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In light of recent developments in Quebec politics, this article takes a critical look at two controversial elements surrounding the legitimacy of the 1995 referendum on Quebec sovereignty, namely (1) the rejection of ballots on polling day and (2) the effect of the rally for Canadian unity held on October 27, 1995. This analysis mobilizes aggregated historical data from Élections Québec as well as individual-level survey data collected by Canadian Facts Limited in October 1995 (n = 930). The results reveal no attitudinal predictors of ballot rejection across Quebec ridings. Analyses suggest, however, the existence of a statistically significant impact of the love-in rally which may have boosted the NO option a few days before the vote, particularly outside of Montreal. This research aims to contribute to the public debate on the transparency of democratic processes in referendums. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Quebec Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on political scientists are among the first to have analyzed the Quiet Revolution in light of the theories associated with the development, modernization and political economy in a North American context.

In this article, the author argues that the politics of the Quiet Revolution in Quebec during the 1960s invigorated Montreal Jews as a religious and cultural minority rather than marginalizing or alienating them. While Jewish activists remained critical of the expanding ambitions of the Quebec state and the rise of nationalism in the province, they took the opportunity to advance Jewish claims and adopted a largely positive outlook on their communal future in Quebec. In fact, Montreal Jews, like their francophone neighbours but perhaps unlike the anglophone majority, had motives to share in Quebec's collective thrill during the 1960s: it created opportunities to discuss and advance cultural continuity. This perspective is crucial to nuance the popular assumption that animosity and reluctance alone characterized Quebec Jews' reaction to the Quiet Revolution, leading many to find solace in Toronto after the election of the Parti québécois and in reaction to long-smouldering tensions. By exploring the themes of education, French language, and nationalism in Jewish English-language newspapers and institutional sources from the 1960s, the author reveals more nuanced dynamics between Jews and French Canadians at the time of the Quiet Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we provide a cultural explanation of a long‐standing trust puzzle in Canada—Quebecers trust much less than their fellow Canadians. Specifically, we develop a novel approach to empirically assess the historical influence of the Catholic Church, using the Quiet Revolution (a period of abrupt modernization in Quebec) as a natural experiment. We find that older cohorts socialized prior to the Quiet Revolution are significantly less trusting—a distinctive trend that is most pronounced among Catholics. Conversely, in the rest of Canada older cohorts are more trusting, following the trend commonly found in other countries. Furthermore, measures of both religious beliefs and modernization account for a large part of the birth cohort trust gap in Quebec. The findings suggest that low trust in Quebec is rooted in the province's Catholic cultural heritage, but that the legacy of the Quiet Revolution is gradually changing the trust culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the enduring influence of the Quiet Revolution on Quebec's contemporary societal representations, emphasizing the need for ongoing research to explore and nuance various aspects, including critical gender perspectives and Indigenous viewpoints.

The article discusses the work of the author Mordecai Richler. Topics include mention of various books including "Joshua Then and Now", his experience working as an excerpt with Canadian Writing Today, and as a campaigner in Quiet Revolution in French Canada. It explores Adam Gopnik's analysis of Mordecai Richler's work and his ideology on the political agenda.

Since the social-political changes of the Quiet Revolution during the 1960s, Québec has experienced much lower birth rates. Until recently, the government of Québec had hoped to compensate for this low fertility by increasing immigration. In 1991, for example, Québec began to administer its own immigration program seeking to admit immigrants who "adapt well to living there." This article aims to determine the extent to which Québec governments have been able to control international migration into the region since the 1991 Canada-Québec Accord. Utilizing a logged-dependent-variable OLS panel model of international migration into Québec from 1991 to 2016, this essay evaluates the impact of independent factors that the government can influence as well as many source- and destination-country control variables. Our regression results suggest that Liberal Party dominance of the Québec government and Québec's 1996 change in migration policy both boosted migration. Effective migration also rose with the percentage of a source region that is Francophone, a proportion the government may presumably influence via admissions policies. We conclude that Québec authorities play a significant role in shaping who actually immigrates. Depuis les changements sociopolitiques de la Révolution tranquille au cours des années 1960, le Québec a connu des taux de natalité beaucoup plus faibles. Jusqu'à récemment, le gouvernement du Québec espérait compenser cette faible fécondité en augmentant l'immigration. En 1991, donc, le Québec a commencé à administrer son propre programme d'immigration visant à accueillir des immigrés qui « s'adaptent bien à y vivre ». Cet article vise à déterminer dans quelle mesure les gouvernements du Québec ont pu contrôler la migration internationale vers la région depuis l'Accord Canada-Québec de 1991. À l'aide d'un modèle de panel MCO à variable dépendante logée de la migration internationale au Québec de 1991 à 2016, cet essai évalue l'impact de facteurs indépendants que le gouvernement peut influencer ainsi que de nombreuses variables de contrôle des pays d'origine et de destination. Nos résultats de régression suggèrent que les gouvernements PLQ et le changement de politique migratoire en 1996 ont tous deux stimulé la migration. La migration effective a également augmenté avec le pourcentage francophone d'une région d'origine, une proportion que le gouvernement peut vraisemblablement influencer par le biais de politiques d'admission. Nous concluons que les autorités québécoises jouent un rôle important dans la détermination des flux de migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the discussion on Pâquet and Savard thinking about the Revolution including definition of the Quiet Revolution by such material and by the individual visibility of a block considering the the object of history.

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An ongoing debate over the intersections between secularism and ethno-cultural diversity is taking place in contemporary societies. For example, in just over a decade, Quebec has witnessed multiple attempts to reframe its approach to issues of nationalism in the context of secularism and the regulation of ethno-cultural diversity. This qualitative and historically minded article studies the relationship among nationalism, secularism, and the regulation of diversity, through three stages of analysis. First, it explores the Catholic history of Quebec and the secularization dimensions of its nationalism since the Quiet Revolution and the ongoing debate within the province about religious accommodation and the integration of immigrants. Second, it lays the stage for examining the political and historical rise of the recently passed Bill 21 An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State in Quebec, through analysis of the failed, yet pivotal, proposal for a "Quebec Charter of Values" during the leadership of Parti Québécois (PQ) Premier Pauline Marois (2012–14). Throughout this article, the content of the charter under the PQ and the successful Act under the Coalition Avenir Québec are discussed in light of policy transfer from France to Quebec regarding secularism and the public display of religious symbols, as well as Quebec's unique context within the Canadian federation. Finally, it turns to recent political and policy developments in Quebec, including the passing of the new Act, as they relate to the changing relationship among nationalism, secularism, and diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including how party leaders position themselves in relation to identity; films of two filmmakers' representations of immigrant realities in Québec and figure of the Quiet Revolution.

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The article discusses the conception by the nationalists Quebecers of francophone minorities in Quebec during 1970-1995, which was marked by the second referendum on the sovereignty of Quebec and the Quiet Revolution. Topics include the decline of the diaspora conception of the French-Canadian nation during this time; and an analysis of the place these minorities occupy in the magazine "Lactation national" which was linked to the Quebec nationalist movement.

The article discusses hockey player Maurice “Rocket” Richard, commenting on his reputation as a hero in the National Hockey League (NHL) and in Quebec. It reflects on using Richard's life as a way to teach U.S. students about French Canadian history and the French language, in accordance with the U.S. National Standards for Foreign Language Education. The author examines Richard's book "Le Chandail de hockey," two educational CD-ROMs based on the book, and the film "Maurice Richard," directed by Charles Binamé. She also considers the Montreal, Quebec Riots of 1955 and Quebec's Révolution Tranquille, or “Quiet Revolution.”

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The article focuses on the social history of a Church movement's genesis and development in Quebec Province. Topics discussed include the history of the Quiet Revolution in 1960, growth of the Quebec Mennonite Brethren Church and the 1960 election of politician Jean Lesage's Liberal Party after a fifteen year monopoly of Premier Maurice Duplessis's Union Nationale.

The article focuses on the activities of le Comite des femmes intereglises (the inter-church women's committee) between its founding in 1978 and its folding in 1998. Topics discussed include the role of women in establishing church communities, the Quiet Revolution in Quebec and influence of the radical shift in the church on the Vatican II reforms.

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Eastern Townships Studies / Revue d'études des Cantons-de-l'Est (JETS/RECE) is the property of Eastern Townships Resource Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Quebec’s modern international outlook and its current paradiplomacy can be dated largely from the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s. Since then, the provincial government in Quebec City and the federal government in Ottawa have had to tread a fine line in accommodating each other’s constitutional rights in the field of international relations—a line that has occasionally been breached, especially in the years following the Quiet Revolution and in critical periods such as those prior to the 1980 and 1995 referenda. Foreign governments have also had to engage in careful diplomacy in order to avoid upsetting either Ottawa or Quebec City—and this has been especially true in the case of the countries historically most involved with Canada and Quebec—France, the United States, and Britain. But whereas there has been some academic writing on Quebec’s relationships with France and the United States, very little attention has been devoted to Quebec–UK relations since the Quiet Revolution. This article seeks to fill that gap and argues that the Quebec–UK relationship since the 1960s can itself best be characterized as a “quiet revolution” in diplomacy that has largely avoided the controversies that have sometimes dogged Quebec’s relations with France and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The article presents the discussion on Brief History of the Quiet Revolution being traversed by tempi realities experienced by the baby boomer historians raising awareness of the phenomenon.

Increasing rates of religious non-affiliation have been a fundamental transformation of Canadian society since the 1970s. Such increases, present across the West, have received much attention from researchers and sparked much debate. Two competing frameworks identify differing mechanisms behind the rise in individuals declaring having no religion. Secularization theories see this trend as indicating a decline of all things religious. By contrast, individualization theories argue it is only institutional indicators of religiosity which are on the decline, and individually constructed spirituality systems are becoming the norm. Yet, little systematic empirical testing has been done on this subject, especially in the Canadian context. Generating single- and multi-level regression models with data from the Canadian GSS and the ISSP, this paper undertakes a novel comparison of religiosity levels among the unaffiliated between Canadian provinces, between a number of Western nations and regions as well as between age groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Osgoode Hall Law Journal is the property of Osgoode Hall Law School and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are numerous studies on shifting Francophone-Anglophone relations during the Quiet Revolution, and migration studies tend to focus on Anglophones who sought opportunity outside Québec (Pettinicchio 2012). However, less attention has been paid to the experiences of Francophones who migrated to English Canada during this period. Undeniably, these people had their own unique political, economic and social motivations for leaving Québec at this time. Their adopted communities brought experiences of cultural assimilation and language loss, which have been previously explored in relation to First Peoples in Canada and the indigenous groups of other countries (e.g. Hallett et al. 2007; Wanhalla 2007). Using the oral history of a Francophone whose family migrated from Québec to British Columbia during the 1960s, I reveal the roles of motivation, alienation, assimilation and language in his migration experience. I argue that (1) the motivations of these Francophone migrants were complex, involving not only politicoeconomic reasons but also social and personal ones, (2) their subsequent experiences of alienation and assimilation were intimately connected to language and were sometimes self-enforced to prevent low-level persecution, (3) this partial assimilation resulted in a lack of belonging in both their original and adopted communities. My informant's narrative cannot speak for all interprovincial Francophone migrants, but it does provide insight into the intimate nuances and complexities of the situation that are often overlooked in generalized statistical approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with French Canadian poet and translator Jacques Brault is presented. Topics of the interview include his participation in the conference "Miron le magnifique," held at the University of Montreal on February 10, 1966, his relationship with Gaston Miron, an author of the Québec Quiet Revolution, and the literary prize of "Études Françaises."

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The creation of a unified Quebec Ministry of Education (MEQ) in 1964 was a much celebrated modernization project that set Quebec on the path to becoming a modern bureaucratic education state. While Quebec's "Great Leap Forward" in education was delayed until the early 1960s, Paul W. Bennett reminds us that it was only one of a number of educational modernization initiatives surfacing at the time elsewhere in Canada. Quebec was a late bloomer in the big shift because, elsewhere in Canada, the forces of modernization and centralized administration hit much earlier and were driven more by school closures and district consolidation. Massive administrative reorganization, precursor to the triumph of the bureaucratic education state, appeared first in Alberta, began gathering from the 1920s onward and achieved dominance from the early post-war years until the late 1960s. Three decades after the creation of the MEQ, consolidation, bureaucracy and public education came to be so closely intertwined in Canada's provincial school systems that it became impossible to answer the question "Who's in charge?" Modernization had further accelerated the trend toward a new form of administrative centralization and state managerialism without much public accountability or attention to student performance results. It was not a situation that Canadian state education reformers of the sixties had expected or foreseen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quebec youth are largely detached from traditional religious institutions today and live in a socio-religious context that has been deeply transformed by the 1960s Quiet Revolution’s rapid social, political and cultural modernization. As a result, the French-Canadian majority is not so much the Catholic Church’s orphans as the inheritors of the Cultural Revolution incarnated by baby boomers who have transmitted a spiritualized and non-institutional type of religiosity and participation to the ambient hyper-mediatized consumer society. Thus Quebec’s long-time specificity regarding religion has eroded while aligning with other West-European societies. The characteristics of contemporary youth religion are cast as forming a system, thus challenging the widespread diagnoses of fragmentation, transience or blurriness. This supports the argument that a methodology less concerned with the destiny of congregational religious institutions than with the lives, experiences, and actual beliefs of youth is required for the sociology of religion today. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Poetry, more than any other literary genre, has been both celebrated as the purest expression of human feeling and thought, and at the same time banished from the social and political realms. This article argues that works written from a minoritarian perspective intensely manifest the ways in which poetry and politics can mutually traverse each other. The heritage of domination and diglossia confronting many Francophone authors has resulted in countless works that are insistently preoccupied with the status of language and literature's sociopolitical powers. Here, I examinePanneaux-réclame, the powerful forgotten work of québécoise poet Michèle Lalonde. Written for the 1970Nuit de la poésie, a live anthology of poetry of the Quiet Revolution, Lalonde's poem represents less a commitment to a party line, or the positive expression of a political message or ideological conviction, but rather an engagement with and within language, a critical dialogue with politics exposing the ways in which language can sustain or subvert an oppressive order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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