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This paper examines the contribution of three Portuguese scientists to Cinchona cultivation in the former Portuguese colonies in the second half of the 19 th century, while discussing the importance of their studies in Germany to their professional lives. Portuguese pharmaceutical, medical, and botanical literature from the 19 th and 20 th century was reviewed, as well as books and articles regarding the history of pharmacy and medicine in Portugal. Cinchona bark, source of the antimalarial alkaloid quinine, is obtained from a South American plant, and was an important commodity in the 19 th century. Many European nations (including Portugal) tried to acclimatize and cultivate Cinchona plants in their colonies. Pharmacist Joaquim dos Santos e Silva (1842-1906) performed chemical analysis of Cinchona bark samples from the Portuguese colonies in Africa. Forester Bernardino Barros Gomes (1839-1910) wrote a book with practical instructions for Cinchona cultivation and chronicled the history of Cinchona plantations in the British and Dutch colonies. In that work he also encouraged private planters to cultivate Cinchona . Forester Adolpho Frederico Möller (1842-1920), as inspector of the Botanical Garden of Coimbra, managed Cinchona plants' cultivation in the garden's nurseries, which were later sent to the colonies, and answered queries from Cinchona planters. Silva's chemistry studies in Germany were crucial to his career and the work of the three scientists was influenced and guided by their knowledge of German science and scientific culture.

In this study, we will show how a Dutch pharmaceutical consortium of cinchona producers and quinine manufacturers was able to capitalize on one of the first international public health campaigns to fight malaria, thereby promoting the sale of quinine, an antimalarial medicine. During the 1920s and 1930s, the international markets for quinine were controlled by this Dutch consortium, which was a transoceanic cinchona-quinine enterprise centered in the Cinchona Bureau in the Netherlands. We will argue that during the interwar period, the Cinchona Bureau became the decision-making center of this Dutch cinchona-quinine pharmaceutical enterprise and monopolized the production and trade of an essential medicine. In addition, we will argue that capitalizing on the international public health campaign in the fight against malaria by the Dutch cinchona-quinine enterprise via the Cinchona Bureau can be regarded as an early example of corporate colonization of public health by a private pharmaceutical consortium. Furthermore, we will show how commercial interests prevailed over scientific interests within the Dutch cinchona-quinine consortium, thus interfering with and ultimately curtailing the transoceanic circulation of knowledge in the Dutch empire., (© The Author 2015. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

How and when the medical value of Cinchona bark was discovered is obscure, but it is said that the powder was given to a European for malaria for the first time in the 1630s. The bark was brought to Europe by Spanish missionaries and it was recommended by the cardinal Juan de Lugo. In the 1660s, the use of Cinchona bark became known in England - and in Denmark by Thomas Bartholin. It was used for the treatment of malaria, but several debates on its value continued up to the 1730s. However, successful treatment of malaria was obtained by Thomas Sydenham, Robert Tabor and Francesco Torti. Sydenham emphasized a modern view that Cinchona bark was a unique specific drug for the treatment of malaria, and the treatment was fully accepted when Torti's Therapeutice specialis appeared. In the early 18th century, botanical expeditions were arranged in search of the most valuable Cinchona species for cultivation. The content of quinine was impor- tant, and determination of quinine was realized when Pierre Pelletier and Joseph Caventou isolated the alkaloid from the bark in 1820. Dutch plantations and quinine industry dominated the market, but the supply of quinine came to an end when the Japanese occupied Indonesia in 1942, cutting off the rest of the world from the main supplies of Cinchona. Synthetic antimalarials were developed and chloroquine became the drug of choice, but the intensive use of these drugs caused drug resistance. Chloroquine-resistant strains of P. falciparum are now treated with other drugs as artemisinin and artemether.

Cholera ravaged many American and European cities in the nineteenth century. Likewise, Italy was struck by six epidemics since the morbus first appeared in 1835-1837. After the International Sanitary Conferences held in Paris in 1851, there was a decrease of the cases due to consolidation of the city in terms of public and private health. Nevertheless, due to the lack of alternative and innovative remedies, the mortality remained unchanged, affecting more than 60 percent of patients. The city of Brescia in Northern Italy was severely hit by the epidemic of 1867. Not being able to implement effective therapeutic strategies, the administration of drugs like quinine and strychnine was proposed to be done intravenously. The results of intravenous injections were ominous, and all the patients died of "‘sudden death"’. Although the academic authorities forbade further experiments, some physicians carried on a long trial using test animals and mental patients as ‘"guinea pigs"’.

The French joint military health corps has long experience in malaria control. Many military physicians played an essential role in the 19th century: Maillot revolutionized malaria treatment by using quinine during the conquest of Algeria, and Laveran discovered the causal parasite (the genus Plasmodium) there. This experience continued under the direction of Laveran and the Sergent brothers on the eastern front in Greek Macedonia during World War I. The vast coordinated control plan established on this front from 1917 delivered the French infantrymen from malaria and led to victory over the Bulgarian forces, which capitulated in September 1918.

The isolation of quinine from cinchona bark in 1820 opened new possibilities for the mass-production and consumption of a popular medicine that was suitable for the treatment of intermittent (malarial) fevers and other diseases. As the 19th century European empires expanded in Africa and Asia, control of tropical diseases such as malaria was seen as crucial. Consequently, quinine and cinchona became a pivotal tool of British, French, German and Dutch empire-builders. This comparative study shows how the interplay between science, industry and government resulted in different historical trajectories for cinchona and quinine in the Dutch and British Empires during the second half of the 19th century. We argue that in the Dutch case the vectors of assemblage that provided the institutional and physical framework for communication, exchange and control represent an early example of commodification of colonial science. Furthermore, both historical trajectories show how the employment of the laboratory as a new device materialised within the colonial context of agricultural and industrial production of raw materials (cinchona bark), semi-finished product (quinine sulphate) and plant-based medicines like quinine. Hence, illustrating the 19th century transition from 'colonial botany' and 'green imperialism' to what we conceptualise as 'colonial agro-industrialism'., (Copyright © 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Quinine, a naturally occurring alkaloid from the Cinchona tree, was one of the first drugs produced and sold by a global pharmaceutical industry during the nineteenth century. Factories in Europe and North America dominated the manufacturing industry, and between 1890 and 1940, Cinchona plantations on Java supplied most of the bark for the quinine pharmaceutical business. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Dutch colonial state kept a hands-off approach to the Cinchona enterprises, in keeping with its liberal orientation. But the persistent low-price for bark, which led to the near ruin of the Cinchona planters, eventually pushed the colonial state to actively protect the Cinchona plantations. Colonial officials sought to stabilize the colonial Cinchona export-business by encouraging the integration of the quinine industry on a global scale. Most important was the colonial state's sponsorship in 1913 of the Quinine Agreement, establishing a set price for Cinchona bark, which created the world's first pharmaceutical cartel. In the interwar period, an alliance of Dutch government officials, planters, scientists, doctors and drug-makers, working in both the motherland and the colony, actively promoted the expansion of quinine consumption, as well as the merit of the Quinine Agreement, which they argued supplied guaranteed a steady supply of quinine, all for the wellbeing of global humanity., (Copyright © 2013 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

This article addresses the discussion about quinine-resistant malaria plasmodium in the early decades of the twentieth century. Observed by Arthur Neiva in Rio de Janeiro in 1907, the biological and social resistance of malaria sufferers to preventive and curative treatment with quinine was corroborated three years later by Oswaldo Cruz during the construction of the Madeira-Mamoré Railway in the Brazilian Amazon. Likewise in 1910, ailing German workers were transferred from Brazil to Hamburg's Institute for Maritime and Tropical Diseases, where quinine resistance was confirmed by Bernard Nocht and Heinrich Werner. When the First World War saw failures in treating and preventing malaria with quinine along with violent outbreaks of the disease on the Turkish and Balkan fronts, resistance to this alkaloid became the topic of the day within the field of experimental medicine in Germany. New attempts were made to account for the resistance, especially by the physician Ernst Rodenwaldt, who explored the topic by applying modern theories on heredity. The present article offers a preliminary survey and analysis of pronouncements about quinine resistance, shedding new light on the circulation of knowledge in the field of tropical medicine.

The Scottish Poisons Information Bureau was established in Edinburgh in September 1963 and shortly afterwards one of the wards of the city's Royal Infirmary was designated a Regional Poisoning Treatment Centre. Both units were soon to be brought under one roof. To mark this 50th anniversary, we review how they built upon a history dating from the early 19th century and highlight their influence on current clinical toxicological practice and the delivery of poisons information. While many centres worldwide seek to improve the care of poisoned patients, the contribution of Edinburgh over the past 50 years has been notable.

In 1905, a group of eminent Greek physicians led by Professor of Hygiene and Microbiology Constantinos Savvas and the pediatrician Dr. Ioannis Kardamatis founded the Greek Anti-Malaria League. The League assumed a role that the State would not, and for the next 25 years organized the country's anti-malaria campaign. During its first steps, the Greek Anti-Malaria League adopted the principles of Professor Angelo Celli's Italian Anti-Malaria League. The League's accomplishments include a decrease in malarial prevalence, due to mass treatment with quinine, new legislation ensuring the provision of quinine, State monopoly and the collection of epidemiologic data. However, defeat in the Greek-Turkish War (1922) and the massive influx of one million Greek refugees that ensued, led to a change in malarial epidemiology. In 1928, following a visit to Italy, the Greek League adopted the organization and knowledge of the Italian Malaria Schools in Rome and in Nettuno, and this experience served as the basis of their proposal to the State for the development of the anti-malaria services infrastructure. The State adopted many of Professor Savvas' proposals and modified his plan according to Greek needs. The League's experience, accumulated during its 25 years of struggle against malaria, was its legacy to the campaigns that eventually accomplished the eradication of malaria from Greece after World War II.

Although it is not certain when malaria began to appear in Korea, malaria is believed to have been an endemic disease from ancient times. It was Dr. H. N. Allen (1858-1932) who made the first description and diagnosis of malaria in terms of Western medicine. In his first year report (1885) of Korean Government Hospital he mentioned malaria as the most prevalent disease. Very effective anti-malarial drug quinine was imported and it made great contribution in treating malaria. After Japan had annexed Korea in 1910, policies for public health system were fundamentally revised. Japan assumed control of Korean medical institutions and built high-quality Western hospitals for the health care of Japanese residents. The infectious diseases which were under special surveillance were cholera, typhoid fever, dysentery, typhus, scarlet fever, smallpox, and paratyphoid fever. Among chronic infectious diseases tuberculosis and leprosy were those under special control. Malaria, however, was not one of these specially controlled infectious diseases although it was widely spread throughout the peninsula. But serious studies on malaria were carried out by Japanese medical scientists. In particular, a Japanese parasitologist Kobayasi Harujiro(1884-1969) carried out extensive studies on human parasites, including malaria, in Korea. According to his study, most of the malaria in Korea turned out to be tertian fever. In spite of its high prevalence, malaria did not draw much attention from the colonial authorities and no serious measure was taken since tertian fever is a mild form of malaria caused by Plasmodium vivax and is not so much fatal as tropical malaria caused by P. falciparum. And tertian malaria was easily controlled by taking quinine. Although the majority of malaria in Korea was tertian fever, other types were not absent. Quartan fever was not rarely reported in 1930s. The attitude of colonial authorities toward malaria in Korea was contrasted with that in Taiwan. After Japan had set out to colonize Taiwan as a result of Sino-Japanese war, malaria in Taiwan was a big obstacle to the colonization process. Therefore, a lot of medical scientists were asked to engage the malaria research in order to handle health problems in colonized countries caused by malaria. Unlike the situation in Taiwan, malaria in Korea did not cause a serious health problem as in Taiwan. However, its risk was not negligible. In 1933 there were almost 130,000 malaria patients in Korea and 1,800 patients among them died of malaria. The Japanese Government General took measures to control malaria especially during the 1930s and the number of patients decreased. However, as Japan engaged in the World War II, the general hygienic state of the society worsened and the number of malarial patients increased. The worsened situation remains the same after Liberation (1945) and during the Korean war (1950-53).

Quinine remains an important anti-malarial drug almost 400 years after its effectiveness was first documented. However, its continued use is challenged by its poor tolerability, poor compliance with complex dosing regimens, and the availability of more efficacious anti-malarial drugs. This article reviews the historical role of quinine, considers its current usage and provides insight into its appropriate future use in the treatment of malaria. In light of recent research findings intravenous artesunate should be the first-line drug for severe malaria, with quinine as an alternative. The role of rectal quinine as pre-referral treatment for severe malaria has not been fully explored, but it remains a promising intervention. In pregnancy, quinine continues to play a critical role in the management of malaria, especially in the first trimester, and it will remain a mainstay of treatment until safer alternatives become available. For uncomplicated malaria, artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT) offers a better option than quinine though the difficulty of maintaining a steady supply of ACT in resource-limited settings renders the rapid withdrawal of quinine for uncomplicated malaria cases risky. The best approach would be to identify solutions to ACT stock-outs, maintain quinine in case of ACT stock-outs, and evaluate strategies for improving quinine treatment outcomes by combining it with antibiotics. In HIV and TB infected populations, concerns about potential interactions between quinine and antiretroviral and anti-tuberculosis drugs exist, and these will need further research and pharmacovigilance.

Cinchona is one of the most important medicinal plants as it contains quinine, a potent medicine for malaria. In this review, I reveal the history of cinchona introduction and cultivation in Japan. Cinchona was first introduced to Japan in 1876 from Java based on the proposal submitted by Takeaki Enomoto to the Meiji government. However, the cultivation attempt ended in failure. Later in 1922, Hoshi Pharmaceutical Co. succeeded for the first time in cultivating cinchona in Taiwan, which was then under Japanese colonial rule, and in manufacturing quinine from the cinchona tree in 1934. This was a historic feat in Japan, completing an entire process from cinchona cultivation to quinine manufacture all within the confines of the country. To commemorate this undertaking, the company dedicated a cinchona log harvested for the first time to the Imperial court. It was revealed that a log of unknown origin, which had been left untouched for years at Hoshi University, was the cinchona log from the time of commemoration. Yasusada Tashiro (1856-1928), who has made a great contribution to cinchona cultivation in Japan for over 50 years, led Hoshi Pharmaceutical Co. to success in cultivation.

The term miasma was coined by Hippocrates of Kos. He introduced it to describe dangerous fumes from the ground that are transported by winds and can cause serious illnesses. Up until the late 19th century, miasmas from swamps were blamed for giving rise to and spreading so-called intermittent fever, cold fever, swamp fever or malaria. It was not until 1898 that the mosquito genus Anopheles was identified as the agent responsible for transmitting malaria. On 30 April 1857, the Austrian frigate Novara left Trieste to circumnavigate the globe. One of the medical officers on board, Dr. Eduard Schwarz, studied the composition of miasmas in detail and published his investigations in the medical section of the "Novara Chronicles" in 1861. Schwarz attributed the dreaded Nicobar fever to decomposition processes of organic material, which released dangerous miasmas that could only be eliminated by draining the swamps. Karl von Scherzer, the scientific director of the Novara expedition, collected exact information about the distribution range of the cinchona tree, which was said to be threatened with extinction, a rumor that later proved to be false. Quinine was gained from the bark of the tree and was used worldwide to treat malaria, pains, and fever.

J.-F. Bourdier was one of the doctors of the Faculty of Paris. As a medical doctor for the Archduchess Marie-Louise, he was also able to conduct his scientific research. In 1808, during the difficult time of the Continental System, J.-F. N. took part in the research work on a substitute for cinchona and tested some treatments. However, being not a chemist, he could not make any chemical analysis. Then, the chemists Caventou and Pelletier discovered quinine in 1820.

Before the WWI significantly more loss was caused to armies by various epidemies, than by weapons. Although as a result of development of medical sciences in the WWI this rate changed, the main epidemies namely cholera, malaria and trachoma still ravaged quite often. In spite of the fact, that alimentation of Austro-Hungarian soldiers gradually deteriorated during the war, so they fell victims more easily to diseases, the sanitary service successfully prevented outbreaks of larger epidemies.

After several descriptions by Hippocrates and a single possible medieval description by Gilles de Corbeil, a severe febrile illness accompanied by the passage of dark urine burst upon the medical scene in West Africa in 1819, described by an English surgeon named Tidlie. Most of his patients died within a few days. Further reports appeared from tropical regions until the turn of the century, J. Farrell Easmon having given the condition the name blackwater fever in 1884. Controversy raged about its relationship to malaria, as well as over its treatment with cinchona bark and quinine. Evidence evolved that it was a complication of falciparum malaria in which hemoglobinuria causing acute renal failure resulted from massive quinine-induced lysis of red blood cells. People with red cell abnormalities such as glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase deficiency proved particularly prone to developing it. Its incidence fell as more mildly acting antimalarial drugs replaced quinine. Several enigmatic issues bedeviled understanding of it, but a careful analysis of its historical development has enabled resolution of each of these.

Edmond and Etienne Sergent, "the Sergent brothers", were both born in Algeria. They both studied medicine at the Algiers Medical School and then followed the Course of Microbiology of Emile Roux at the Institut Pasteur in Paris (1899-1900). From 1900, they were put in charge of a permanent mission aimed at antimalarial control in Algeria, which was supervised by the Institut Pasteur. The first campaign was carried out during the summer of 1902 at a station of the East Algerian Railway Company. The success of this mission lead to the creation of the Antimalaric Department of Algeria in 1904, which was directed by Etienne Sergent for the duration his life. This antimalarial programme was progressively extended to many other locations. The programme was optimized between 1927 and 1947, in the experimental field study of the Ouled Mendil Marsh, where global environmental measures and drainage lead to settlement of farms, the families of which did not suffered from malaria. At a time when neither insecticides nor synthetic antimalarial drug existed, antimalarial control measures that were developed tended to target human reservoirs and the mosquito vectors. The extension of the programme across the Algerian territory lead to a decrease of both malaria endemicity and extension of affected areas.

Many great discoveries have been made by chance but some have been the result of human perseverance and ingenuity. A sterling example of the second case is quinquina that was discovered in Peru and is now produced in Java. Quinquina has gone through centuries without losing its medical efficacy that efficacy allowed the exploration and colonization of Africa and played a key role in the ability to conduct overseas military campaigns. Because of its strategic importance, it was a coveted resource. It led to the discovery of homeopathy and dyes, allowed the development of organic chemistry, and has been used to make alcoholic bitters and soft drinks.

With the isolation of quinine from Cinchona in 1820, an ancient herbal cure was transformed into a chemical drug. This was the inspiration for a new scientific discipline - ethnopharmacology - as Western scientists began to reinvent traditional herbal cures by extracting their active principles to make new and profitable drugs. The Chinese government may claim many such success stories as their own, but such triumphant narratives only reveal part of the story. The drawn-out hunt for the active principle of another anti-malarial herb, changshan, or Dichroa febrifuga, offers a more nuanced narrative that captures the complex interplay between traditional Chinese and Western medicine.

During the Civil War, the unreliable supply and high cost of quinine forced the Confederate Army to use alternative treatments for malaria. Many quinine substitutes were mentioned in the literature of the time, but relatively few were advocated by Confederate officials and even fewer are described in surviving records. Medical supply officers often issued substitute remedies when quinine was requisitioned. Most alternative treatments were made from indigenous plants such as dogwood, willow (a constituent of which gave rise to aspirin), and tulip tree. High hopes were held for Georgia bark, which was thought to be closely related to cinchona, from which quinine was derived. Documentation of the effectiveness of quinine substitutes is scanty but is most plentiful for the external application of turpentine. The quinine substitutes were generally considered useful but not as effective as quinine. The Confederate Surgeon General's Office was active in seeking out and supplying troops with quinine substitutes.

Between 1885 and 1892--a period in which great advances have been made in techniques and practice of the young science of microbiology--Camillo Golgi provided a notable contribution to malariology. Continuing studies and researches of Roman malariologists Ettore Marchiafava (1847-1935) and Angelo Celli (1857-1914), on the malarial parasites--described by the French military physician Alphonse Laveran--he studied the reproduction cycles of the Plasmodium in human blood (Golgi cycles) and elucidated the temporal coincidence between the recurrent chills and fever with the rupture and release of merozoites into the blood stream (Golgi law). He also demonstrated that the so-called tertian and quartan intermittent fevers are due to the presence in the blood of two different protozoan organisms Plasmodium malariae and Plasmodium vivax (Alphonse Laveran believed that there was only one species, Oscillaria malariae). These observations made it possible to diagnose and treat the disease. He established that quinine, to varying degrees, was effective against the parasites at different stages of their development--those in the early stages were most affected. Moreover, excluding the etiological specificity of the famous Bacillus malariae, isolated by Klebs and Tommasi Crudeli before Laveran's discovery in the ground and water of the Pontin Marshes south of Rome, his studies determined the definitive disappearance from the scene of this bacterium; and opened a new phase of the research to which the Italian malariologists will give an important contribution, although the contrasts and scientific rivalries. This article follows the developments of the malariological research in Italy, plagued by the disease, on the contrary of other developed European countries (France and Great Britain) and examines the factors that influenced Italian scholars.

For a long time, the synthesis of quinine constituted an elusive target. In 2004, which marked the 60th anniversary of the publication of the approach used by Woodward and Doering to synthesize quinine, two new stereocontrolled total syntheses of the natural product were accomplished. Together with the well-publicized first stereocontrolled total synthesis of quinine by Stork in 2001, these publications evidence the revival of interest of organic chemists in the synthesis of this compound, once considered a miracle drug. The recently disclosed syntheses of quinine also testify in a remarkable manner the huge progress made by organic synthesis during the last three decades since the first series of partially controlled syntheses of quinine by the group of Uskokovic. Following an account of the historical importance of quinine as an antimalarial drug and a brief description of the experiments which contributed to its isolation and structural elucidation, the first reconstructions of quinine and the total syntheses of the natural product are discussed.

On of the most compelling sagas in the history of medicine and therapeutics is the emergence of the Peruvian bark (Cinchona) and also of the pharmacologically active substance derived from it, quinine. Its discovery involved exploration, exploitation and secrecy, and it came, in the nineteenth century, to reflect the struggles of the major European powers for domination, territory and profit. This short history shows how the use of Cinchona enabled the exploration of dangerous malarial areas and in this way facilitated imperial expansion by the Western powers.

At the moment when his operas got a European celebrity, Vincenzo Bellini born in 1801 rapidly died in September 1835 after a three weeks digestive illness, with mainly dysenteria. Young and healthy, this unexpected event questioned the authorities in Paris. The post mortem examination showed that the colonic mucosa was covered by numerous ulcers, and that a large abcess existed in the liver. All other parts of the body were absolutely sound. These results came out from the autopsy performed by Adolphe Dalmas (1799-1844), professor agrégé at the Faculty of medicine of Paris, formerly member of the special committee in charge of fighting the cholera in 1831 and 1832, who studied its medical aspects during the epidemic attack in Russia, Poland, Germany and Great Britain. With a wide knowledge in the field of the intestinal pathology, his conclusions established that the death came from an inflammation of the bowel, excluding clearly any touch of cholera or poisoning. Nowadays, it is obvious that this dysenteria syndome associated to such anatomic disorders would belong to the chronic amebic disease. Probably contaminated in 1828, Bellini developed a severe episode in 1830, necessitating a long rest during several months, spent at Moltrasio along the side of the Lake of Como. At the time, he composed La Sonnambula and Norma. In 1833 after staying in London from April to August, he came to Paris preparing a new work I Puritani (The Puritains). At summer time, he usually suffered slight recurring episodes, that he treated by applying vesicatories. For frequent periods, he lived outside Paris in a villa standing along the Seine in Puteaux rented by his British friends the Levys. Early in September 1835, these symptoms came again and and suddenly worsened with pain, fever and loss of rest at night. Deserted and lonely as the Levys often left the villa, his critical condition exhibiting tremendous sufferings led to death on the 23rd of September. During the final days, he was not granted any relevant medical support, except the poor cares given by the Italian physician Montallegri, not authorised at that time to practice in France. As emetine and quinine since 1822 were both available as pure alcaloids, produced by the pharmacist Joseph Pelletier, it is assumed that Bellini might have recovered after an intensive treatment implementing these substances by oral, local and rectal routes (enemas and suppositories). At that time, apart from the academic teaching inherited from Broussais, the tropical practitioners currently used them in the treatment of dysenteria and tropical liver abcesses (Annesley, Segond and Dutroulau), as decocted ipeca roots and cinchona barks. Later on when the amebic disease has gained its proper nosography, the clinicians underlined the dangerous and unpredictable issues of the hyperacute hepatic syndromes, unexpected and occurring by apparently healthy individuals. By 1960, its treatment was still obtained by the emetine derivatives.

The early decades of this century witnessed significant developments in the approaches to control of malaria in British India. These included both large-scale preventive measures and curative treatment methods (often referred to as "cinchona" or "quinine" policy). This paper identifies a number of factors that constrained the colonial government's capacity to control malaria through effective cinchona policy. The ideal of achieving "self-sufficiency" and having an efficient form of treatment and distribution within the reach of the masses in India (as originally intended in late 1850s) was far from being achieved. Both government's policy and medical profession seemed to have contributed equally to this failure.