the defeat of the referendum on the Indigenous Voice to Parliament and the challenges faced by the Albanese government in implementing progressive initiatives. The article highlights the ongoing issues of rising inequality, political polarization, and the need for bold interventions in health and social welfare to address the nation's shrinking status. [Extracted from the article]

"The Shrinking Nation—Response" by Michelle Arrow, published in the Journal of Australian Studies, reflects on Graeme Turner's analysis of Australia's societal and cultural decline over the past two decades. Turner attributes this decline to neoliberal policies, political failures, and a lack of national identity. He suggests that civic engagement, cultural renewal, and a strong cultural policy are essential to reviving the nation. The article highlights the importance of embracing diverse Australian stories and fostering a sense of national belonging through culture. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the impact of French colonialism and nuclear testing in the Pacific, particularly in Te Ao Mā'ohi and Kanaky. Indigenous writers and artists from French Pacific colonies have criticized French colonialism, focusing on nuclearization, resistance, and repression. The anti-French, anti-nuclear literature has led to a cultural reintegration in Polynesia, uniting Indigenous groups against French presence. The article highlights the literary responses from Francophone and Anglophone Oceanian authors, emphasizing the regional solidarity and cultural resistance against French colonialism and nuclear testing. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the challenges faced by the Albanese government in Australia during the first half of 2024. The government struggled with issues related to Indigenous reconciliation, tax cuts, parliamentary expenses, and political maneuvering. Additionally, there were byelections held in Dunkley and Cook, a new Governor General was appointed, and controversies arose over immigration policies and parliamentary behavior. The article also mentions a minor mutiny over the Palestinian question in the Senate. Overall, the Albanese government faced a tumultuous period marked by various political and policy challenges. [Extracted from the article]

The text discusses political developments in Victoria from January to June 2024, following the resignation of long-time Labor Premier Daniel Andrews. The new Premier, Jacinta Allan, faced challenges such as debates over the Lord's Prayer in parliament, cancellation of the annual Iftar dinner, and decisions on issues like duck hunting and a supervised drug injecting facility. The text also covers the Dunkley by-election, electoral redistribution, the state budget, changes in parliamentary secretary roles, and Labor MPs leaving the party. Additionally, it highlights the opposition's stance on a potential treaty with First Nations people and shifts in public opinion against Labor. [Extracted from the article]

The first half of 2024 in Queensland was marked by ongoing issues such as inflation, youth crime, housing, health, and Olympic infrastructure, which continued to challenge the Labor Government. Despite efforts to address these issues, Premier Steven Miles faced a brief honeymoon period, with opinion polls indicating a potential swing at the upcoming state election. The economy faced challenges due to severe storms, inflation concerns, rising demand for cost-of-living services, and unemployment rates. Additionally, the government focused on clean energy initiatives, infrastructure projects, and addressing youth crime, while also dealing with political controversies and public opinion shifts. [Extracted from the article]

Ontological security-seeking has traditionally been considered to rest upon the stability and continuity of core auto-biographical narratives and everyday routines. 'Critical situations' which fundamentally destabilise these foundations of ontological security have thus hitherto carried a negative valence. Constitutional referenda proposing a radical re-organisation of collective political identities and daily life, therefore, are intriguing. A source of severe consternation for some, for others, potential change is positive, even thrilling. This article investigates this puzzling contrast, drawing on Ontological Security Studies' (OSS) recent recentring of Existentialist thought and debates exploring the heterogenous potential of anxiety, and utilising the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence and the strategies for anxiety management embedded in the pro-independence 'Yes' campaign. Through analysis of dominant discourses grounding the argument for independence, findings demonstrate the simultaneous deployment of contradictory anxiety management strategies: independence was framed as a pathway to escape the instability and uncertainty of the status quo; as a pathway to continuity; and as a chance to embrace anxiety, to relish the opportunity and excitement of change. This article thus contributes to the prevailing critique of OSS' over-privileging of stability and continuity in ontological security-seeking, yet problematises 'either/or' approaches to understanding anxiety management in critical situations and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon an overview of more than thirty countries worldwide that have legalized same-sex marriage, this paper explores the primary methods employed for its legalization, namely parliamentary legislation, constitutional review, and referendums. These three methods can be categorized as follows: the legislative model (e.g., Netherlands, Germany, France, Canada, New Zealand), the judicial model (e.g., United States, Brazil, Taiwan), and the referendum model (e.g., Ireland). The paper posits that under different constitutional systems and electoral systems, the primary approaches to the implementation of same-sex marriage may vary. Excluding the rare referendum model, the paper hypothesizes that, among the two main models for the legalization of same-sex marriage-legislative model and judicial model-countries with a parliamentary system and a semi-presidential system with a parliamentary bias tend to adopt the legislative model, especially when the parliamentary electoral system is proportional representation. Conversely, countries with a presidential system and a semi-presidential system with a presidential bias are inclined towards the judicial model, particularly when the parliamentary electoral system is a single-member plurality system, and the presidential electoral system is a plurality system. In summary, by arguing that constitutional systems and electoral systems influence the patterns of same-sex marriage legalization, the paper systematically examines all countries worldwide (including Taiwan) that have implemented same-sex marriage. It explores whether a correlation exists between these institutional factors and the models of same-sex marriage legalization and seeks to validate whether the implementation patterns of same-sex marriage align with the paper's hypotheses on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Andrea Muehlebach's article "A Vital Frontier: Water Insurgencies in Europe" explores resistance movements against water privatization in Italy, Ireland, and Berlin, highlighting the violence inherent in financialization and privatization processes. The movements challenge the commodification of water, proposing alternative modes of valuation rooted in local contexts and histories. Muehlebach's ethnographic research reveals how these water movements engage in struggles for self-determination and emancipation, offering insights into resistance against financial capitalism and the erosion of democratic structures. [Extracted from the article]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 had a significant preamble. In 2014, when then-President Yanukovych fled Ukraine amid the Maidan protests, the loss of its ally in Kyiv prompted Russia to instigate pro-Russian and military activities in Crimea. This culminated in Russia, after a disputed referendum, incorporating Crimea as a Russian republic on 18 March 2014. This article examines how the widely read Russian weekly newspaper Argumenty i Facty (Arguments and Facts) portrayed events in the months prior to and following the annexation of Crimea. From December 2013 to March 2014, Argumenty i Facty published 122 articles and opinion pieces on the Ukrainian and Crimean events. A qualitative analysis of these articles reveals the narratives used to justify the annexation of Crimea, such as the plight of the sootechestvennik (literally "those who are with the fatherland"), referring to ethnic Russians residing outside Russia, and Ukraine's inferior quality of life compared to Russia's "powerful economy". While nostalgic references to a common history can be seen as 'velvet glove' enticement to split Ukraine and its eastern part to re-join Russia, an increasing number of articles also show Russia's mindset and determination to employ any means necessary to redraw borders to its ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2024 Political Data Yearbook highlights political developments in 2023, focusing on economic performance, inflation, immigration policies, and political scandals in various countries. The text discusses shifts in democratic performance, elections, and referenda held in different nations, as well as changes in the composition of cabinets and parliaments. The document provides a comprehensive overview of the political landscape, including key issues, election outcomes, and trends in women's representation in government across multiple countries. [Extracted from the article]

This entry chronicles the failed referendum on constitutional recognition of First Nations Australians via the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice. The entry includes election results for the referendum, two by‐elections and one subnational election. It supplies data on the Cabinet and notes changes in parliamentary composition (sex and party). It notes changes to Australia's Public Service Act, its Reserve Bank and the ongoing implementation of measures to make Parliament a safer place. The entry discusses the development of the referendum proposal, debate, consequences and reasons for its defeat. Policy issues discussed include Labor's response to the cost‐of‐living crisis, including housing, social welfare energy and climate transition. Issues of governance are also discussed including Royal Commission and Secretary Sackings. Finally, Australia's foreign policy, including the Australian‐United Kingdom‐United States alliance and Australia's relationship with the Pacific and China, are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]