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How was former U.S. President Donald Trump's rhetoric crafted to appeal to a public that cross-cut class, racial, and ethnic boundaries? Significant scholarship has addressed the prevalence of racism and xenophobia in Trump's language; nevertheless Trump was able to build a broad political coalition despite this derogatory speech. This article examines the ways in which Trump leverages producerist discourse by using race as a modality to construct a moral argument about the worthiness of the figure of the 'maker'—the entrepreneurial protagonist of his rhetoric. Using a discourse analytic framework, it highlights how Trump uses stance to indirectly racialize and gender the subjects of his talk. The aim of this article is twofold. First, furthering scholarship on racialization and colorblind racism, it offers a discourse-based method for analyzing how an explicitly racist and exclusionary discourse can be interpreted by audiences as an inclusive one. Second, building on scholarship on Trump's rhetoric, it shows how racialized, gendered, and anti-Semitic language is part of a discursive formation that makes the neoliberal ideal of producerism appealing to an expanding political coalition—paradoxically because it is a moralizing discourse that names outsiders. By analyzing stance-taking within discourses of ressentiment , it is possible to understand how racialized and gendered ideologies and anti-Semitism work together to simultaneously include and exclude non-White audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers in Canada and across Europe have largely embraced the creation of post-disciplinary systems of punishment. In the autonomous region of Catalonia, Spain, this meant expanding connections between prisons and communities, expanding the publics a prison serves. At the same time, in part driven by austerity policies, incarceration in Spain and Catalonia has become more punitive and bureaucratic. Actuarial risk assessments introduced in Catalan prisons in 2009 are an example of this type of reform—designed to facilitate the release of low-risk inmates earlier and to control mobility. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Catalan prisons from 2012 to 2014, I show how both actuarial and clinical risk evaluation involved therapists' anticipation of future aggressive acts on the part of inmates. Analyzing risk assessment as a practice and as an ideological frame, I argue that the short-term focus of risk assessments reinforced existing forms of interpreting inmates' actions that therapists attempted to hold at bay. Risk as an ideological frame in the context of austerity contributes to a form of publicity that can further isolate inmates rather than facilitating the construction of community inside and outside of a rehabilitative prison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]