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Like COVID-19, racism is present in every nook and cranny of this province, as it is in so many other places. As Black people know all too well, it is [...]

Micheline Labelle. Racisme et antiracisme au Quebec. Discours et declinaisons. Montreal : Presses de l'Universite du Quebec, 2010. 212 pp. $29.00 sc. Review by Maryse Potvin, Canadian Ethnic Studies/Etudes ethniques [...]

Ce chapitre propose departir de l'analyse des revendications d'une action collective, celle de la Marche mondiale des femmes de 2010, pour comprendre comment ce mouvement envisage l'Etat et son action [...]

A study concerning the regulation of religious diversity by the State calls for some general considerations on religious pluralism. On the one hand, the arrival of new religious groups in [...]

Any intervention against poverty is not so much an administrative process as a social relation between categorias of actors that are partly defined by it. Being a social action, it implies a construction of meaning that will guide the behavior of the actors. This semantic network needs an interpretation. This article presents a simplified model (an 'ideal-type') of this meaningful interaction. It will contrast the way the professional actors of the poverty field present poverty and poor people and the way poor people themselves present their situation and the difficulties they face. This comparison will show the great distance between these discourses. L'intervention sur la pauvrete est moins un processus administratif, qu'une relation sociale incarnee dans l'interaction entre des acteurs qu'elle contribue a definir. Elle implique, comme toute action sociale, la production de significations guidant les acteurs. La comprehension de ce reseau semantique necessite un processus d'interpretation. Ce texte presente un modele simplifie d'une telle interpretation. Il contraste la facon dont des intervenants presentent les pauvres et la pauvrete et la facon dont des personnes en situation de pauvrete parlent d'elles-memes et de leurs difficultes. Cette mise en regard fait ressortir la tres grande distance entre ces deux discours., ... when poverty is conceived sociologically--rather than pathologically--as a << functional part of a situation composed of interacting selves >> (Cottrell 1942), we see that our theories of poverty may [...]

ABSTRACT/RESUE This study of Quebec's cultural policy examines the place of cultural diversity within the institutional discourse on culture. Drawing on an analytical framework that focusses on the 'majority' category, [...]

Central to the success of many recent health system reforms is the implementation of new primary health care delivery models. The central characteristic common to these new models usually emphasises interdisciplinary collaboration. Using empirical research, this paper studies interdisciplinary collaboration among various groups of professionals within an original Canadian primary health care delivery model, the Quebec Community Health Care Centres (CCHCs). The entire population of more than 150 CHCCs have been surveyed. The goals of this study are (1) to measure the achieved intensity of inter-professional collaboration among Quebec CHCCs, and (2) to identify the organisational and professional factors fostering or limiting interdisciplinary collaboration. The results show that Quebec CHCCs have reached modest results in achieving interdisciplinary collaboration especially since interdisciplinary collaboration is a central objective that has been pursued for more than 25 years. This study demonstrates that the main factors associated with interdisciplinary collaboration are closely linked to work group internal dynamics. Interdisciplinary collaboration is linked to the simultaneous and antagonistic effect of some central intragroup process factors. Conflicting values and beliefs are present that both enhance and limit interdisciplinary collaboration. The presence of conflicting stimuli seriously undermines the strength of the CHCC work group's shared beliefs and strongly limits interdisciplinary collaboration. The results also stress the importance of administrative formalisation initiatives to enhance collaboration among different professions. The efficacy of formalisation in this context is based on its capacity to offer an articulated and operative interdisciplinary framework that can generate a counteractive effect to the traditional professional framework. It offers concrete rules that help align the work group beliefs with interdisciplinary values. The formalisation of functions and processes appears thus to be an interesting means to further interdisciplinary collaboration. Keywords: Interdisciplinary collaboration; Primary health care delivery models; Self-managed work teams; System of professions

Rebuilding of the welfare state in post-industrialized societies is no longer organized around the male worker but around the parent-producer figure. This shift in the focus of social policies results in a greater mix between employment policies and policies towards families and children. In Quebec, this change appears as a fundamental one; the core of social public action is redefined by federal and provincial governments. By comparison, in France the fight against unemployment is still dominant.

Interest in finding more effective methods for public involvement in decision-making about health systems is more widespread than ever in Canada since significant aspects of health-care decision-making were devolved from provincial governments to regional health authorities. Involving the public can be risky business, however, as the accountability and legitimacy of decisions made by governing authorities are often assessed against the nature and degree of interaction that occurs with the public. Consequently, decision-makers in a variety of policy domains routinely struggle with questions about when it is appropriate to involve the public, what the most effective means are for doing this, and how to measure their success. The authors analysed these issues by documenting the experiences of health-systems decision-makers in two Canadian provinces (Ontario and Quebec) with public consultation and participation over the past decade. Their findings illustrate that despite the different roles and responsibilities held by Ontario and Quebec decision-makers, decisions to consult with their communities are driven by the same basic set of objectives: to obtain information from and to provide information to the community; to ensure fair, transparent and legitimate decision-making processes; and to garner support for their outcomes. Decision-makers also acknowledged the need to rethink approaches for involving the public in decision-making processes in response to the perceived failure of past public participation and consultation processes. While these experiences have clearly left some participation practitioners feeling beleaguered, many are approaching future community consultation processes optimistically with plans for more focused, purposeful consultations that have clear objectives and more formal evaluation tinged with a healthy dose of pragmatism.

This article analyzes Canadian, particularly Quebecois, government-sponsored programs for abusive men. In order to combat domestic violence, men are treated by other men dealing with particular masculine-generated problems that lead to abuse.

In January 1989, I received a letter from Francois Hebert, the editor of Liberte, a French-Canadian cultural periodical. A proverbial little magazine, Liberte had a format that resembled a paperback [...]

The objective of the present study is to better understand the relationship between older people, principal natural helpers, and intensive home care services in Quebec. An exploratory qualitative study conducted in the Quebec City region in 1991 explored the dimensions surrounding the relationship between families and the State from the point of view of a partnership.

This article explores the history of a lost opportunity, that of the Quebec state's engagement of the question of immigration on the occasion of the Royal Commission on Constitutional Issues (the Tremblay Commission). It examines the outlook of the Tremblay Commission towards immigration, focussing on its various assumptions and outcomes. It considers, in turn, the commission's importance in defining social policy in Quebec, the two proposals put forth by the Quebec government and the varied visions and recommendations of the commissioners. Finally, it wishes to account for the shelving of the final report, particularly as it pertains to questions of immigration.

This article(1) addresses the way in which the Province of Quebec has obtained increasing power in the area of immigration. Jurisdiction over immigration has been an important bone of contention between the federal and provincial levels of government. Quebec's nationalist movement has endeavored to reconstruct the province as a nation-state. In order to mobilize immigrants, the Quebec government has developed a branch within the Ministry of Immigration, based on a new concept: cultural communities. Data from interviews with key members of this Ministry and from selected documents are drawn on to illustrate Quebec's cultural politics. The Quebec position on the question of immigration as it has evolved in the context of immigration policies defined by the federal government in Ottawa is examined. In addition, Quebec society in the period subsequent to what is often called the 'Quiet Revolution,' including some of the main features of the Quebec nationalist movement, is briefly reviewed. In particular, the present article considers how attempts to construct a cultural identity and a nation-state in Quebec have had important consequences for immigration policy and for attitudes and policies concerning Quebec's cultural minorities. The emergence of the notion of 'cultural communities' as a result of the constitutional rivalry and the on-going struggle for legitimacy between Quebec and Ottawa is also explored., QUEBEC'S 'QUIET REVOLUTION' Contemporary Quebec is characterized by a series of important social transformations brought about by economic development and political and administrative modernization undertaken by the state in the [...]

The will to have one's own particular identity universally acknowledged and respected is now one of the most significant determinants of the sociopolitical dynamic of contemporary modern societies. However, the actual recognition of difference is more often than not an unsatisfactory and disappointing experience for many of the groups and communities striving for that recognition. The recent experience of Canadian Aboriginal peoples is a case in point. This article looks at the struggle of Aboriginal nations for recognition in one particular region of Canada, the province of Quebec. Indeed, Quebec offers a revealing case-study of the peculiarities of the politics of recognition. For over three decades now, the French-speaking majority of Quebec has striven to assert its ethnocultural distinctiveness and laid claims to a special status within the Canadian political and constitutional framework. Today, both Quebecers and Aboriginals are recognition seekers within the Canadian polity. As a result, their relationship is inevitably marked by their respective but competing attempt to draw the attention of the Canadian state to their particular identity claims. In recent years, this has led to a highly conflictual dynamic which considerably strains any hope of social and cultural coexistence. The article examines the particularities of the politics of recognition in the Quebec context. Its objective is twofold. First, it should serve to shed some light on the manifestations of Aboriginal ethnonationalism in Canada. Secondly, it seeks to illustrate the limitations and paradoxical nature of the politics of recognition within a liberal framework. Keywords: Identity politics; Quebec; Aboriginal question, ethnonationalism; recognition; liberalism.