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This article explores the articulated regulatory and political framework within which the European Union's choice to prefer the adoption of informal acts instead of traditional instruments of international law, in the external management of immigration has taken form. The existence in European Union practice of informal tools that can be more correctly qualified as informal agreements will be demonstrated taking into account their characteristics, content, and similarities with the EURAs concluded by the European Union with third countries. Reference will be made exclusively to the practice of the European Union, without analyzing the informal instruments adopted in the same field by the Member States. Finally, the study will look at the systemic implications of using informal instruments on the relationship between EU law and international law, also in the light of the principle of autonomy of the EU legal order developed by the CJEU

Unintended consequences arising from EU external migration policy are a result of the multi-actor nature of this policy and of policy interactions. In addition, scholars face serious methodological challenges in establishing what the EU’s ‘intent’ is in external migration policy and, therefore, in determining which consequences are intended and which are unintended. The literature on the implementation and evaluation of EU external migration policy is in its infancy, and future work should take into account all policy outcomes – both those that were intended and those that were not.

The Minister of Internal Affairs of Germany H. Seehofer prepared in early June 2018 the «Migration Masterplan», with provisions for coalition agreement on migration. Federal Chancellor A. Merkel disagreed with one of his points on border controls in Germany. The conflict developed into a political crisis. The Minister voiced an ultimatum to the head of coalition. A. Merkel, having accepted it, made significant efforts to discuss a number of issues with leaders of the EU member-states. Among them: conclusion of bilateral agreements on readmission of migrants and joint steps for resolution of European migration crisis. The agreements reached at the summit in Brussels in late June formed the basis for compromise between CDU and CSU. The government has adopted a set of urgent measures to combat illegal migration and tighten German migration policy. The paper analyzes the causes and consequences of the conflict, which led to the political crisis in Germany, as well as the role of the EU in overcoming it.

Magistrska naloga obravnava vprašanje eksternalizacije kontrole migracij v Evropski uniji (EU), tj. vprašanje premika kontrole migracij zunaj meja držav članic EU, vključno s prenosom kontrole na druge akterje. Namen naloge je predstaviti koncept eksternalizacije kontrole migracij in tveganja, ki jih tovrstne politike prinašajo na področju varstva človekovih pravic. Prvi del se ukvarja s samim konceptom eksternalizacije kontrole migracij, z akterji, ki delujejo na tem področju, ter načini, s katerimi se zasleduje eksternalizacijska agenda. Predstavljene so tudi nekatere glavne prednosti in slabosti tovrstnih politik. Drugi del izhaja iz predpostavke, da v okviru eksternalizacije kontrole migracij obstajajo določena tveganja za kršitve človekovih pravic s strani EU in/ali držav članic ali tretjih držav. Pri tem so predstavljena tudi nekatera glavna tveganja. Preko analize sporazumov o ponovnem sprejemu in političnih deklaracij v okviru partnerstev za mobilnost, ki jih je sklenila EU s tretjimi državami, naloga preverja, če instrumente, ki služijo tudi eksternalizaciji kontrole migracij na ravni EU, spremljajo zadostna varovala za spoštovanje človekovih pravic in mednarodnega azilnega prava v praksi. V nadaljevanju so predstavljene (omejene) možnosti za vzpostavitev odgovornosti EU in/ali držav članic po mednarodnem pravu v primeru kršitev človekovih pravic. Posebej so obravnavane možnosti posameznikov za litigacijo pred Evropskim sodiščem za človekove pravice in Sodiščem Evropske unije kot tudi nekatere glavne procesne ovire, na katere lahko pri tem naletijo. Sklepno se naloga ukvarja z vprašanjem eksternalizacije kontrole migracij v prihodnje. The master's thesis discusses the issue of the externalisation of migration controls in the European Union (EU), i. e. the question of moving migration controls beyond the borders of the EU Member States, including by transferring them to other actors. The aim of the thesis is to present the concept of the externalisation of migration controls as well as the risks that such policies entail for the protection of human rights. The first part deals with the concept of the externalisation of migration controls, the actors involved in it and the ways in which the externalisation agenda is pursued. Moreover, the thesis presents some main strengths and weaknesses of such policies. The second part works on the assumption that the externalisation of migration controls entails certain risks for human rights violations by the EU and/or the Member States or third countries. Some main risks are presented. The thesis examines whether EU instruments, which serve also for externalisation purposes, contain adequate safeguards for the respect of human rights and international asylum law in practice by analysing EU readmission agreements and political declarations establishing mobility partnerships between the EU and third countries. Furthermore, the thesis explores the (limited) possibilities for establishing the responsibility of the EU and/or Member States for human rights violations under international law. It discusses the litigation possibilities that individuals have before the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union as well as some main procedural obstacles that they may encounter before both fora. Lastly, the thesis addresses the future development of the externalisation of migration controls.

As a social relationship of submission whose scope goes beyond those directly affected, torture is still an ongoing practice, widespread everywhere, and this is also due to several processes typical of the neo-liberal era – starting from the policies aimed at the security armoring of society. The essay, which examines the causes and dimensions of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment of migrants, shows how this global phenomenon today has a close link with the worsening conditions of migration, the global war on immigrants, the tightening of migration policies, the stigmatization of immigrants, the rise of institutional racism, the illegalization of migrations, all elements that favor the production of contexts, environments and situations permeable to torture.

The essay argues how to reject a person in Libya or close ports to migrants, as well as criminalize and obstruct the NGOs which are saving humans in the Mediterranean, violate the prohibition of torture and of inhuman or degrading treatments and constitute a crime against humanity. Responsibility lies with those who personally practice torture, but the European States’ governments or the EU executives are certainly not exempt from responsibility.

Since 2014 part of the territory of Ukraine is under Russian occupation. The international community considers that the Crimea region and the city of Sevastopol are temporarily occupied and defends the territorial integrity of Ukraine. This results in millions of people in need of international aid. Although little discussed and publicized, the humanitarian crisis originating in Eastern Ukraine still exists today. Mines and other war explosives continue to threaten the safety of children and their families living along the "line of contact." Thus, given that the country of origin is unable to provide the necessary security, it is understood that Ukrainian nationals seek protection in other countries. The aim of this work will be to try to clarify what rights should be attributed to a Ukrainian citizen on European territory. To this end, the relevant European legislation will have to be assessed to atribute such applicant with the status that best fits his situation. It is understood that the incoherent application of the legislation can result in violation of human rights. With Ukraine in the midst of armed conflict, it is important that basic human rights, such as the right to nonrefoulement, be respected by any Member State of the European Union, in order not to send the asylum seeker to an insecure country. However, while on the one hand the EU develops a common asylum policy to ensure that humanitarian rights and obligations are respected, it also develops policies to protect its territory from irregular migration. It thus promotes cooperation with third countries to ensure that the removal of irregular third-country nationals takes place so that all rights are safeguarded, inter alia, under the terms set out in the readmission agreements Desde 2014 parte do território da Ucrânia encontra-se sob ocupação russa. A comunidade internacional considera que a região da Crimeia e a cidade de Sevastopol estão temporariamente ocupadas e defende a integridade territorial da Ucrânia. Resulta deste panorama milhões de pessoas em necessidade de ajuda internacional. Apesar de pouco comentada e divulgada, a crise humanitária originária no Leste da Ucrânia perdura ainda nos dias de hoje. Minas e outros explosivos de guerra continuam a ameaçar a segurança das crianças e suas famílias que vivem ao longo da “linha de contacto”. Desta forma, tendo em conta que o país de origem não é capaz de providenciar a segurança necessária, entende-se que nacionais ucranianos procurem protecção noutros países. O objectivo deste trabalho será tentar esclarecer que direitos devem ser atribuídos a um cidadão ucraniano em território europeu. Para tal terá de ser avaliada a legislação europeia relevante destinada a atribuir a tal requerente o estatuto que mais se adequa à sua situação. Entende-se que a incoerente aplicação da legislação pode resultar em violação de direitos humanos. Encontrando-se a Ucrânia em pleno conflito armado, é importante que direitos humanos básicos, como é o caso do direito ao non-refoulement, sejam respeitados por qualquer Estado-Membro da União Europeia, de forma a não enviar o requerente de asilo para um país inseguro. Contudo, se por um lado a UE desenvolve uma política comum de asilo de forma a garantir que os direitos e obrigações humanitárias são respeitadas, por outro, também elabora políticas para proteger o seu território da migração irregular. Assim, promove a cooperação com países terceiros para que o processo de afastamento de nacionais de países terceiros irregulares aconteça de forma a que todos os direitos estejam salvaguardados, fazendo-o, inter alia, nos termos expostos pelos acordos de readmissão.

Los acuerdos de readmisión de extranjeros en situación de irregularidad administrativa forman parte esencial del llamado “planteamiento global” para prevenir y controlar la inmigración irregular, tanto en el marco de las relaciones exteriores de la Unión Europea, como en las relaciones establecidas entre España y los principales países de origen y tránsito de los flujos migratorios. Es tal la importancia que ha adquirido “el retorno” de los nacionales de terceros países y apátridas que se encuentran en esta situación, que la credibilidad de la política migratoria nacional y europea depende de la eficacia de estos acuerdos, como un medio indispensable para que puedan ejecutarse las órdenes de alejamiento. La investigación está dedicada al estudio de los acuerdos de readmisión en tanto convenios internacionales suscritos entre la Unión Europea y terceros Estados o bilaterales entre los propios Estados miembros o entre éstos y terceros Estados, para establecer procedimientos rápidos y eficaces de identificación y retorno seguro y ordenado de todas aquellas personas que no cuentan con permisos administrativos para permanecer en el territorio de la Unión y que deben tornar a su país de origen o a alguno de los que atravesaron en su periplo migratorio hacia suelo europeo. El objeto y la finalidad del trabajo abarca múltiples vertientes que se abordan partiendo del análisis de las medidas de alejamiento de fronteras previstas para ejecutar la salida obligatoria o voluntaria, para llegar al estudio de los instrumentos previstos para hacer efectiva la readmisión en un tercer Estado: su evolución en el tiempo, su naturaleza jurídica, sus tipos y características, el examen crítico de su elaboración, contenido y aprobación, así como una evaluación cuantitativa y cualitativa de los mismos y de su aplicación.

International audience; The drive for flexibility was already a fait accompli at a bilateral level, long before the entry into force of the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam which empowered the Union to negotiate and conclude formal EU readmission agreements with third countries. This chapter sets out to demonstrate that the drive for flexibility has also become a fait accompli at the EU level, seven years after the 2009 entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The implications stemming from the drive for flexibility are critically examined with reference to the various EU domestic factors that motivated the European Commission.

According to EU law, readmission pertains to the removal of persons who do not or no longer fulfill the conditions of entry to, presence in, or residence in a destination country. Today, readmission has become a major crossover issue, weaving its way through various bilateral talks, ranging from the fight against terrorism to energy security, visa facilitation, development aid, social protection, and other diplomatic and strategic matters. To understand the reasons readmission has become so pervasive, it is important to analyze the drivers that have been conducive to its unprecedented importance in migration and asylum talks between the EU and its member states, on the one hand, and non-EU countries, on the other. The analysis of such drivers lies at the intersection of various disciplines, including political science, international relations, law, anthropology, sociology, and history, to name but a few. Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Amsterdam in 1999, which empowered the European Commission to negotiate and conclude EU readmission agreements (EURAs) with non-EU (third) countries, the academic literature on this highly politicized and sensitive issue has grown substantially. Predictably, given the normative approach that initially shaped academic debates about whether or not the reacceptance of irregular nationals constitutes an obligation under customary international law, (European) lawyers became the most prominent commentators on readmission matters. The prominence of their discipline coincided with the desire of the European Union to design normatively established rules and administrative procedures aimed at removing irregular migrants and rejected asylum-seekers, in line with internationally recognized standards. Incidentally, in 1994 the Council of the European Union recommended a specimen bilateral readmission agreement, including various provisions and reciprocal commitments among the contracting parties, to be used as a basis for negotiations between a member state and a third country. Concomitantly, as the cobweb of bilateral agreements was expanding across continents, while involving highly heterogeneous countries having contrasting vested interests, political scientists and international relations scholars started to address state actors’ motivations to cooperate on readmission, as well as their respective contingencies and manifold practices. The gap between reciprocal commitments and practice was bridged with the introduction of various heuristic devices. More recently, anthropologists and sociologists have analyzed the consequences of readmission policies on migrants’ safety and psychosocial conditions, in the broadest sense, once they are removed to a third country. Manifestly, the field of investigation on readmission is huge, and interdisciplinary research is much needed. Hence, going beyond disciplinary dogmatism is a necessity.

Cet article est librement accessible en ligne, cliquer: http://www.iai.it/sites/default/files/cassarino.pdf; International audience; Readmission is not simply a means of removing undesirable foreigners through coercive methods. When viewed as a way of ensuring the temporary stay of foreign workers in the labour markets of European destination countries, readmission may also impact on the participatory rights of a growing number of native workers facing equally temporary (and precarious) labour conditions, in a context marked by employment deregulation and wage flexibility. These implications have clear democratic significance. A new analytical perspective applied to the expansion and development of the readmission system, is aimed at promoting a reflection on an unexplored research area bridging the gap between labour migration regulation and labour market deregulation.

The present paper investigates some recent developments related to the topic of the external dimension of the Area of Freedom Security and Justice (AFSJ). The proper qualification of the competence of the European Union in this area raises several questions. The article describes how these issues have been tackled inside the EU particularly in some specific cases, namely: concerning the external dimension of some topics related to the judicial cooperation in the civil sector; for the conclusion of readmission agreements concerning third country nationals; for the conclusion of an agreement with Turkey aimed at the resettlement of international protection seekers, taking into account that such agreement has so far been considered particularly controversial due to some serious shortcomings contained in it, specifically in terms of compliance with relevant human rights protection standards.

Turkey is traditionally characterized as a “sending” country of migration, particularly due to the large number and high profile of labor migrants and refugees in Europe in the 1970s-1980s-1990s. However, in reality, Turkey is also a transit country and a country of immigration and asylum. In 2010, for the first time, net immigration to Turkey surpassed net emigration from Turkey (İçduygu et al 2014: 1). Today, Turkey’s migration policies are changing to reflect these new migration patterns a...

Introduction Historically, Turkey has been a country both of emigration and immigration but also a country of transit and settlement. In recent years, Turkey has become a real transit area to the West. The control of this migration, often irregular, is also a center of concern of Turkish authorities, often encouraged by the European Union (EU). The internal dynamics of the country with several military interventions in its contemporary history, the constant instability of the MENA (Middle Eas...

The challenges that returnees have faced upon their readmission to Serbia are manifold. They include a lack of personal documents necessary for their stay, which affects their social rights; lack of almost any kind of accommodation and legal employment, and difficulties experienced by their children in adapting to school life. The majority of returnees are Roma, which causes problems with social inclusion. This chapter starts by considering the various welfare sectors in the provision of services and benefits, and the potential creation of partnerships among them. It reviews the national documents related to readmission, as well as quantitative and qualitative data on returnees, and analyses the key stakeholders and their tasks in supporting the reintegration of returnees. It concludes that there are many significant gaps in the inclusion of returnees, and that the potential of partnership relations between the sectors has not been exploited in the best way.

La référence à l’article 13 de l’accord de Cotonou, dont un paragraphe concerne la coopération en matière de réadmission, est devenue récurrente dans les pourparlers sur les questions migratoires entre Européens et pays du groupe ACP. L’expérience bilatérale montre que la réadmission a acquis une place centrale, mais cette question épineuse demeure périphérique par rapport à d’autres enjeux stratégiques. Il faut donc décrypter les implications de cette apparente contradiction. Funded by the European Research Council (ERC) within the 7th Framework Programme, the BORDERLANDS project is hosted at the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, and directed by Professor Raffaella A. Del Sarto.

International audience; A number of factors explain why some EU member states, particularly France, Italy and Spain are gradually opting for informal patterns of cooperation on readmission issues with Mediterranean and African countries. This adaptive inclination is more of a necessity than an option. It reflects the more urgent need of some EU member states to find flexible solutions for cooperation on readmission rather than to conclude bilateral readmission agreements. The agenda remains unchanged, but there has been a shift in priority actions with regard to these countries. The operability of cooperation on readmission has been prioritised over formalisation.

In the European Union, the Commission prepares a reform of the legislation on immigration and asylum, vis-a-vis a steady rise in the number of immigrants and asylum seekers. The economic, social and political difficulties, that a large number of States in Africa, Asia and even Europe encounter, will maintain a strong request for entry from abroad. This situation will confront the E.U in search of a difficult balance between the national interests and a duty of care. Thus, is there a sufficient protection for the foreigners in the European Union Law ? Then, is there a general status applicable to all the foreigners ? It should be noted that the rights of foreigners are at the same time limited and variable. Limited when one confronts the status of foreign and that of the European citizens; and variables to the extent that foreigners are not given all the same rights. Thus, it is estimated that the Union should develop a more proactive migration policy based on the management and not on the prevention of the migratory movements. This policy should be based on a clear framework of the aliens ‘rights. It should guarantee to migrant workers a legal framework as regards equal treatment with the nationals. A common framework should be developed in the conditions of entry and residence, starting from a consensus between the public authorities and the social partners concerning the needs of the labor market., Dans l’Union Européenne, la Commission prépare une réforme de la législation applicable en matière d’immigration et d’asile, face à une montée continue du nombre des immigrés et de demandeurs d’asile. Les difficultés économiques, sociales et politiques que rencontrent un grand nombre d’Etats des continents africain, asiatique et même européen, maintiendront une demande forte d’entrée d’étrangers. Cette situation confrontera l’U.E à la recherche d’un difficile équilibre entre les intérêts nationaux et un certain devoir d’assistance. Ainsi, y’a-t-il une protection suffisante pour les étrangers dans le droit de l’U.E ? Ensuite, y a t-il, un statut général applicable à tous les étrangers ? Il est à noter que les droits des étrangers sont à la fois limités et variables. Limités lorsqu’on confronte le statut des étrangers et celui des citoyens européens ; variables dans la mesure où les étrangers ne se voient pas tous reconnaître les mêmes droits. Ainsi, on estime que l’Union devrait élaborer une politique de migration plus proactive axée sur la gestion et non sur la prévention des mouvements migratoires. Cette politique devrait se fonder sur un cadre définissant clairement les droits des étrangers. Elle devrait garantir aux travailleurs migrants un cadre juridique en matière d’égalité de traitement avec les nationaux. Un cadre commun devrait être élaboré pour les conditions d’entrée et de résidence, à partir d’un consensus entre les pouvoirs publics et les partenaires sociaux concernant les besoins du marché du travail.

In the European Union, the Commission prepares a reform of the legislation on immigration and asylum, vis-a-vis a steady rise in the number of immigrants and asylum seekers. The economic, social and political difficulties, that a large number of States in Africa, Asia and even Europe encounter, will maintain a strong request for entry from abroad. This situation will confront the E.U in search of a difficult balance between the national interests and a duty of care. Thus, is there a sufficient protection for the foreigners in the European Union Law ? Then, is there a general status applicable to all the foreigners ? It should be noted that the rights of foreigners are at the same time limited and variable. Limited when one confronts the status of foreign and that of the European citizens; and variables to the extent that foreigners are not given all the same rights. Thus, it is estimated that the Union should develop a more proactive migration policy based on the management and not on the prevention of the migratory movements. This policy should be based on a clear framework of the aliens ‘rights. It should guarantee to migrant workers a legal framework as regards equal treatment with the nationals. A common framework should be developed in the conditions of entry and residence, starting from a consensus between the public authorities and the social partners concerning the needs of the labor market., Dans l’Union Européenne, la Commission prépare une réforme de la législation applicable en matière d’immigration et d’asile, face à une montée continue du nombre des immigrés et de demandeurs d’asile. Les difficultés économiques, sociales et politiques que rencontrent un grand nombre d’Etats des continents africain, asiatique et même européen, maintiendront une demande forte d’entrée d’étrangers. Cette situation confrontera l’U.E à la recherche d’un difficile équilibre entre les intérêts nationaux et un certain devoir d’assistance. Ainsi, y’a-t-il une protection suffisante pour les étrangers dans le droit de l’U.E ? Ensuite, y a t-il, un statut général applicable à tous les étrangers ? Il est à noter que les droits des étrangers sont à la fois limités et variables. Limités lorsqu’on confronte le statut des étrangers et celui des citoyens européens ; variables dans la mesure où les étrangers ne se voient pas tous reconnaître les mêmes droits. Ainsi, on estime que l’Union devrait élaborer une politique de migration plus proactive axée sur la gestion et non sur la prévention des mouvements migratoires. Cette politique devrait se fonder sur un cadre définissant clairement les droits des étrangers. Elle devrait garantir aux travailleurs migrants un cadre juridique en matière d’égalité de traitement avec les nationaux. Un cadre commun devrait être élaboré pour les conditions d’entrée et de résidence, à partir d’un consensus entre les pouvoirs publics et les partenaires sociaux concernant les besoins du marché du travail.

Abstract This article offers an analysis of the objective and substance of Norway’s readmission agreements in light of European Union readmission policies. It explores how readmission policy developments on the eu level also impact Norway’s practice, and argues that eu practice influences Norway’s work on readmission in three important ways. First, as part of a preventative strategic policy, Norway seeks to conclude readmission agreements with countries with which eu readmission agreements (eura) exist. Second, eu visa facilitation agreements that are paired with euras form an indirect link between eu and Norwegian readmission agreements. Third, Norway uses the eura-format as a basis for negotiations even with countries where no eura exists. This article also examines Norway’s participation in the eu Global Approach on Migration and Mobility (gamm), and finds that it is limited by the gamm being only tangentially within the Schengen cooperation, and also by national political perceptions about linking readmission and development aid.

This paper analyses the unsatisfactory EU legal framework to fight effectivelyagainst illegal immigration. The unfinished “communitarization” of Titre IV of TEC on immigration policy produce serious problems to control the illegal immigration flows. A possible solution should be the proliferation of EU readmission agreements with third countries and reinforce the links between immigration policy and developmentpolicy at EU level. Este artículo analiza el insatisfactorio marco legal europeo para combatir eficazmente la inmigración ilegal. El inacabado proceso de comunitarización de la política de inmigración causa problemas graves para controlar los flujos migratorios ilegales.Una posible solución sería el aumento de los acuerdos de readmisión de la UE y el refuerzo de los vínculos entre política de inmigración y la política de desarrollo anivel de la UE.

In the European Union asylum and migration policy, the expressions “exclusion” and “externalization” are often used and encountered because the EU transfers the responsibility of migration control to non-EU states through readmission agreements. The EU does not have the capacity to receive all migrants, refugees and asylum seekers that seek protection in Europe, hence the agreements are constituted between the EU and other countries outside the EU on the basis of returning nationals and third country nationals who have been denied asylum. The purpose of this thesis is to explore how and to what extent are human rights embedded in the readmission agreements and in the materials that constitute the basis for the decision to enter into readmission agreements. This thesis also tends to analyze if and on what basis the readmission agreements pose potential consequences for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants. In order to answer the posed research questions, I have used a qualitative research method of case study and text analysis. I have used a theoretical framework of externalization and studied the cases of the EU-Ukraine agreement and the EU-Pakistan agreement. Today, the EU cannot guarantee the safety individuals that are being returned to either Ukraine or Pakistan, because both Ukraine and Pakistan lack functional human rights institutions and cannot practice what human rights instruments ordain because they lack the capacity to do so. The EU’s failing of safe returns for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants has consequently created situations of orbit and chain refoulment where migrants, refugees and asylum seekers risks being returned to their country of origin or passed around between countries.

International audience; This book sets out to explain the drivers shaping cooperative patterns on the readmission of unauthorised third-country nationals, whether atbilateral or EU level. It lays emphasis on the existence of a predominant bilateral readmission system in which EU agreements are inextricably embedded. As a result of the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, the reinforced political control of the European Parliament calls for an analysis of this system and of its implications for human rights observance.

With the Eastern Enlargement successfully completed, the EU is searching for a proper balance between internal security and external stabilisation that is acceptable to all sides. This paper focuses on an EU foreign policy instrument that is a case in point for this struggle: EC visa facilitation and readmission agreements. By looking at the EU's strategy on visa facilitation and readmission, this paper aims to offer a first systematic analysis of the objectives, substance and political implications of these agreements as a means to implement a new EU security approach in the neighbourhood. In offering more relaxed travel conditions in exchange for the signing of an EC readmission agreement and reforming domestic justice and home affairs, the EU has found a new way to press for reforms in neighbouring countries while addressing a major source of discontent in these countries. The analysis concludes with the broader implications of these agreements and argues that even if the facilitated travel opportunities are beneficial for the citizens of the target countries, the positive achievements are undermined by the Schengen enlargement, which makes the new member states tie up their borders to those of their neighbours.