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International audience; While implementation of socially-oriented market economy, first of all, improvement of life quality of population and competitive abilities of human capital, as well as regulation of economic development and its stability, use of natural resources and their preservation for future generations are important conditions. The main aim in implementation of the model is provision of the dynamics of the human capital related with ecological, institutional, economic, informative-technological directions and regulated development of ecosystem. Characteristic features of national economic development model of Azerbaijan are the followings: I. In Azerbaijan mixed economy is being formed based on different property and economic forms and an environment is being established for favorable activity of state and private property forms; II. In Azerbaijan, economy is regulated by the state, favorable condition is set for competitivity of products both for domestic and foreign markets; II. Regulation is carried out both on macroeconomic, and microeconomic level; IV. Development peculiarities of socially-oriented economy, traditions of solution of social problems by the state are compatible with German model; V. Environment of free competence is conducted by the state and anti-monopoly measures are implemented; VI. Employment policy and reduction of poverty are integral parts of the social economic policy conducted in Azerbaijan. As above-noted, socially-oriented market economy forming in Azerbaijan reflects traditions of the western countries, as Azerbaijan has joined social policy program of the European Union and here the legal framework of market economy is based on international laws. So, national economic development model of Azerbaijan has social nature. Economic policy carrying social nature, on one hand is based on human factor, on another hand, on the practice of the advanced countries of the world developed by the way of development of market economy. At the same time, innovative development of economy and implementation of modernization strategy are priority issues in national economic development model of Azerbaijan.

La lucha contra la pobreza es un objetivo común compartido por los principales actores políticos, empresariales y académicos del mundo. La pobreza es un fenómeno difícil de solucionar debido a su carácter complejo y multidimensional, razón por la cual existen muchas definiciones y maneras de medirla. En este contexto, el artículo, de naturaleza teórica y descriptiva, presenta la evolución del concepto de pobreza y proporcionar un marco de análisis y reflexión de los diversos enfoques de reducción contra la pobreza, poniendo especial interés en las propuestas elaboradas desde el campo de la administración y negocios por De Soto (2000) y Prahalad (2005). La complementariedad y la integralidad de los enfoques de desarrollo pueden ser una alternativa viable contra la pobreza, así como la participación y la vinculación de todos los actores y de los mismos pobres, con el fin de derrotar la pobreza y alcanzar el desarrollo. Poverty is a difficult phenomenon to solve due to its complex and multidimensional character, which is why there are many definitions and ways of measuring it. In this context, this paper has as a main goal to present a review of literature of the diverse focuses and models of reduction of poverty and to proportionate a framework of analysis and reflection for future investigations. Methodologically, the paper of literature review, which is of descriptive and theoretical nature, pays especial interest in the proposals developed by Hernando De Soto (2000) and C.K. Prahalad (2005), who illustrate hope to face an endemic problem in an international level. The richness of each focus (its complementarity and integrality) defies the Management of Business because puts in evidence its potential contribution to the fight against poverty. The main result demonstrates that endogenous models, in which poor people are protagonists in the process of reinsertion to development, require two strategies: access to the markets and valorization of its wealth. Poor people require more from market (more capitalism) than from social programs subsidized by the Government A pobreza é um fenômeno difícil de solucionar devido ao seu carácter complexo e multidimensional, motivo pelo qual existem muitas definições e maneiras de medi-las. Neste contexto, o presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar a revisão de literatura dos diversos enfoques e modelos de redução da pobreza e proporcionar um marco de análise e reflexão para futuras pesquisas. Metodologicamente, o artigo de revisão de literatura, que é de natureza teórica e descritiva, põe especial interesse nas propostas elaboradas por Hernando De Soto (2000) e C. K. Prahalad (2005), os quais dão sinais de esperança frente a um problema endémico a nível mundial. A riqueza de cada enfoque -a sua complementaridade e integralidade- desafia à Administração de Negócios, pois põe em evidência a sua potencial contribuição na luta contra a pobreza. O resultado principal demonstra que os modelos endógenos, no qual os próprios pobres são os protagonistas no processo de se reinserir ao desenvolvimento, requerem duas estratégias: acesso aos mercados e valorização de seus patrimónios. Os pobres requerem de mais mercado (mais capitalismo) que de programas sociais subvencionados pelo Estado.

In the 20th Century, Brazil rapidly urbanized and is now not only an urban nation but a metropolitan one. Brazils sprawling regioes metropolitanas (metropolitan regions, or RMs, which are municipal clusters) are now home to almost 50 million people and much of the countrys economic vitality. The RM spatial level and its supporting governmental institutions have thus become critical to Brazils future development. While challenges remain for tackling deprivation in rural areas, poverty in Brazil is now predominantly urban. More than six in 10 Brazilians in extreme poverty were living in urban settings as of 2012. Of these, over a fourth was concentrated in the 10 largest RMs.

This study aims to achieve a better understanding of the agricultural risk and risk management situation in Tanzania with a view to identifying key solutions to reduce current gross domestic product (GDP) growth volatility. For the purpose of this assessment, risk is defined as the probability that an uncertain event will occur that can potentially produce losses to participants along the supply chain. Persistence of unmanaged risks in agriculture is a cause of great economic losses for farmers and other actors along the supply chains (for example, traders, processors, and exporters), affecting export earnings and food security. The agricultural sector risk assessment is a straightforward methodology based on a three-phase sequential process. Phase analyzes the chronological occurrence of inter-seasonal agricultural risks with a view to identify and prioritize the risks that are the drivers of agricultural GDP volatility. This report contains the findings and recommendations of the first phase and includes the identification, analysis, and prioritization of major risks facing the agricultural sector in Tanzania, as well as recommendations regarding key solutions. Chapter one gives introduction and context. Chapter two contains an overview of the agricultural sector and its performance, as well as a discussion of key agro-climatic, weather, and policy restrictions and opportunities. Chapter three includes an assessment of major risks (that is, production, market, and enabling environment risks) facing key export and food crops. Chapter four presents an estimate of historical losses due to realized production risks and a correlation of such losses with production volatility. Chapter five provides insights into the exposure to risks by different stakeholders and their actual capacities, vulnerabilities, and potential to manage agricultural risks. Chapter six presents a risk prioritization by different supply chains and discusses the possible solutions, as well as specific recommendations for the agricultural sector development program (ASDP).

Over the last decade, the Kyrgyz Republic experienced volatile but positive economic growth. Since the early 2000s, the share of working age population has been growing robustly and foreign labor markets have been an important source of employment. The Kyrgyz Republic has achieved large reductions in poverty over the past decade, but in recent years progress has diminished. During 2003-2012, the Kyrgyz Republic saw significant convergence between urban and rural poverty rates. Poverty reduction during 2003-2013 was driven mostly by growth rather than redistribution.

This note expands the analysis on poverty and income distribution reported by the FYR Macedonia SSO for 2010 and 2011. The present work is based on an analysis performed in-situ by World Bank staff on the offices of the FYR Macedonian SSO.

This study discusses the impact of economic geography and (low) population density on development outcomes in Mali and explores how policies to reduce poverty can be made more effective by taking these two factors into account. The crisis in north Mali which started in 2012 and continues to date has brought questions of economic geography to the center of attention. To help answer such questions, and to analyze how to reduce poverty in Mali as a whole, this study uses different sources of information to analyze the diversity of livelihood patterns, in access to services and in living standards. The study uses quantitative information from household surveys, population and firm censuses, administrative and geographic data, and qualitative information about livelihoods. This study argues that the authorities will need to employ all three policy instruments, while emphasizing that if the objective is poverty reduction, most attention should be focused on spatially blind approaches. The study is organized as follows: chapter one gives introduction. Chapter two emphasizes differences in population density which allows distinguishing between types of agglomeration from villages, to rural town, to large cities. Chapter three categorizes the country into various livelihood zones and considers how the agro-physical environment affects the way people live. In chapter four authors turn to household welfare. Chapter five considers access to services. Chapter six is forward looking.

Modifying the national poverty line to the context of observed consumption patterns of the poor is becoming popular. A context-specific poverty line would be more consistent with preferences. This paper provides theoretical and empirical evidence that the contrary holds and that the national poverty line is more appropriate for comparing living standards among the poor, at least under prevailing conditions in Mozambique and Ghana. The problem lies in the risk of downscaling the burden associated with cheap-calorie diets and the low nonfood component of the rural poor. The paper illustrates how observed behavior may neither reveal preferences nor detect heterogeneous preferences among the poor. Rather, the consumption pattern is the upshot of the poverty condition itself. Poverty is confused with preferences if observed cheap-calorie diets are seen as a matter of taste, whereas in fact they reflect a lack of means to consume a preferred diet of higher quality, as food Engel curve estimates indicate. Likewise, a smaller nonfood component is not a matter of a particular distaste, but an adaptation to the fact that various nonfood items (such as transport) and basic services (such as electricity and health) are simply absent in rural areas.

Strong poverty reduction in Latin America resumed with the growth rebound in 2010, as both moderate and extreme poor households benefitted from the recovery, accelerating poverty reduction to rates similar to those witnessed between 2003-2006 despite a 2.8 percent decline in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms, poverty levels in Latin America (LAC) remained basically static during the great recession, as the poor were shielded from the economic crisis in some countries and continued to benefit from growth in others. In 2010, poverty reduction resumed sharply in Latin America, as household incomes were once again closely linked to economic growth at rates similar to pre-crisis years. Moderate poverty declined by almost 2.5 percentage points to reach 28 percent in 2010, while extreme poverty fell by more than 2 percentage points to reach 14 percent. As 2011 comes to a close, once again the global economy and Latin America are facing risks of yet another economic slowdown. Using household survey data from 2010 and selected labor market indicators through the third quarter of 2011, this note identifies some basic facts on the impact of the crisis and the recovery on the poor and explores their implications for poverty reduction in the region going forward.

Deaton s analysis of the problems with poverty counts and suggestions for improvement, including issues needing further research, are based on two distinct stages in counting the poor. At the first or international stage, a world poverty line is set and used to derive comparable poverty lines for each country. At the second or domestic stage, the poverty lines are used to count the number of poor people in each country, and the others are added up over countries. He finds disquieting evidence about both stages of counting. The data for poverty counts in the second stage come from household surveys, whereas data on aggregate economic growth are from National Accounts Statistics (NAS). Deaton finds that in many countries there are large and growing disparities between survey data and national accounts so that there is no consistent empirical basis for conclusions about the extent to which growth reduces poverty. It is scandalous that even after nearly half a century of pursuing national and international programs for the eradication of mass poverty, the empirical foundations for assessing the success or failure of the programs and drawing lessons from them are so weak as to be deemed nonexistent. Abandoning them and focusing on national and subnational poverty analysis that goes beyond headcounts will be the sensible course to follow. The author focuses only on consumption-based poverty lines. The reason is the challenge of defining household income in a theoretically satisfactory manner and collecting data on income based on that definition through household surveys in any country (developed or developing). Deaton (1989) discusses the difficulties in meeting the challenge. Poverty counts based on income-based poverty lines are even more problematic than consumption-based ones.

As recent discussions have made clear, the apparent lack of poverty reduction in the face of historically high rates of economic growth—both in the world as a whole and in specific countries (most notably India)—provides fuel for the argument that economic growth does little to reduce poverty. How confident can we be that the data actually support these inferences? At the international level, the regular revision of purchasing power parity exchange rates plays havoc with the poverty estimates, changing them in ways that have little or nothing to do with the actual experience of the poor. At the domestic level, the problems in measuring poverty are important not only for the world count but also for tracking income poverty within individual countries. Yet, in many countries, there are large and growing discrepancies between the survey data—the source of poverty counts—and the national accounts—the source of the measure of economic growth. Thus economic growth, as measured, has at best a weak relationship with poverty, as measured. The World Bank prepares and publishes estimates of the number of poor people in the world. Although these numbers should be taken with a pinch of salt, they are arguably important. In an institution where the reduction of poverty is the paramount objective, some overall yardstick of progress (or the lack of it) is required. The numbers are frequently quoted by politicians and by leaders of international organizations, including the World Bank itself, who believe the numbers are effective for advocacy. Indeed, there is a long history of studies of poverty mobilizing support among the nonpoor for antipoverty policies. So it is important to know whether the world and national poverty counts are sound enough to support these uses. As recent discussions have made clear, the apparent lack of poverty reduction in the face of historically high rates of economic growth—both in the world as a whole and in specific countries (most notably India)—is providing fuel for the argument that economic growth does little to reduce poverty. How confident can we be that the data actually support these inferences? Are the changes in the poverty counts sufficiently well measured to support conclusions about growth and poverty reduction? Should