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Recent iterations in international legal thought of the debate over the transformative potential of law have tended to echo the long-standing assumption that radical movements, when they employ law-based tactics, do so in the same manner as reformist movements: they mobilise the legitimacy of law for short-term goals, only with more radical long-term goals in mind. However, movements such as the 2012 student strike in the Canadian province of Quebec demonstrate more diverse, creative engagements with law that openly mock the legal system in an effort to simultaneously delegitimise the current legal order. This article argues that this movement's approach is consistent with the notion of an 'impudent' use of law as politics (Brabazon 2017b) but also extends it further to include ideas raised by this movement's theatrical 'over-compliance' with law, through which the movement turned law itself into a public spectacle. The article examines instances of the state's unprecedented mobilisation of the legal system to contain the student strike and the student strikers' creative and subversive engagements with law in response, illustrating how the ideas thrown up by this movement can advance theoretical discussion in legal scholarship about law's transformative potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Strategic culture" is one of those conceptual bridges that link history with political science because, among other reasons, it reminds us of the hold that memories of past events can continue to exercise upon contemporary reality. But those memories are always subjective, sometimes downplayed to the point of nearly being forgotten altogether, at other times so overstated as to yield a highly distorted sense of the past and of its relationship to the present. This article constitutes a revisitation of contemporary Quebec strategic culture, from the perspective of historical memory. That strategic culture has of late been so strongly stamped with the impress of a "Pearsonian internationalism" that it becomes easy for analysts to confuse it with "pacifism." Yet it has also been a strategic culture that stems from a great deal of historical amnesia. What has been effaced from the collective memory is the long period in which war was endemic in New France—the period that gives the lie to the notion of Quebeckers somehow being a "pacifistic" folk. This was the sanguinary era upon which the historian Francis Parkman focused such a large share of his prodigious intellectual energies. Only the closing act of this era seems to have escaped erasure from Quebec's collective memory. Indeed, that act, which took place on the Plains of Abraham, has been "remembered" only too well. So well has it been recollected, in fact, that it has fostered within Quebec society the unshakable conviction that, for Quebeckers, war must always be a risky undertaking susceptible of leading to catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to enrich the concept of national identity by employing the concept of habitus proposed by Pierre Bourdieu to establish a dialog between aspects of identity construction from above and its acceptance or rejection from below by national subjects. Taking the case of Quebec and the study of individual trajectories as a starting point, a debate is conducted amongst the proposals of the different levels of government, the political parties and civil society organizations, and compared with the identitarian transformations of the interviewees. The article concludes with the evidence of the differences between the proposed identity and the national habitus and suggests some of the reasons for these transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the October 1, 2018 provincial parliamentary elections in Quèbec. with a focus on the performance of the Coalition Avenir Québec coalition party and the alleged abandonment of the Parti libéral du Québec (PLQ) and Parti Québécois (PQ) political parties by voters. Party platforms on Québecois separatism, immigration policy, and language policy are outlined.

The article discusses the 150th anniversary of the establishment of the Canadian Confederation in 2017, focusing particularly on the response by the province of Quebec published as "Quebeckers: Our Way of Being Canadian." Topics include efforts to create Quebec as a separate nation, relations between French- and English-speaking Canadians, and possibilities of opening constitutional discussions in Canada.

We use simulation methods and a detailed tax calculator to analyze the likely effects of two recent proposals aimed at reforming the Quebec Pension Plan (QPP): the federal proposal, eventually implemented throughout Canada, and the Quebec government's December 2016 proposal. Accounting for education-adjusted life expectancy, earnings variability over the course of a career, and their interactions with the tax code and retirement income system, we find that internal rates of return (IRRs) for new QPP contributions are similar under both reforms for individuals with lifetime average annual earnings of more than $40,000. Both reforms yield substantial IRRs for low-income individuals. Although the Quebec proposal offers higher IRRs for individuals earning less than $40,000, the federal proposal yields greater present value benefits for these same individuals. We show that if new QPP benefits were exempted from the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) clawback, and provided that the working income tax benefit and GIS were not enhanced, the two reforms would yield similar IRRs for individuals with average earnings of more than $15,000. The QPP reform would thus better focus on the middle-income earners originally targeted by reform advocates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Quebec, the setback of the Parti Québécois (PQ) in the last 2014 provincial election testifies of a continuous decline of the party since the 1995 referendum defeat. With now only 25 per cent of vote shares, the question arises: Is the PQ bound to disappear? This article examines the support for the PQ across different generations, and tests explanations for these varying levels of support. The results show that the attitudinal profile of millennials is particularly distinct from that of baby boomers on several dimensions, but that generation X is not so different from the boomers. We demonstrate that the decline of the PQ in 2014 was mostly concentrated among millennials, who were less inclined to see the project of sovereignty as a priority and less likely to support the incumbent PQ government's controversial proposal to adopt a Charter of Quebec Values. We conclude by examining how the results of the study can shed light on the PQ's future prospects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greening projects lead by civic actors at the urban scale spur transformation through example and through gradual adjustment of processes. Questions remain on how such projects are put into action and on what make them work. How do civic experiments reflect the ongoing change in urban governance and practices? We focus on a qualitative study of two greening initiatives lead by civic groups in Quebec City (Quebec, Canada). The case studies are analysed through the lens of theories that approach civic action and climate experiments as new modes of urban governance. We conclude that civil society groups have the capacity to intervene directly on the urban environment in order to enhance its quality. Findings reveal that informal greening initiatives contribute to a civic narrative in favour of adaptation to climate change at the local scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background This article investigates how to extract signals from social media (Twitter) concerning political parties during an election. Analysis 670,000 messages were collected during the 2014 Québec election regarding each political party using a framing strategy. After associating each message to one of the four main topics of the campaign, two logistic models were developed to describe the election. While having been set by the incumbent party, the topic of "Independence" was not the most important topic of the campaign ("Economy" and "Society" were). When dominating in terms of mentions, each party was associated to a topic, and such association changed during the campaign. Conclusion and implications From a practical standpoint, the findings of this article could be used to implement a framework to understand political campaigns dynamics through social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HISTORIANS OF POSTWAR CANADA have relegated neighbourhood activism to specific periods of city-wide mobilization. In Montréal, for example, authors who participated in or studied urban social movements describe a rapid decline in activism following the first sovereignty referendum in 1980. This periodization of activism has privileged the experiences of a mostly middle-class left who circulated in activist networks spanning the city and has largely ignored the experiences of working-class people who could not afford to stop organizing in their neighbourhoods. During the 1980s, residents in the Montréal neighbourhood of Pointe-Saint-Charles launched projet St-Charles, a plan to build 500 units of co-operative housing to buttress the deindustrializing area against gentrification. Co-ops were a form of low-income housing that some felt could also serve as the organizational basis for a broader movement of poor and working-class people. Plans did not progress exactly as intended; internal race, gender, class, generational, and linguistic tensions within the neighbourhood complicated attempts by local organizers to build a representational movement, as did the social-spending cutbacks that characterized the neoliberal 1980s. Rather than abandon their principles, projet organizers continued to develop co-op housing, thereby sheltering a social fabric and radical critique in Pointe-Saint-Charles from the violent restructuring of the neoliberal city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the debate in the province of Quebec, Canada in 2013 over the Charter of Quebec Values introduced by the separatist ruling party, the Parti Québécois. It relies in particular on government documents, debates in Quebec's National Assembly and editorials in the French-language press. It relates the Charter to the preceding Bouchard- Taylor Commission Report in 2008 on accommodation by public bodies of particular religious requests. The debates concerned the right to manifest one's religion, the rights of (particularly Muslim) women, and the rights of the collectivity as opposed to the minority. Part of the debate was about Quebec's particular policy of interculturalism, as opposed to Canada's policy of multiculturalism. The article concludes by advocating multiculturalism grounded in liberal human rights over coercive integration of minority groups into the pre-existent collectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Kanada-Studien is the property of Gesellschaft fuer Kanada Studien e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Collaboration and networking are ubiquitous, versatile features of social service provision in most Western countries. However, it is an open question whether networking means and entails the same across countries. Comparing regulatory frameworks in three jurisdictions representing distinctive ' worlds of welfare services' - Germany, Norway and Quebec - this article aims at eliciting the normative rationales that underpin and inform local service networks in child welfare and protection ( CWP) systems. In Norway, where services are little diversified and largely insular, networking appears as a way of opening up for greater organizational plurality, within and beyond the public sector realm. In Germany in contrast, where services are highly pluralized and fragmented, networks are seen as an instrument for streamlining complexity. As for Quebec - an intermediate case in some respects - networking is envisioned as a catalyst for aligning two co-existing service streams and mitigating the child protection- family support divide. Interestingly, in all three places, networking is now being enforced through similar highly formalized, top-down regulatory provisions, even though the intended directions of change differ markedly. This has implications for CWP policy as well as research on networks at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses miscellaneous information related to parliamentary activity of Québec including composition of National Assembly, estimation of expenditure and cancellation of assembly sitting. Topics discussed include how at the request of Premier Philippe Couillard, the National Assembly held an extraordinary sitting to permit the introduction of Bill 142, resignation of Sam Hamad, Member of the parliamentary group forming the Government, and bills passed by National Assembly.

Stated choice experiments are used to investigate the economic valuation of rural residents living in the province of Quebec for water quality improvements. In Quebec, rural residents played an important role in the setting of stricter environmental regulations. Unlike most stated choice experiments about the valuation of improvements in water quality, this study explicitly accounts for risk in the design and analysis of choice experiments. Risk in phosphorus and coliform reductions is introduced through a three-point uniform distribution in the choice sets. The results show greater support for constant absolute risk aversion preferences than for constant relative risk aversion. Rural residents value coliform and phosphorus reductions and the more educated ones are particularly willing to see the government tax farmers and taxpayers to secure such reductions. As the science improves and risk in water quality outcomes decrease and as the political weight of non-farm rural residents increase, it should be easier for governments to replace voluntary cost-share programs by polluter-payer programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arctic Quebec is one piece of the puzzle comprising the Circumpolar World. In fact, almost one-third of Quebec’s territory lies within the Canadian Arctic. This geographic fact places Nunavik and its people squarely in economic and political affairs swirling around the Circumpolar World, but so far their political involvement has been minimal. This article explores three main themes: the Arctic nature of Nunavik; Nunavik’s place in the political corridors of the Arctic Council, Canada, and the Circumpolar World; and global warming as a link between these topics, because of its impact on the Arctic environment and peoples and because of the growing interest of non-Arctic nations in the Arctic. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

During the last decade, in Quebec and elsewhere in Canada, the media have competed to be the first to declare on election nights who will form the next government. Irrespective of whether they predicted that any political party would be able to obtain a majority of seats, these announcements have been made within only a few hours of the polls closing. Th ese announcements have systematically preceded any public statement by the leaders of the political parties involved. Indeed, the media have developed the unfortunate habit of substituting an entire set of constitutional rules and principles leading to the formation of government by a simplistic heuristic: "The political party that wins the largest number of seats wins the election and has the right to form the next government." The media present the issue as automatic, merely a matter of arithmetic. Even if this heuristic works well when a party has won a majority of seats, it is completely inadequate as a statement of the constitutional law and conventions related to the formation of government in our parliamentary system. Th is article thus aims to flesh out the Canadian constitutional rules and principles applicable to government formation and illustrate how constitutional considerations come into play in the variety of possible scenarios. A quick reference tool is appended to the text to facilitate consultation of the applicable rules and principles to those different situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Subnational governments devote a significant share of their financial resources to help municipalities provide local public services to their citizens. Compared to the large number of studies on national governments, little effort has been devoted to the influence of distributive politics on the use of intergovernmental grants by subnational governments. To fill this gap, this study uses a data set covering the period 2001–2011 to verify to what extent the Québec government used conditional grants to municipalities for electoral purposes. The results of this study show that the allocation of grants to municipalities is not exempt from electoral politics as municipalities located in districts held by governing parties or in high electoral competition districts receive more grants than other municipalities. However, the influence of electoral politics decreases substantially when the management of intergovernmental grants is under tight scrutiny by the opposition parties, mass media and the population. These findings suggest that distributive politics can be conceptualised as a political agency problem whose prevalence is seriously constrained by the improvement of the transparency of public policies management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre el programa educativo Historia de Quebec y de Canadá (HEC) implementado en las escuelas secundarias de Quebec. La autora comenta sobre los debates en favor y en contra del programa, y examina las cuestiones asociadas con la nacionalización de la enseñanza de la historia en la región.

Social acceptance has become a key consideration for promoters, government officials and citizens when instituting new energy infrastructures and technologies. Often theorized in normative terms, it is not clear whether and when social acceptance matters. This article explores the rollout of smart meters in Quebec, which proceeded despite significant opposition from municipalities, community groups and unions. Drawing on core concepts from punctuated equilibrium theory-policy monopoly, policy venue, policy image-we argue that this opposition had no policy venue to express its grievances. Quebec's electricity sector, with a stable policy environment controlled by a policy monopoly and buttressed by a strong policy image, provided few opportunities to expand the conflict. We conclude from this analysis that public administrators should consider power when measuring social acceptance in political processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the political system and economic condition in Québec. Topics mentioned include the seminar for the Diversity of Cultural Expressions in the Digital Age, the implementation of the legislative bills for economic development and the administrative management and financial commitments of the province.

Copyright of Quebec Studies is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

THIS ARTICLE SHINES A LIGHT on the militancy and political life of Alphonse-Télesphore Lépine (1855-1943), the first Labour mp elected to the Canadian House of Commons (1888-1896). Our analysis includes an exploration of how this Member of Parliament, who was influenced by the Knights of Labor in Montreal, implemented his electoral campaign, and an evaluation of the responses, sometimes tumultuous, of Knight militants to that campaign. Centering our analysis on the person of Alphonse-Télesphore Lépine as an historical subject - whose choices, professional links, ideas and values framed his public identity - we seek to reveal the partisan networks, and more broadly, the political culture of workers of his milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the municipal government of Québec between 1855-1939, and discusses management of public contracts, historiography of municipal government and history of citizenship.

In 2005 the Supreme Court of Canada issued a landmark ruling in the debate on privatization of Quebec's health care system. The Quebec government subsequently made several decisions, such as lifting the ban on private insurance for some health services already offered in the public system. We interviewed 42 stakeholders who were involved in the decision process between 1999 and 2008 and analyzed their views. We identified three types of positions on privatization, based on two key factors raised in these encounters: (a) the ideological and political inertia of both civil society and the state and (b) the concerted action of stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the legislative report of the government of Quebec regarding the proceedings of the National Assembly held on June 10, 2016. Topics discussed include the complete the examination of Bill 100, An Act to amend various legislative provisions respecting mainly transportation services by taxi, the estimated expenditure and passage of Appropriation Act and the passage of the bill Firearms Registration Act.

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education et Societes is the property of INRP and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 2011 Canadian federal election results changed the face of federal politics in Quebec. In a sudden and spectacular reversal of electoral fortunes, BQ support crumbled while that of the NDP surged. While most commentators focused exclusively on the 2011 election itself to explain what had happened, we offer an interpretation that takes a longitudinal approach. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and political party manifestos from 2006 to 2011, we propose a three-dimensional proximity model of voter/party congruence to explore the evolution of the ideological stances of Quebec voters and parties. Empirical results suggest these ideological distances between the NDP and Quebec voters decreased over time, whereas the BQ has distanced itself from voters. Furthermore, ideological distances between party and voters are a significant predictor of vote. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

FOUNDED IN 1967, FREE JAZZ stands in the cultural landscape of Quebec by its quest for a revolutionary praxis which aims to promote cultural democracy among workers. During its eight years of existence, this group of improvisers weaves significant links with the Montreal Council of the Confederation of National Trade Unions, the Quebec Liberation Front and the Women's Liberation Front. Members of this group appropriated Free Jazz - a music attached to black nationalism - in order to insert their project of a socialist and independent Quebec in a historical process marked by decolonization. This appropriation expressed a desire to achieve a rapprochement between the colonized individual Quebecker - Pierre Vallières, whom one calls "white negro in America" - and his African-American counterpart. It was based on the belief that musical improvisation is a vehicle for communication, organization and participation. This study questions the political and cultural discourse on which the "music-action" of Free Jazz was based. It offers a broader analysis of the place of Free jazz in resistance movements while highlighting the cultural aspect of political activism in Quebec during the 1960s and 1070s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the political, social, and economic aspects of indigenous peoples (IP)-settler intercultural relations in Quebec, and it mentions economic development in Canada, as well as the views of Canadians regarding the nation's IP. The self-government and self-determination goals of IP are examined, along with judgments from the Supreme Court of Canada and a land claim-related Agreement-in-Principle between four Innu communities and the governments of Quebec and Canada.

Copyright of Mens: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle is the property of MENS: Revue d'Histoire Intellectuelle et Culturelle and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)