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The division of the races, created for the economic and political purposes of justifying slavery and colonialism, is a deep, entrenched, social structure which creates and promotes white privilege and is one within which we all live. No one can be free from it. This presentation is rooted in the assumption that the problem of racism today is a problem of whiteness and that it is an examination of this construct, therefore, which needs to be central to seeking a solution to this destructive dynamic. The work required of whiteness and the letting go of privilege is essential if we are to dismantle the system of racism that is so embedded within our society. I argue this is no altruistic endeavour but that, whilst clearly doing untold harm to people of colour, such a system also limits and distorts the development and individuation of white individuals and the society in which we are citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Analytical Psychology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through a narrativization that connects heterogeneous and often undetected social lives in Bogotá, Colombia, this article charts the rhizomatic spatial crossings of continuously mobile urban trajectories, the often-unsettled forms of dwelling that they inhabit, and their capacity to make place despite the dismantling of community cohesion and the necropolitical forms of urbanity operated by racial capitalism and coloniality across Latin America – what the article refers to as relational territories, drawing on a rich scholarship on Black Geographies of the everyday and Latin American ‘territorios’. From there, the article explores how paths are being charted out of the racial-colonial maze of Latin America’s city-making, through multiple forms of ordinary resistance/re-existence that create life in the interstices of ongoing necro-politics . Ultimately, the article shows how this pluralistic repertoire mobilized from the urban margins not only points to the difficulties of emplacement for Afro-descendant dwellers in Latin American cities but also to the possibility of respatialising the urban from the decolonial relationality of Améfrica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes two cases specific to ice hockey in the Quebec media/sport cultural complex that highlight recent shifts in discourses on racism and sexism. The authors argue that sexism is the least contested form of discrimination in hockey, while overt and explicit racist acts are widely condemned. This is not to say that racism has disappeared from hockey. If acts of blatant racism are denounced by the media and sports structures, the same would not apply to forms of blatant sexism, where entire arguments and vocabulary are put into action to diminish the scope of sexism involved in these situations. This analysis also demonstrates the workings of the symbolic development of contemporary North American ice hockey. The reasons for the discrepancies between the public expressions of racism and sexism are that hockey remains a sport where many forms of hegemonic masculinities are still expressed. Cet article analyse deux cas propres au hockey dans le complexe culturel média/sport québécois marqués par des ajustements de discours sur le racisme et le sexisme. Les auteurs soutiennent que le sexisme est la forme de discrimination la moins contestée (et la plus naturalisée) dans le monde du hockey, tandis que les actes racistes flagrants et explicites sont plus ou moins largement condamnés. Cela ne veut toutefois pas dire que le racisme a disparu du hockey. Si les actes de racisme flagrants sont dénoncés par les structures médiatiques et sportives, ce ne serait pas le cas des formes de sexisme flagrant, où un argumentaire et un vocabulaire sont utilisé pour en diminuer la portée. Les raisons de ces divergences entre les expressions publiques du racisme et du sexisme sont que le hockey demeure un sport où s'expriment encore et toujours plusieurs formes propres aux masculinités hégémoniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les jeunes lesbiennes, gais, bisexuel·les, trans, queers, bispirituel·les ou autres (LGBTQ2+) vivent davantage d’instabilité résidentielle que les jeunes cishétérosexuel·les. Si ce constat est bien connu, la variation des expériences d’instabilité résidentielle au sein des jeunes LGBTQ2+ reste moins documentée. Cet article présente une démarche intersectionnelle quantitative pour explorer les variations dans le vécu d’instabilité résidentielle auprès d’un échantillon pancanadien en ligne de 2266 jeunes LGBTQ2+ âgé·es de 15 à 29 ans. Les modèles de régression logistique réalisés sur les croisements du groupe racial avec l’identité de genre ou l’orientation sexuelle révèlent que les positions minorisées sur les axes du sexisme, du cissexisme, du monosexisme, du binarisme de genre et du racisme/colonialisme étaient davantage associées à un vécu d’instabilité résidentielle. Ainsi, les jeunes trans autochtones et les jeunes pansexuel·les autochtones étaient les plus susceptibles d’avoir vécu de l’instabilité résidentielle, alors que les hommes cisgenres blancs et les jeunes monosexuel·les blanc·hes l’étaient le moins. Aucun effet d’interaction multiplicative et additive n’a été observé lors de combinaisons d’un groupe racial avec une identité de genre ou une orientation sexuelle, suggérant que les impacts individuels de ces positions sociales sur le vécu d’instabilité résidentielle ont tendance à se cumuler sans toutefois s’influencer mutuellement. Ces résultats comblent une lacune dans les écrits scientifiques et peuvent informer les instances décisionnelles afin de prévenir l’instabilité résidentielle chez les jeunes LGBTQ2+.

FR. Cet article s’intéresse au vécu dans les rédactions de journalistes qui appartiennent à des groupes minorisés. Soixante-et-un entretiens ont été réalisés auprès de journalistes LGBTQI et de journaliste racisé·es et témoignent des difficultés et atteintes sociales qu’ils et elles rencontrent au quotidien. Il apparaît en particulier qu’ils et elles se heurtent fréquemment à des assignations à l'engagement militant et à une présomption de partialité. Leurs collègues et leur encadrement remettent ainsi régulièrement en question leur objectivité et leur capacité à couvrir des sujets de manière neutre. L’enquête s’attache à expliciter la nature de ces assignations à l’engagement -qui se mêlent bien souvent à des discours professionnels- ainsi que leurs effets sur les journalistes qui en sont victimes. Face à ces assignations, souvent vécues par les journalistes comme des formes de violence, trois grandes stratégies de résistance ont été identifiées. Une première stratégie voit certains journalistes tenter convertir ces assignations à l’engagement en une preuve d’expertise sur certaines thématiques, en acceptant et en transformant les assignations pour en tirer profit. Une seconde stratégie cherche à renverser l’accusation de partialité en mobilisant des discours professionnels autour d’une maîtrise approfondie de la déontologie, qui devient alors un argument de défense. Enfin, une troisième stratégie consiste à questionner les fondements épistémologiques du journalisme pour invalider les reproches formulés, grâce à un discours critique sur les normes journalistiques et la défense de pratiques professionnelles plus inclusives. Cette étude met ainsi lumière toute l’ambiguïté des discours de valorisation de la « diversité » dans le journalisme tenus depuis le milieu des années 2000, qui ont réduit le problème à un manque de représentativité et de présence de journalistes concerné.es dans les rédactions, sans questionner les dynamiques de pouvoir toujours très fortes au sein de la profession. *** EN. This article examines the newsroom experience of journalists who belong to minority groups. Sixty-one interviews were carried out with LGBTQI and racialized journalists, revealing the difficulties and social offences they encounter on a daily basis, and more specifically, the frequent challenge of both being assigned to playing the part of activists, and facing the presumption of being biased. Their colleagues and managers regularly question their objectivity and their ability to cover issues in a neutral manner. This study sets out to explain the nature of these activist assignments - which are often mixed with professional discourse - and their effects on the journalists who are subjected to them. To counter such imputations, often experienced by journalists as forms of violence, three main strategies of resistance have been identified. The first strategy developed by journalists consists in attempting to convert these imputations to activism into a demonstration of their expertise on certain topics, hence accepting and transforming the imputation to their own benefit. A second strategy aims to reverse the accusation of bias by mobilizing a professional discourse on the thorough mastery of deontology, upheld as a defense argument. Finally, a third strategy involves questioning the epistemological foundations of journalism to invalidate the reproaches formulated through a critical discourse on journalistic norms and the promotion of more inclusive professional practices. This study hence highlights the strong ambiguity of the promotion of “diversity” rhetoric which emerged in the field of journalism since the mid-2000’s: confining the problem to a lack of representativeness and presence of minority journalists in the newsrooms, the power dynamics still at play within the profession have been left unquestioned. *** PT. Este artigo discute as experiências de jornalistas de grupos minoritários dentro das redações. Foram realizadas 61 entrevistas com jornalistas LGBTQI e racializados/as, evidenciando as dificuldades e agressões sociais enfrentadas diariamente por essas pessoas. Observa-se, especialmente, que muitas vezes são cobradas a exercer seu engajamento militante e são suspeitas de falta de isenção. Seus colegas e superiores questionam regularmente sua objetividade e capacidade de cobrir determinadas pautas de forma neutra. O estudo busca analisar a natureza dessa cobrança de engajamento – que muitas vezes vem misturada com discursos profissionais – e seus efeitos sobre os/as jornalistas atingidos/as. Em face dessas cobranças, geralmente experimentadas pelos jornalistas como uma forma de violência, foram identificadas três grandes estratégias de resistência. A primeira estratégia consiste na tentativa de converter essas imputações ao ativismo numa demonstração de sua especialização em determinados assuntos, aceitando e transformando a imputação em seu próprio benefício. Uma segunda estratégia busca reverter a acusação de parcialidade, utilizando-se do discurso profissional sobre o domínio aprofundado da ética jornalística, que passa a ser um argumento de defesa. Finalmente, uma terceira estratégia é questionar os fundamentos epistemológicos do jornalismo de modo a invalidar as críticas apresentadas, por meio de um discurso crítico em relação aos padrões jornalísticos e da defesa de práticas profissionais mais inclusivas. O estudo demonstra a ambiguidade do discurso de valorização da “diversidade” no jornalismo, adotado a partir de meados dos anos 2000, que vem reduzindo essa questão à falta de representatividade e da presença de jornalistas de grupos minoritários nas redações, sem questionar as dinâmicas de poder que ainda prevalecem na profissão. *** ES. Este artículo analiza las experiencias de periodistas pertenecientes a grupos minoritarios en las redacciones. Se realizaron sesenta y una entrevistas a periodistas LGBTQI y racializadas/os, que describen las dificultades y los prejuicios sociales que encuentran a diario. En particular se evidencia que se enfrentan con frecuencia a llamamientos al compromiso militante y a presunciones de parcialidad. Sus colegas y dirigencia cuestionan regularmente su objetividad y su capacidad para cubrir los temas de forma neutral. El estudio se propone explicar la naturaleza de estos llamamientos al compromiso ―que muy a menudo se mezclan con el discurso profesional― y sus efectos en las/os periodistas que las sufren. Ante estos llamamientos, que a menudo son vividos por las/os periodistas como formas de violencia, se han identificado tres estrategias principales de resistencia. En la primera estrategia, algunas/os periodistas intentan convertir estos llamamientos al compromiso en evidencias de su pericia sobre determinados temas, aceptando y transformándolos para sacarles provecho. Una segunda estrategia pretende revertir la acusación de parcialidad, movilizando el discurso profesional en torno a un dominio profundo de la ética, que se convierte entonces en argumento de defensa. Por último, una tercera estrategia consiste en cuestionar los fundamentos epistemológicos del periodismo para invalidar las críticas formuladas, mediante un discurso crítico sobre las normas periodísticas y la defensa de prácticas profesionales más integradoras. Este estudio pone de relieve la ambigüedad de los discursos de valoración de la “diversidad” en el periodismo empleados desde mediados de la primera década del siglo XXI, que han reducido el problema a una falta de representatividad y de presencia de las/os periodistas afectadas/os en las redacciones, sin cuestionar las dinámicas de poder que siguen preponderando en el seno de la profesión. ***

I de seneste år har sorte forskere og kunstnere arbejdet for at etablere kritiske studier i sorthed som et forskningsfelt i dansk og nordisk kunst- og kulturforskning. Men det er ikke bare sorte og racialt minoriserede forskere, som skriver om sorthed. I 2023 udgav den hvide danske litteraturkritiker Klaus Rothstein Den sorte mand. Racisme, woke og hvidhed i dansk litteratur, som undersøger sortheden som motiv i dansk litteratur fra 1700-tallet til i dag. I denne artikel foretager vi en nærlæsning af, hvordan begreber som antisort racisme, antiracisme og wokeness operationaliseres i bogens analyser. Vores læsning viser, hvordan Rothsteins ”bevidning” og reproduktion af antisort racisme muliggør konstruktion af en hvid liberal, ikkeracistisk udsigelsesposition, som er kendetegnet af en dyb skepsis over for kontemporære former for antiracisme, der både fremskrives som farlige og ødelæggende. Vi argumenterer for, at Den sorte mand skriver sig ind i en bredere politisk anti-wokeness-tendens, som har vundet stærkt fodfæste i både den danske og den norske offentlighed i de seneste år. Vores analyse viser, hvordan normalisering og intellektualisering af anti-wokeness bidrager til delegitimering af forskning i sorthed og antiracisme og i sig selv kan forstås som en rekonfiguration af en lang tradition for at normalisere og uskyldiggøre antisort racisme i Danmark og Norden.

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This study examined the everyday experiences of racism among Chinese immigrants in Canada. Data came from nine virtual focus groups comprising 48 participants of diverse genders and ages taking place in December 2021 and January 2022. We conducted our qualitative analysis by drawing on Essed’s conceptualization of everyday racism and Crenshaw’s conceptualization of intersectionality. Thematic and content analysis showed that racism against Chinese immigrants is more pervasive than previously recognized. Three-quarters of the participants disclosed instances of racism across various settings, including workplaces, schools, shops, airports, banks, hotels, restaurants, streets, and online. Some gender and age groups reported more incidents than others. Young men, on average, encountered the greatest number, followed by young and middle-aged women, while older men reported the fewest. Types of racist incidents also varied by age and gender. Young and middle-aged women encountered unsolicited intimate remarks and racism related to gender division of labour, while older adults, both men and women, faced racism associated with service provision. Younger men reported online racism. Some older participants remained unaware of the racist nature of their encounters, and middle-aged and older men tended to deny having experienced racist encounters. Given these findings, we suggest the need to raise awareness, establish empowerment initiatives, and adopt intersectionality approaches to address and combat racism against Chinese immigrants in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, also known as the Chinese Exclusion Act, banned the entry of Chinese people to Canada and required all Chinese in Canada, including the Canadian born, to register with the government. The act devastated Chinese Canadian lives and communities. This paper applies two of Hannah Arendt’s insights into the social organization of totalitarianism to understand how anti-Chinese racism has been structured. Focusing on the discourse of Asian/Chinese exclusion in the Canadian House of Commons and Senate in 1922 and 1923, the paper shows that the idea of Chinese exclusion was closely linked to the white supremacist vision of Canada that its land and resources were and should be the monopoly of people of European origins. As such, anti-Chinese racism was not just an ideology, or individual prejudices or ignorance, but it was a social structure that was integral to the making of the country, and whose invention can be traced historically. The historical activity of the Chinese in trying to stop the passing of the act brings the functioning of this social structure into sharp relief. The consequences of this structure continue today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the COVID-19 pandemic, studies have emerged to address either racism or women's issues. Studies that address the intersection of pandemic racism and sexism are lacking and the experiences of Asian women have been neglected. Drawing on interviews with 20 Asian women living in Victoria, Australia, this article aims to bridge the gap between studies of pandemic racism and the issues women faced during the pandemic. The article's intervention is threefold, we ask: first, how have Asian women in Australia experienced racism? Second, how have their experiences of racism intersected with sexism? Third, how do they make sense of their experiences and thoughts about the future? Our analysis argues three points: first, the lack of attention to Asian women's experiences of racism obscures the fact that Asian women can encounter racism more than their male counterparts. Second, the lack of attention to how sexism intersects with Asian women's experiences of racism causes them the inability to make sense of their experiences and prevents them from stopping mistreatment. Third, participants' reflections show that there is potential for women of colour in general to form coalitions based on sharing intersectionality and offer valuable insights for feminist and antiracist studies and initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dany Laferrière has demonstrated a continuous engagement with Japan, beginning with the novel Éroshima in 1987 and continuing to his most recent publication in 2021, Sur la route avec Bashō. The aim of this article is to understand what role Japan plays within Laferrière's writing and how it helps us understand the complex network of sex, power, and race in his work. Between the cosmopolitanism of the network of nation-states and the despair of identity politics, I situate Laferrière's use of Japan as a fantasy that empowers the writer beyond the impasse of a white-black racial imaginary. Reading Laferrière this way allows us to understand how his writing uses the fantasy of the Orient, often to the detriment of Asian women. As such it contributes to comparative work between Asian and French literatures, debates in Francophonie, and critical understandings of race in the Francophone sphere of the Americas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In The Devil Finds Work (1976), James Baldwin presents a remarkably generous review of Boris Vian's controversial novel, J'irai cracher sur vos tombes (1946). Vian's book was exceptionally sensitive to the "rage and pain" of African Americans, Baldwin thought. Baldwin's words seem surprising today: Vian, a white Frenchman, published the work as a protest novel under the false identity of a fictional African American, whom he called Vernon Sullivan. The novel was a hoax, a prank. J'irai cracher sur vos tombes tends to be viewed today in North America, rightly, as an egregious instance of cultural appropriation. The present study argues, however, that the French pastiche of a Black American protest novel baited the reading public into a debate that ignored racism, colonialism, and protest. We argue to view J'irai cracher sur vos tombes and the ensuing scandal it provoked, as an historical archive that allows us to chart a certain ideological climate in France. The public reception of the novel makes abundantly clear that, on the subject of J'irai cracher, Paris wanted to talk about sex, youth morality, and the threats of American cultural hegemony—not racism. Read as an historical affaire, the scandal exposes an extended moment of collective blindness in France. When examined as an historical incident, "the J'irai cracher Affair" reads like a dramatic ironic pronouncement, as if Vian were making a joke only he and a select audience—Baldwin, for one—would understand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Leisure/Loisir: Journal of the Canadian Association for Leisure Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Leisure/Loisir: Journal of the Canadian Association for Leisure Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Leisure/Loisir: Journal of the Canadian Association for Leisure Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Racialized people experience excess and preventable harm from substance use, raising questions about how justice ought to be pursued via health policy. This case study is intended to surface how bioethical perspectives may contribute to informing approaches to racial justice in public health policy decision-making about substance use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article opens with autobiographical reflections outlining how the author came to study the histories of race, racism, and whiteness in Canada; namely, through a biographical examination of Canadian academic and public intellectual Watson Kirkconnell. The article then discusses the author's engagement with the scant Canadian literature on race science/scientific racism. After defining whiteness and discussing its relationships with gender and class, the article provides suggestions for future research on race and whiteness in Canada; in particular, the need for definitional, temporal, and geographical specificity; the need for original archival research and collaboration with archivists; and the importance of biographical research. Drawing connections between the past and present, the article concludes by stressing the importance of this research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the societal climate surrounding issues of race and racism in the study of the past as my point of departure, I propose to examine how it translates into the practice of French-language historiography of Canadian and Quebecois societies. Do disciplinary institutions publish on issues of race and racism? This study also responds to historian Geneviève Dorais' arguments in the Bulletin d'histoire politique in 2020 about anti-Black racism in Quebec historiography, and to the call by historians Crystal Gail Fraser and Allyson Stevenson for a critical perspective on our discipline in the post-Truth and Reconciliation Commission era. This paper consists of four sections. I first sketch out some definitions related to the concepts of race, racism, and ignorance. I then turn to the relationship these questions have with historical epistemology and the role that the discipline of history has played in the history of racism. In the third section, I present the results of my research on francophone-Canadian historical knowledge production in the past few years, which asked the following questions: Is the concept of race present in this disciplinary field? In what way is it used? Finally, I conclude by returning to the results of this study and reflect on what a better understanding of the critical concept of race in historical studies can contribute to our understanding of Quebec and Canada's past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racisms are among the social structures that shaped Canada's past and are shaping Canada's present. Anti-essentialist antiracism accounts for these structures by recognizing that there are many different racisms, but all racisms meet conditions of racialization, of the organization of racializations into exclusions, and of the enactment of negative consequences on the excluded. These conditions lead to strategies for antiracist research, which are key to rebuilding the linkages between people that racisms destroy. This paper builds a theoretically informed argument while examining the historical and present-day experiences of Chinese Canadians. Engaging with present-day realities, moving beyond common-sense explanations that individualize racism, and building on the sources of the racialized and excluded make evident the structure of racism. Chinese language sources document the "apartheiding" of Canada and its effects. They also enable the dialogical re-reading of dominant sources to pinpoint moments of organizing this structure into the world. Today, historically produced cultural narratives and the cultural landscapes of modern cities mark those racialized as Chinese as people who either do not belong or whose presence needs explanation. These narratives and landscapes are the products of the anti-Chinese racism that was built into the settler colonialism that made Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Denne artikel skærper indsigterne fra bogen Racism in Danish Welfare Work with Refugees – Troubled by Difference, Docility and Dignity (2022) ved at stille skarpt på bogens teoretiske bidrag med omdrejningspunkt i begrebet velfærdsracisme. Med udgangspunkt i korte beskrivelser af bogens teoretisk-analytiske tilgang, empiriske materiale og analytiske arbejde, udfolder artiklen, hvordan velfærdsracisme kan forstås som næret af en integrationistisk epistemologi i velfærdsarbejdet i form af de racialt kodede grundkategorier udvikling, menneske, samfund og professionalisme; som historisk rekursivitet i kraft af de moderne spøgelser forskel, føjelighed og værdighed, der til stadighed dukker op i velfærdsarbejdet med flygtninge; og som udtrykt i velfærdsarbejdets standardfortællinger om farveblindhed, potentialisering og medfølelse, som velfærdsarbejderne igennem deres arbejde kontinuerligt investerer i, hvorved sociale grænser for menneske og samfund patruljeres og den integrationistiske epistemologi institutionaliseres. På denne baggrund konkluderer vi, at velfærdsracismen forhindrer velfærdsarbejdets universelle realisering.

The challenges faced by teachers in Mathematics teaching are perceptible, with regard to students' interest in the subject and students' understanding of mathematical concepts. The justification for this work is given by the need to think about new possibilities for teaching mathematics, so that there is the development of critical and democratic thinking by the students. The question posed is: will the contextualization of mathematical concepts through soccer using technological resources contribute to a better understanding of the content being taught? The general aim of this article is to develop the construction of knowledge of statistics and percentage content through the lens of Critical Mathematics Education, contextualizing the ongoing challenge of combating racism in soccer. Discussing topics such as the history of Brazilian soccer in parallel with the fight against racism in mathematics classes is of paramount importance so that we can form critical and reflective citizens, thus being able to transform the society in which we live. It is hoped that the activities proposed here will make math teaching more meaningful for students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Sur le Journalisme, About Journalism, Sobre Jornalismo is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Si les études autochtones sont marquées par la visibilité grandissante de certain.e.s poètes et écrivain.e.s des Premières Nations au Canada, il est possible de repérer des innovations esthétiques qui, au-delà de la poésie et du roman, intègrent de manière plus forte le point de vue des destinataires. C’est le cas du dialogue initié par Natasha Kanapé Fontaine et de Deni Ellis Béchard évoquant le racisme et l’ignorance de l’histoire des Premières Nations dont celle de la nation innue. En s’inscrivant dans une tradition épistolaire classique, Natasha Kanapé Fontaine et Deni Ellis Béchard s’adressent à un destinataire québécois en lui proposant de reconsidérer l’histoire du Québec et du Canada en prenant en compte l’héritage de la nation innue. Cet échange de lettres prend l’allure d’une conversation vivante et est utilisée comme une forme de didactisation des débats de la Commission de vérité et réconciliation du Canada sur les abus systématiquement commis dans les pensionnats. Cette Commission a rendu son rapport en 2015 peu avant la parution de Kuei, je te salue en pointant les racines d’un racisme institutionnalisé. Si la littérature autochtone s’affirme sans aucun doute comme un acte de ”survivance” culturelle, il semble que ce dialogue soit davantage habité par la création d’une empathie. En ayant recours aux méthodes de la communication non violente, nous aimerions analyser la manière dont cette œuvre travaille sur la relation intercommunautaire au Québec dans une perspective de pédagogie interculturelle Nous nous intéresserons au péritexte éditorial, à la musicalité du dialogue fait de reprises, de refrains et de commentaires avec la découverte des dernières lettres. Quel est le contrat proposé au lecteur par les deux protagonistes pour l’emmener dans ces vingt-six lettres ? Puis, nous nous intéresserons à l’apprentissage des mots-clés de la langue innue pour correspondre et enfin aux métaphores utilisées par les deux auteurs pour frayer ce chemin de la reconnaissance. L’hypothèse que nous émettons est celle d’une remembrance qui n’est pas une mémoire accusatrice, mais une mémoire réincorporant l’oubli de ces communautés. Cette réincorporation nous semble dessiner la voie d’une empathie nécessaire pour aborder la question de la réconciliation des mémoires.

In the summer of 2020, International Relations (IR) scholars rushed to respond to the national and global irruptions of support for Black Lives Matter. But the relationship of 'domestic' racism in the United States to foreign policy and IR is long standing in the field, and non-marginal at that: in 1960, Hans Morgenthau provided a clear analysis of such connections in light of Brown vs. Board of Education. The 'post' in postcolonial acts as an intellectual provocation: in the aftermath of an event, how might we rethink received traditions of inquiry that prove ill equipped to explain and evaluate the event itself? The explanatory value of the 'post' lies in both exposing the disciplinary conventions of absence and retrieving obfuscated presences that provide alternative modes of inquiry. Picking up on Morgenthau's lost intervention, I provide a contribution to what might be called post-Black Lives Matter (BLM) IR. I weave an intellectual archeology of the long-standing intimacy of republicanism and imperialism via the racialized concept of the 'frontier'. I bring together the arguments and narratives of four authors who are progenitors of and/or mainstream scholars in the field: William Francis Allen, Frederick Jackson Turner, Morgenthau, and Merze Tate. I claim that this archeology of the 'frontier' might help us to grapple responsibly and incisively with IR post-BLM. Républicanisme et impérialisme à la frontière : une archéologie des relations internationales post-Black Lives Matter [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial microaggressions are manifested in interpersonal relationships resulting from structural racism. They can be understood as subtle and nebulous forms of verbal, non-verbal, or visual insult directed at people based on their race, often done automatically or unintentionally by the aggressors, but which negatively impact the lives of those who experience them. In mathematics education research, few works have problematized how Black students in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) programs have experienced racial microaggressions throughout their academic trajectory. In this study, we present the research results in which we sought to fill this gap by identifying students’ experiences in STEM programs with racial microaggressions in their university careers. The study included STEM students at the Federal University of Alfenas (n=390). They answered the Scale of Academic, Social, and Survival Experiences in STEM (EASS-STEM). The results indicate that students between the ages of 20 and 30 more clearly identify aspects related to racial microaggressions. Additionally, Black students are those who experience racial microaggressions more intensely, even with scores higher than Pardo students, who also make up the group of Black students in Brazil. This shows that skin color is directly related to experiences with racism and racial microaggressions faced by students in these programs. The results also demonstrate that, despite overcoming the access barrier, Black affirmative-action students must endure the challenge of surviving academically due to the structural violence they experience during their academic careers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We intend to discuss child sexual violence and understand how racism and sexism are linked in its perpetration. Analyzing such violence in interface with both concepts allows us to reflect on the intersectional aspects of this issue and its participation in the subjective constructions of those who perpetrate it and those who experience it. We use the resource of "livewriting" - the experience of those who write as a starting point and a gateway to sharing similar experiences, too. Research was carried out on academic sites seeking to map and understand how the topic has been worked on. We used the following descriptors: child sexual violence, black girls, racism, and sexism in their possible combinations. The Child and Adolescent Statute and Violence Atlas data, and the Epidemiological Bulletin of Sexual Violence against Children and Adolescents in Brazil were analyzed. The analyses were carried out cross-sectionally, considering the objective proposed here. Beforehand and explicitly, it was not possible to find analyses that consider the entanglement between racism and sexism in the perpetration of crimes of sexual violence against children. We questioned, how are issues of race/color considered by academic productions. In psychology, what interpretation do we have of ethnic-racial relations? What do the results reflect about psychology and even science? We hope that the data collected here and the reflections proposed can shed light on a phenomenon whose exponential growth is painfully alarming, as well as promote theoretical and practical insights to address the issues that are urgent and necessary to be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note examines the intersections of xenophobia, racism, and gender-based violence. It particularly focuses on forms of everyday woman-to-woman violence in the Canadian context. This exploration is based on an incident narrated to the author in a recent conversation with D.Š., a 42-year-old woman who emigrated to Nova Scotia in 2014 from Bosnia and Herzegovina with her husband and young son. I read the episode as paradigmatic of how gender informs interactions rooted in prejudice, discrimination, and the 'fear of the other.' Drawing upon intersectional feminist heuristic, my analysis contributes to the investigations of the complex network of power relations operating across the same gender (woman). These woman-to-woman power dynamics are shaped by racial, immigrant, and various other social identities that intersect with gender. This research shows that the relationships resulting from these interactions are, in fact, asymmetrically formed and reconstructed at the micro-level of experience through the exercise of xenophobic expressions of relative sociocultural power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 20th century, the General Drafting Company was one of the "Big Three" American road map makers. When it came to the Company's Christmas card maps cultural biases overrode their commitment to accuracy and high standards. Starting in 1930, General Drafting produced a series of Christmas card maps that featured Santa Claus. Cultural and regional stereotypes are highlighted in the 1930s maps; the 1950s maps also reveal a prominent American nationalist worldview. Although Santa Claus generally serves as an avatar for the benevolent "Traditional American" who is generous and jolly, the Santa of General Drafting maps portray him differently. Santas are seen harvesting natural resources, hunting animals, and being shown deference by non-Americans while disparaging the Soviet Union. Most disturbingly, Santa is shooting a Native American in the back, and enslaving other Santas in Siberia. The abhorrent behavior is being cloaked by the kindly image of Santa Claus to make his (America's) actions more palatable. These Christmas card maps are compelling and unique examples that illustrate how accurate cartography can be supplanted by deeply engrained cultural stereotypes and ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies on environmental justice have paid limited attention to procedural injustice in parks. Using the concept of slow violence, this paper interrogates the ideological and philosophical foundations of American public parks in order to unearth enduring structural patterns of procedural injustice. The paper illustrates that community, state, and national parks in the U.S. were founded upon the elitism, eugenics, and racism of affluent and powerful White conservationists and social reformers. To materialize their own interests, the White elite defined, built, and managed public parks by displacing, excluding, and criminalizing the Indigenous, the poor, people of color, and immigrants. As such, many of today's park injustices, such as inequitable park availability and quality, gentrification, and non-visitation of people of color, originated from the beginning of the public parks in the 19th century and have been sustained ever since. The paper discusses corrective justice strategies to alleviate the enduring slow violence in parks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this interview, Aurelien Mondon and Simon Dawes analyse the mainstreaming of far-right politics. It aims to make sense of Marine Le Pen's rise by putting it in perspective and accounting for the role of the mainstream itself in the process. Building on the research Mondon has undertaken with colleagues, this interview explores in particular the importance of understanding mainstreaming beyond it being the success of the far right or a sign of its growing popularity. In particular, this requires a more critical take on issues such as populism, but also articulations of racism, to understand how politics which had been relegated to the margins of history have returned to the norm and occupy today a disproportionate space in public discourse. Far from downplaying the threat posed by the far right today, Mondon stresses that combatting it is of course essential, but that a more holistic approach, which tackles the role of mainstream actors in the legitimisation of reactionary politics, is essential if we are to stop the slide towards fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the growing number of murders of black people, many of whom were institutionalized, and based on emblematic cases, this paper aims to reflect on crime, the criminal, and the structural and historical racism of countries such as Brazil and the USA by following the psychoanalytic theory. It questions whether we have really overcome the systemic and indiscriminate racism of the Brazilian slavery period, or whether such racism has only changed its foundations, institutionalizing and persecuting black people as scapegoats against whom legalized punishment is authorized, or who are seen as evil incarnate and susceptible to punishment. Therefore, it seems that a current mode of enslavement allows us to choose black people as the criminals of our unconscious, for whom death is allowed, justified, and even necessary, in order to satisfy the desire to enjoy the suffering of the other, classifying that part of society as dispensable, since we support an ideal of a country that fosters slavery values and relegates evil to black people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Francophone is the property of Alternative Francophone and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of African Diaspora: Transnational Journal of Culture, Economy & Society is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The experiences of Black faculty members in Canadian universities have not been adequately explored and given the attention needed. Employing an exploratory descriptive design, we interviewed five Black faculty members in a mid-sized university in Western Canada and used thematic analysis and critical race theory to gain deeper understanding of the participants’ experiences. Findings revealed that most participants have positive feelings despite overt or covert experiences of racism. The most significant highlight was the covert power struggle in the setting particularly between Black faculty members and students, and Black faculty members and some of their colleagues. The empathy and support from some deans, colleagues, and staff, along with resources in the university, have helped participants to remain in their position, make their presence known as professors and succeed in their work. Participants’ key coping strategies were faith in God, resilience, and hard work. Many participants shared that mentorship and training on responding to students’ evaluations will be beneficial in retaining Black faculty members, which will, overall, increase the number of Black students in Canadian universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Canadian Studies is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents findings from a qualitative study on the experiences of racism and sexism of Chinese-origin women living in the Netherlands during the pandemic. The emergence of the COVID-19 in Wuhan, China, and its labeling as the ‘Chinese virus’ in public discourse has triggered xenophobia and racial discrimination against people of Chinese and Asian descent worldwide. This study seeks to shed light on how women of Chinese origin residing in the Netherlands experienced racism during the pandemic, the intersectionality of racism and sexism, and their coping strategies. Participants’ orientations toward the possibilities of digital media in relation to their coping strategies were also explored. Espousing a multiactor frame of reference, semistructured in-depth interviews were conducted with 15 Chinese women residing in four major Dutch cities located within the Randstad Region (Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam, and Utrecht) as well as one nongovernmental organization representative, one artist, and one activist. Participants’ narratives provide rich insights for feminist and antiracist work in the context of coping with racism, evaluations of Dutch society and gendered stereotypes of Asian women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TRacism is present in institutions, where it causes negligence in the perception of the harm caused by prejudice and discrimination. Psychology has an ethical duty not to reproduce structural and institutional racism. Given this, through an integrative review, we investigated which aspects of the psychological clinic with black people are addressed in research in the Brazilian context. Five articles were selected from four databases. Data analysis occurred through content analysis. The studies found, mostly qualitative, had the majority participation of adult female clients. It was noticed that the demands presented by black clients permeate racism through a vision of inferiority of themselves that presents itself in different ways (that is excessive self-demand, lack of belonging). Reception through group therapy proved to be promising for black clients, being the only aspect of treatment potential found in the analyzed studies. It is concluded that more empirical studies are needed on the clinic with black people so that psychology asserts itself as anti-racist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo presenta los resultados de la macroencuesta de valores, aplicada en 2019 a 11,322 estudiantes de América Latina y el Caribe (de ellos, 406 de Puerto Rico), a 1,041 cubanos y a 2,476 españoles. Estos datos serán comparados con otras preguntas idénticas que se hicieron en 1993 a 36,515 escolares latinoamericanos y caribeños (de ellos, 2,478 puertorriqueños) y a 5,168 españoles. Los temas que se tratan son nacionalismo, prejuicios, racismo, imágenes negativas y positivas sobre la colonización española en América, la confianza en las instituciones, opciones políticas y el cambio de valores en América Latina y Puerto Rico desde 1993 a 2019, en referencia al machismo, la moral sexual, religiosidad y el grado de felicidad. This article presents the results of the values' macro survey results, applied in 2019 to 11,322 students from Latin America and the Caribbean (406 from Puerto Rico), 1,041 Cubans, and 2,476 Spaniards. These data will be compared with other identical questions that were asked in 1993 to 36,515 Latin American and Caribbean schoolchildren (2,478 of them from Puerto Rico) and 5,168 Spaniards. The topics covered are nationalism, prejudice, racism, negative and positive images of Spanish colonization in America, trust in institutions, political options, and the change of values in Latin America and Puerto [End Page 113] Rico from 1993 to 2019, about machismo or sexual morality, religiosity, and the degree of happiness. Cet article présente les résultats de la macro enquête sur les valeurs, appliquée en 2019 à 11,322 étudiants d'Amérique latine et le Caraïbe (406 de Porto Rico), 1,041 Cubains et 2,476 Espagnols. Ces données seront comparées à d'autres questions identiques posées en 1993 à 36,515 étudiants latino-américains (dont 2,478 Portoricains) et 5,168 Espagnols. Les sujets abordés sont le nationalisme, les préjugés, le racisme, les images négatives et positives de la colonisation espagnole en Amérique, la confiance dans les institutions, les options politiques et le changement de valeurs en Amérique latine et à Porto Rico de 1993 à 2019, en référence au machisme ou à la morale sexuelle, la religiosité et le degré de bonheur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant among the various taboos broken by contemporary Saudi women writers is the issue of slavery and its concomitant racial and colour prejudice. To explore the treatment of this subject, which remains strikingly understudied, this article focuses on three fictional works by two Saudi writers, Badriyya l-Bišr and Laylā l-Ǧuhanī, who have boldly faced a grave matter with complex psychological and socio-political aspects in order to expose and redress the oppression directed towards not only slaves but their descendants and other black-skinned individuals, male and female. My research argues that both writers, employing literature as a platform for reform, reveal that to a mainstream, tribe-conscious, colour-conscious Arabian culture, black skin can still signify and invite tacit and open forms of stigmatization, denigration, and abuse. Using a multi-disciplinary approach, coupled with textual analyses, this paper shows that the novels aim to restore legitimacy and dignity to a social segment long degraded and objectified due to their race and skin colour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]