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This article describes the short but remarkable sociopolitical life of the Russian rock group Pussy Riot. The group became famous in 2012 not only for the political content of its performances but for its transgressive performativity: its violation of established public settings and its creation of disturbing anti-authoritarianism images of today’s official Russia. The analysis aims to establish Pussy Riot as part of an avant-garde movement and as a radicalization of the very idea of the avant-garde against the familiarity of the public aspect of everyday life. Public ‘normalcy’ reveals itself to be complicit in that what should be criticized is instead taken for granted, and legitimized. Pussy Riot is a new art avant-garde in terms of both how it relates to activism, social justice, feminism, and art, and to the general public, not only to the art world.

Vivien Goldman, Revenge of the She-Punks: A Feminist Music History from Poly Styrene to Pussy Riot. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2019. 216 pp. ISBN 9781477316542 (pbk).

My aim is to consider how anarchy reads and resists punitive regimes in performance, particularly in ‘immersive performance’. Punk troupe Pussy Riot forms a starting point, via Riot Days in 2017‐18, with a sustained consideration on Inside Pussy Riot at the Saatchi Gallery in 2017, produced by Les Enfants Terrible. I concentrate on claims for authenticity that seem to lend theatre and performance legitimacy in relation to social change, to critique theatrical work with claims to producing agency, legitimizing hope for social transformation that is predicated on an ‘empowered’ spectator-participant. In the wake of these concerns, questions that bleed through this material relate to the limits of participation in performance and how and whether representations serve to dismantle state institutions. I consider whether the force of replications of cells, yards or gulags enables or disintegrates any activist, anarchist potential in performance. I take a wide-ranging view of anarchism beyond political theory to consider anarchism modelled in performance terms. Building from the example of Pussy Riot, the article defines performance critique through desire and anarchism, ‘manifesting desire’ or ‘anarchy as method’.

Some previous research has suggested that words in multlinguals’ first language, particularly taboo words, evoke a greater emotional response than words in any subsequent language. In the present study, we elicited French-English bilinguals’ emotional responses to words in both languages. We expected taboo words to evoke higher emotional response than positive or negative words in both languages. We tested the hypothesis that the earlier that bilinguals had acquired the language, the higher the emotional responses. French-English bilinguals with long exposure to both French and English participated. Their galvanic skin response (GSR) was measured as they processed positive (e.g., mother), negative (e.g., war) and taboo (e.g., pussy) words in both French and English. As predicted, GSR responses to taboo words were high in both languages. Surprisingly, English taboo words elicited higher GSR responses than French ones and age of acquisition was not related to GSR. We argue that these results are related to the context in which this study took place (i.e., an English majority context). If this interpretation is correct, then bilinguals’ emotional response to words could be more strongly linked to recent emotional interactions than to childhood experiences.

In the era of networked affordances, misogynistic men’s groups have been rapidly growing and have contributed to several physical fatal attacks along with the propagation of gendered online harassm...

Now is the time for more Black pussy theorizing. Black feminisms and Black sexuality studies are embracing the “nooks and crannies,” both discursive and material, of Black sexual cultures.1 Mireill...

The purpose of this paper is to explore the contemporary postmodern appropriation and reinvention of the practice of “crazy holiness” in Russian Orthodoxy and Tibetan Buddhism, highlighting points of contact and discontinuities between the traditions. The first section of the essay will discuss the Russian phenomenon of yurodstvo, a term used to indicate radical ascetics known for their idiosyncratic behavior and their outspoken criticism of religious and political authorities. The recent phenomenon of the punk group Pussy Riot will then be presented as a contemporary rendition of yurodstvo, in a post-theological context where religious rituals and practices are devoid of their metaphysical import. The second section of the essay will introduce the Tibetan phenomenon of the smyon pa, crazy yogins known for their erratic speech and behavior, but also for their readiness to criticize institutional hypocrisy and corruption. The figure of Chogyam Trungpa (1939–1987), a former Tibetan monastic who started the Shambala tradition of Buddhism, is then presented as a contemporary version of smyon pa; his behavior—despite unfortunate and unjustifiable instances of abuse—similarly enabled practitioners to access the truth of the dharma. This paper presents Pussy Riot and Chogyam Trungpa as postmodern instantiations of crazy holiness—for a post-metaphysical and post-religious world where the divine no longer indwells traditional practices but can be still accessed and displayed through performative subversion.

The international wave of Women’s Marches in 2017 (and subsequent years) was fuelled by anger about the misogynist tone of the American election (aimed at contender Hillary Clinton) and a sense that the rights of women and sexual minorities were being threatened. In particular, protests were triggered by the newly elected president’s unearthed comments about female genitalia: ‘grab ‘em by the pussy’. Following the instigation of craftivists in California, women around the world donned pink knitted hats with points resembling cat ears, which became known as ‘pussy hats’. This chapter uses examples collected as rapid response collecting after the marches in Edmonton and Calgary (Alberta, Canada) for the Royal Alberta Museum to argue that the pussy hat is an example of anti-fashion in its embrace of anti-consumption, and its role to promote political accountability. The pussy hat, in effect, is the uniform of a feminist political ethics.

The primary purpose of this chapter is to explore the role that fashion plays in college students’ activism within the sociopolitical climate following the 2016 presidential election. In particular, this chapter explores historical concepts of college student fashion as well as legislation and students who paved the way for using fashion as activism on contemporary college campuses. The chapter ends by exploring two movements associated with the 2016 presidential election – the “Make America Great Again” hat and the knitted pink pussy hat – and the ways they’ve bridged campus and community activism.

Sex work is the trade of sexual services in exchange for money or other goods of value. In the context of Indigenous Australia, sex work often produces narratives of victimisation and oppression reinforcing the patriarchal power and colonial dominance that is rife in Australia over Indigenous women’s bodies and behaviours. Drawing from interviews with Indigenous women who are engaged with sex work, this paper challenges these narratives by examining the motivation and meanings that shape Indigenous women’s decisions to undertake sex work, offering a compelling counter-narrative that discusses how Indigenous women seek and enact agency, sexuality, and sovereignty through the pussy power of sex work.

This chapter examines the protest-performance groups FEMEN and Pussy Riot at the intersection of political performance, artistic practice, and media strategies grounded in different geopolitical contexts. Tracing their sociopolitical trajectories from their beginnings as local art-collectives into international media icons surrounded by controversy, similarities and differences between the two groups reveal how local feminist dissent can conflict with understandings of protest in western liberal democracies. These conflicts are productive for tracing the concept of gender and its impacts in East-West relations and the public sphere.

Purpose In a controversial 2018 interview, commercial real estate mogul Sam Zell insinuated that companies should promote their employees based exclusively on merit and avoid purposefully taking steps to get “more pussy on the block” in the name of gender equality. The comment was criticized not only for its crassness, but also for its failure to recognize the challenges many women working in the commercial real estate industry face in their efforts to obtain the same opportunities, compensation and status as similarly-qualified men. In an effort to overcome these disparities, the purpose of this paper is to focus on the pervasiveness of second-generation gender bias and stereotyping in the field through a qualitative analysis. Design/methodology/approach Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 39 women serving as local chapter presidents of a prominent commercial real estate trade group to explore the impact of gender on their career advancement and their experiences with second-generation gender bias. Findings The findings suggest unintentional discrimination often influences women’s careers by drawing their communication skills, professional credibility and commitment to the organizations for whom they work into question. Originality/value The research contributes to the existing literature by offering additional evidence that unintentional discrimination is common in male-dominated industries, such as commercial real estate. It also provides clear examples of social cues women perceive to heighten tension along gender lines and impinge upon their ability to ascend to leadership positions.

That sexism and speciesism on occasion operate in concert has been well documented in animal studies, in ecofeminism and in green criminology. This article shows that for much of its history, the taboo term cunt has embodied terms of abuse that are at once both sexist and speciesist. In opening up a new direction in the analysis of intersectional oppressions, this article examines how the burden of this dirty work has been carried by species represented by terms such as bitch, bunny, cow, fox and pussy. In uncovering this history, this article constructs a cultural etymology of cunt, finding that: (1) the term acquired its full vitriol only when speciesism was shackled to its latent sexism; and (2) only when its speciesist aspects were censured and rendered obsolete did its abusiveness toward women begin to ebb. The article concludes with a warning: Those who nowadays aim to rehabilitate cunt and reclaim it on behalf of women should be mindful that this project can proceed only if it ignores the history of how this binary term was enabled and intensified by human violence against other animals.

This article analyses the configurations of belief, critique, and religious freedom in Russia since the performance of the Russian group Pussy Riot in 2012. The ‘punk prayer’ and its legal ...

The ‘pussy panic’ of our title is a phrase that belongs to Susan Fraiman. It is a diagnosis, a lament, and a warning about how Animal Studies (AS) is currently torn between rising academic ...

The study entitled "Actantial Model in The Owl and The Pussy Cat by Edward Lear: A Narrative Scheme on Poem " revealed a narration scheme to find out three models in narration text, namely the function model, action model, and narration model realized in the poem. The approach used to solve the problem is a structuralism approach by using Greimas' Actant theoretical base. The method of data collection in this study is objective literary research. Presentation of data processing is a report using the qualitative description design. The benefits of this study are expected to be one of the developments in literary studies, especially the study of poetic literary works for future students, teachers, researchers and literary critics. The results of this study are the discussion of narration schemes, which consist of the functional model, action model, and narration model of the poem.

© The Author(s) 2019. The use of selfies as a political tool is critical to the form, shape and expression of online activist networks. In the trending Twitter #FacesOfProstitution, such self-presenting practices challenged the prevailing politics of anonymity around sex work and articulated new modes of political organizing, agency and information dissemination within a networked online community. Analysing the sex worker online campaign using feminist materialist approaches to the body this interdisciplinary article contributes to current discussions about selfies and embodied forms of activism in online spaces and addresses a gap in sex advocacy literature on digital protest cultures.

Although this essay is about reading texts from the past, I begin with the present, with a US president who was elected despite widespread knowledge that he had infamously boasted about how he often starts kissing beautiful women without consent. “I don't even wait,” he crowed. “When you're a star they let you do it. You can do anything. Grab ’em by the pussy. You can do anything.” The internet was soon flooded with angry feminist responses to his crass admission of sexual violence, retorts that appropriated his use of vulgar language with wit and resistance, the most prevalent being the meme “Pussy Grabs Back!” (see fig. 1). The Pussy Hat Project soon followed. As we know, the pussy hat phenomenon offended some who felt it was racist (not all vulvas are pink) and/or transphobic (not all women have pussies). Nevertheless, a sea of pink pussy hats, worn by persons of many embodiments and identity categories, would be seen in protest, worldwide, at the record-breaking post-inauguration Women's Marches across the globe. If “Grab ’em by the pussy” rightly offended, “Pussy Grabs Back!” gained traction.

Employing multimodal textual analysis and online anthropology/discourse analysis, this article introduces the protest strategies and domestic receptions in the work of a popular Polish protest singer-songwriter Maria Peszek. By comparisons with the previously researched underwhelming domestic receptions of Pussy Riot – a Russian protest band posing similar social critiques – potential prerequisites for effective Eastern European protest songs are explored. I argue that the “effectiveness,” by Serge Denisoff and Mark Levine’s criteria, of Peszek’s protest songs was achieved through careful negotiations between ‘radical’ and ‘popular’ within a “Third Space.” More specifically: ‘self-Othering’ while still promoting the peacemaking ‘we’re all the same’ rhetoric; calling for action and pacifistic alleviation; employing shock tactics in her performance; and using a catchy pop sound, all combined in an audiovisual interplay that balanced the words sung. This paradoxical but well-functioning blend, tailor-made for the cultural context it emerged from, allowed Peszek’s music and message to become immensely popular within Poland – an effect which Pussy Riot’s Western-inspired protest style did not achieve within its own domestic sphere. As such, I suggest that there can be no universal protest, as both its rhetoric and its audiovisual style need to be context-bound, grounded, and emerging locally, especially within ‘post-worlds.’

Black queer rap personifies and employs the use of Black feminist liberation tools in an attempt to gain access and subverts the heavily gendered arena known as Hip-Hop/Rap. Through Gwendolyn Pough’s model, it is seen that Rap—particularly for Black women—has historically been an autobiographical medium to not only convey one’s own story but it has also been a medium for proclamation of “selfhood” and space creation. However, in some cases, heteronormative tools of misogyny are concurrently mimicked. In this chapter, Norwood highlights how Black queer rappers use Black female rap politics to gain access and also how they mimic toxic heteronormative practices as well. He also shows how there is a fine line between liberation and objectification in the Rap battlefield and how seeking Black queer rap can change this.

On 14 September 2017, Beatrice Mateyu, a gender activist, was arrested for carrying a placard with the following statement: “kubadwa ndi nyini sichimo (being born with a vagina is not a sin): my pussy, my pride” during a nationwide march against gender-based violence. Charged for “insulting the modesty of a woman,” Mateyu was vilified by the public, religious groups as well as the state for using “vulgar” language that went against Malawian moral sensibilities. Focusing on the controversy that surrounded the placard that Mateyu purposely carried, I argue in this paper that public reactions against Mateyu’s naming and reclaiming of her body and sexuality through the term “nyini,” a word which is supposed to induce shame, revealed deep-seated patriarchal and misogynistic views co-implicated in post-colonial, religious and cultural discourses about who owns women’s bodies, who is entitled access to the female body and the extent to which women can voice out their protest. I further posit that Mateyu’s placard and the subsequent reactions gives us access to glimpse into the possibilities and limitations offered by language in unsettling norms which (re)produce discourses that inflect women’s sexualities.

Die rol wat taal speel in die konstruksie van Afrikanermanlikheid en zefidentiteit is nog nie voorheen as selfstandige tema ondersoek nie. In hierdie artikel is die doel om te bepaal hoe manlikheid binne 'n zefidentiteit op die blog geskep en geprojekteer word, deur die gebruik van taboetaal. Zefidentiteit is 'n vorm van protesterende manlikheid wat sigself stel teenoor die hegemoniese Afrikanermanlikheid (Du Pisani 2001), wat deur puriteinse moraliteit en openbare en ekonomiese mag gekenmerk word. Die WKJ?-korpus is gebruik vir die analise. Die korpus bestaan uit ongeveer 1,4 miljoen woorde. Vir hierdie analise is die data van die eerste inskrywings in 2000 tot en met 2017 gebruik. 'n Totaal van 50 tekste (ongeveer 30 000 woorde) is met die hand geselekteer en geanaliseer om verdere moontlike taboedomeine te identifiseer. Buiten die drie hoofdomeine wat uit vorige navorsing geïdentifiseer is, is daar nog twee domeine uit die korpus onttrek, naamlik die weerdomein en plantdomein. Die analise het getoon dat WKJ?-lesers en -bydraers doelbewus taboetaal op die blog gebruik om preutse lesers te skok en aanvaarbare sosiale norme te oortree. Hierdeur word die protesterende manlikheid via 'n zefidentiteit voorgehou, om die puriteinse waardes van die hegemoniese Afrikanermanlikheid op ironiese, en dikwels dubbelsinnige, wyse te opponeer maar ook te ontmasker. Masculinity (Benwell 2004; Connell 2016; Connell & Messerschmidt 2005; Kiesling 1996; Messerschmidt 2019), including Afrikaner masculinity (Du Pisani 2001, 2004, 2013; Swart 1998) has been thoroughly researched across the social sciences. Male identity, as it manifests itself in the South African zef subculture, has also come under investigation (Du Preez 2011; Krueger 2012), however, the role of language use in the creation ofsuch a zef identity has not yet been researched. This article investigates how protest masculinity is projected and maintained on the WatKykJy?-blog, a satiric online environment, through language use, and more pointedly, the use of taboo words. This projected masculinity also relates closely to what is perceived as important in the identity of a zef male, which in itself is a reaction to traditional Afrikaner identity and the negative associations it acquired in the post-apartheid years. The WKJ?-corpus is used to conduct the analysis. The corpus consists of 1,4 million words and has been divided into one-year periods, starting at the year 2000 and ending in 2017. A total of 50 texts have been selected randomly and analysed by hand in order to find and expand the taboo domains set out by Stapleton (2010) and van Huyssteen (1996). Apart from the scatological, blasphemous and sexual domains identified in previous research, two more domains (weather and plant domains) have been identified from the corpus. The weather domain is mainly employed to refer to violent behaviour, although it is occasionally used to express surprise. The plant domain is more frequently associated with the use of sexual metaphors. The analysis indicates that WKJ?-readers and -authors frequently use taboo language on the blog. A total of 29 389 taboo words are identified, which translates into a relative frequency of 20 taboo words per 1 000 words. Individual lexical items with the highestfrequency are fok 'fuck' (1709) and its derived form fokken 'fucking' (5631), as well as kak 'shit' (3162), poes 'pussy'(1249) andmoerse 'huge'(literally 'mothers') (1128). The semantic domain that is the most productive taboo domain is the sexual domain, where taboo words with a strong sexual connotation are used quite liberally, alongside words that are metaphorically invoked to convey sexual meanings as well, such as names of animals, e.g. haas 'hare', teef 'bitch', kat 'cat', and goose for females and slang 'snake', bastard or voël 'bird'for males. Women and/or their genitals are also portrayed as edible objects, such as vy 'fig', cherry or koek 'cake', while men are represented as the active eaters thereof. Sexual acts are metaphorically represented as if they inflict pain on women, e.g. brand 'burn', or saag 'saw'. The second most frequent domain is the scatological, where euphemisms and dysphemisms are encountered, such as the euphemism modderotter uitrol (literally "rolling out the mud beaver") for bowel movement, and the dysphemism kakhuis (literally "shit house") for toilet. The third domain of taboo words draws on weather, especially stormy weather, and is often used to refer to people (die dom donner, "the stupid thunder") or to fighting (ek fokken bliksem julle almal "Ifucking thunder (verb) you all"). These words have moderate taboo value in Afrikaans, but form a template for extension to sexual terms with a meaning in the fighting domain, with much higher taboo value, such as voordat ek iemand gaan poes "before I go and pussy (verb) somebody". The fourth domain, the final one with non-negligible frequency, is the domain of blasphemous word use, including the plain forms Jesus and Here 'Lord', but also euphemistic spelling variants such as Jissis 'Jesus' and Jirre 'Lord', which are typically employed as interjections at clause boundaries. Taboo language is used purposefully and deliberately to undermine the puritan values that are part of the traditional hegemonic Afrikaner masculinity, and also expose the duplicity and contradictions thereof. The protest masculinity that is offered instead emphasises physicality, but shares the homophobic and hierarchical gender role components of hegemonic masculinity. The male participants on the website are constructing and projecting a zef identity, for the purpose of creating a post-apartheid identity that denounces any political alliances but rejects the hegemonic masculinity of the traditional Afrikaner male associated with the apartheid era. Yet, the persistent use of irony makes it ambiguous whether the alternative zef masculinity is really held up as new model.

This article analyses the ways in which British Jewish writing has responded to the watershed events of 2016: the vote to leave the EU in the United Kingdom, and the election of Donald Trump as President of the USA. It argues that such a response demands varied generic and narrative forms, as exemplified in three case studies. Tom Stoppard&rsquo, s 2020 play Leopoldstadt is a historical drama about twentieth-century Austrian history, but the moment of its staging and its links to the playwright&rsquo, s biography convey its cautionary relationship to the present. Linda Grant&rsquo, s 2019 novel A Stranger City is set in a post-2016 London that has become unfamiliar to its inhabitants, while Howard Jacobson&rsquo, s Pussy of 2017 is a satire aimed at Trump&rsquo, s electoral success. In each case, cultural turmoil is represented in terms of Jewish history.

This chapter studies Igor Stravinsky's final work, The Owl and the Pussy-Cat. With typical sly relish, Stravinsky seems to be mocking any pomposity in his admirers, confounding everyone by leaving the stage with a brief, light-hearted coda to his cherished large-scale achievements. This well-loved nonsense verse by Edward Lear was the first poem his wife Vera got to know, and the piece is dedicated to her. This chapter reveals that the song has a strong connection between English and Russian schools of absurdist humour. To add to the fun, Stravinsky even here adheres to a strict twelve-tone system, affectionately lampooning the method he favoured for his last works.

This contribution compares and contrasts recent jurisprudential approaches to religiously offensive speech acts, comparing and contrasting especially the cases of E.S. v Austria and the ‘Pussy Riot’ case.

Denna uppsats är ämnad att undersöka vilka ord som används som benämningar för manliga och kvinnliga könsorgan samt att identifiera eventuella likheter och skillnader mellan hur män och kvinnor benämner dessa. Avsikten är även att kartlägga vad metaforerna bland orden säger i relation till samhället i stort. Studiens forskningsfrågor är: Vilka är de mest förekommande orden för manliga och kvinnliga könsorgan? Vilka ord använder män respektive kvinnor och finns det några likheter eller skillnader mellan könen? Vilka metaforer går att kategorisera och vad säger de? Materialet som analyserats består av en digital enkät som besvarats av 81 vänner och bekanta från sociala medier samt 85 gymnasieelever från tre skolor i olika delar av Sverige. Den inhämtade datan analyserades sedan genom att grupperas i semantiska kategorier. De vanligaste orden för könsorganen identifieras och sätts i relation till tidigare forskning och uppsatsens teoretiska utgångspunkter. Resultatet visade på ett fortsatt språkligt tabu kring föreliggande ämne. Både de manliga och kvinnliga informanterna var överens om att de mest förekommande benämningarna för könsorganen var de stigmatiserade orden kuk och fitta. Det skilde sig heller inte mellan män och kvinnor vilka fem ord de angav som vanligast för kvinnliga och manliga könsorgan. Ordet snippa verkar även fått fäste i det svenska folkets ordförråd sen lanseringen 2006. Metaforerna bland könsorganens benämningar har inte bildats slumpmässigt utan metaforiska samband identifieras. Dessa bidrar till en upprätthållning av en könsskillnad mellan män och kvinnor där mannen är överordnad kvinnan genom de aktiva och hotfulla metaforerna medan kvinnan framställs passiv och hjälplös. Vårt tänkande är i grunden metaforiskt och används för att förstå den verklighet vi lever i.

In this chapter, I consider: If feminist pop-punk band Pussy Riot can openly celebrate the vagina in their song Straight Outta Vagina as a space of politically charged rebirth, particularly with respect to the revitalisation of women’s embodied voice in contemporary popular culture, then how is it possible that menstruation is still taboo? I argue that a negatively inflected menstrual taboo persists, which is in evidence even in otherwise transgressive TV shows like Fleabag, despite menstrual activism. This prompts me to uncover an emancipatory imaginary that in fact already exists in literary and philosophical texts, which depicts menstruation as the good flow of the cunt—a wild zone of feminist creative resistance. I argue that the menstrual imaginary can overturn the negatively inflected menstrual taboo.

This article cautions against the strong impulse in the #MeToo movement to desexualize politics. Informed by queer theory, the article argues that the public desexualization imperative, represented by indignation toward President Donald Trump's pussy-grabbing antics and the concomitant, albeit justified, movement to expose decades of his sexual harassment of women, casts a shadow across queer citizens that chills sexual expression in democratic discourse and public life. The public desexualization imperative presents a double bind that creates, on one hand, public spaces that are less threatening and discriminatory to women and, on the other, public spaces that—from a queer white cisgender man's perspective, one whose only “marking” is his sexuality—erase queers’ valued differences. The author uses personal narrative to describe and apply tools (conceptualized as fagchild tools) that help navigate tensions between women's equality movements and queer efforts to gain fuller, more open sexual citizenship. The article focuses, first, on softening the body politic (implicitly a white cisgender heterosexual male body) to provide sociopolitical space for sexual pluralism. Second, the article uses the sexualization of House Speaker Paul Ryan to argue that making space for queer sexualities may require accommodating the expression of nonqueer sexualities, including those that most of us find offensive.

The author of this article discusses the ways in which gender equality and intersectionality are understood and enacted in two recent feminist campaigns in Sweden that use similar techniques to mobilise support for different causes. The first campaign is the so-called Hijab Call-to-Action, a solidarity action that took place in 2013 in which women in Sweden wore a hijab (the Muslim headscarf) for one day in defence of Muslim women’s rights. This campaign manifests the ways in which the notion of gender equality brings with it a norm of secularity, but also how the equation of equality and secularity is contested. The second feminist campaign discussed is the so-called Pussy Bow Blouse manifestation that aimed at taking a stand in the controversies surrounding the Swedish Academy as a result of the Metoo campaign in Sweden. The author looks at the political and discursive processes enfolded in these campaigns as a sort of collective learning processes that connect feminist activism and scholarship. A key concern is to critically analyse a binary model of powerless versus gender-equal or feminist women that figure in both debates. Further, the author shows that both campaigns appeal to solidarity through identification, but at the same time underscore the contingent and coalitional nature of identity in the act of dressing in a scarf or a blouse to take on a (political) identity for a day.

In recent years, the anti-Putin content of Pussy Riot’s work has received sustained scholarly attention. The author argues, however, that it is not only in content but also in force – in op...

Dice Santiago Alba Rico que asumir la condición de víctima para tener voz como sujeto político no debería ser el camino hacia una sociedad más justa. Sin duda estamos de acuerdo y por ello hacemos en este artículo un recorrido histórico por todas aquellas feministas que gritaron sus derechos y exigieron esa nueva sociedad por venir. Arrancando en la petición de damas de la revolución francesa en la que que, como su mismo nombre indica, unas damas pedirán la abolición total de los privilegios de los hombres hasta las Pussy Riots descubrimos a las sufragistas, con Emmeline Pankhurts Goulden, seguimos con las Black Panthers, con Angela Davis, y las Brown Berets, con Gloria Arellanes, las Riot Girrls y sus corolarios Pussy Riots y Guerrilla Girls. Antes de arrancar nuestro recorrido de lenguaraces obstinadas y guerreras recordamos que también en la revolución francesa la elocuencia se hizo muy peligrosa y durante el terror post revolucionario las cabezas de todas las damas que oasran hacer uso público de la razón fueron desgajadas de sus cuerpecitos. Por ello y tras nuestro recorrido nos preguntamos: ¿Es qué no hay otro modo?, a lo que decimos, no, no ha habido otro modo, y quizá siga sin haberlo.