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This paper deals with the history and epistemology of acute polymorphic psychosis. We undertook a comparative study of short-lived psychotic disorders used in different European countries since the late nineteenth century. The theory of degeneration offered a speculative basis to conceptualization of conditions such as bouffée délirante , cycloid psychosis and reactive psychosis, but it seems likely that different factors contributed to the profusion of clinical concepts with adverse effects on both nomenclature and classification. The resulting picture suggests that earlier nosological concepts tend to converge on common descriptive features and challenge the diagnostic categories for short-lived psychotic disorders listed in modern symptom-based psychiatric classifications., Competing Interests: Declaration of conflicting interestsThe author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Aims: The objective of this paper is to explore the evolution of the forms of madness and the model that accounts for it over time. The classical distinction between several categories of mental disorders is contrasted with the idea of unitary psychosis., Methods: Historical conceptual analysis. The concept of unitary psychosis is explored in its basic features. Its origins in the nineteenth century and developments during the twentieth century are considered., Results: Following the publication of Kraepelin's fundamental handbook, the debate was shaped as pro or against the Kraepelinian dichotomy between dementia praecox and manic-depressive illness. However, the origins of the concept of unitary psychosis as well as some more recent developments are independent from it., Conclusions: This article argues that, when viewed pragmatically, both positions (the pluralist and the unitary) bring advantages that can be complementary rather than mutually exclusive. The pluralist position allows us to recognize the qualitative differences between phenomena and structures of experience, while the unitary model prevents us from reifying them. This is achieved by paying attention to the diachronic evolution and the pathogenetic dynamics., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest None., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

While the origins of two of Kraepelin's three subtypes of dementia praecox (DP), catatonic and hebephrenic, are well understood, no similar clear narrative exists for his concepts of paranoia and paranoid DP, which require a consideration of both German and French sources. An important milestone in the French literature is the massive 524 page monograph entitled "Le Délire Des Persécutions" published in 1871 by Henri Legrand du Saulle which contained extensive, clinically detailed descriptions of a wide range of cases with prominent, organized persecutory delusions. Many of his cases reported auditory hallucinations (AH), and some bizarre, Schneiderian delusions. The delusional content could evolve to include prominent somatic and/or grandiose themes. Using a symptomatic diagnostic framework, Legrand du Saulle proposed that this syndrome represented an independent "species" of mental illness. He sought to give a voice to the affected individuals, including a chapter devoted entirely to their writings. He described several clinically fascinating features of such patients including how often they moved residence to unsuccessfully flee their persecutors and how delusional beliefs could be communicated to spouses and relatives. Unlike Kraepelin, he was little interested in their course of illness or rates of deterioration, except to note that recoveries occurred in 20% of cases. The clinical richness of this work substantially exceeded that in the contemporaneous German literature. Most of the cases described by du Saulle would fit easily into the two major non-affective delusional syndromes articulated 28 years later in Kraepelin's famous 6th edition of his textbook: paranoia and paranoid DP., (© The Author(s) 2023. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Maryland Psychiatric Research Center. All rights reserved. For commercial re-use, please contact reprints@oup.com for reprints and translation rights for reprints. All other permissions can be obtained through our RightsLink service via the Permissions link on the article page on our site—for further information please contact journals.permissions@oup.com.)

This study investigates the development of concepts of psychosis in the Jewish Hospital in Warsaw, within the context of social and historical processes to which the hospital was the subject and a broader scope of European concepts of psychosis. In the years 1898-1909, the first chief physician of the psychiatric ward, Adam Wizel, focused mainly on hysteria. The interest in psychoses was initiated by Maurycy Bornsztajn, who started to promote psychoanalytic ideas. The second decade of the functioning of the Jewish Hospital's psychiatric ward was marked by issues concerning the classification of psychoses. In the third decade, after Poland regained independence, psychosis became the main focus of the hospital's staff. Newly appointed psychiatrists, Gustaw Bychowski and Władysław Matecki, contributed substantially to the psychoanalytic understanding of psychosis. Bornsztajn continued to develop his psychoanalytically based concept of psychosis. Wizel changed his attitude toward psychoanalysis and acknowledged the importance of Freud's discoveries. Władysław Sterling contributed to the biological understanding of schizophrenia. In the last period, 1931-1943, the Jewish Hospital in Warsaw struggled with the consequences of the economic crisis in Poland, Wizel's death, and Bychowski's departure, which resulted in the reduced number of publications in the field of psychosis. Nevertheless, Bornsztajn managed to further develop his concept of somatopsychic schizophrenia and Matecki introduced the category of pseudo-neurotic schizophrenia. The psychoanalytic approach developed by Wizel, Bornsztajn, Bychowski, and Matecki was supplemented with other influences, especially phenomenology. Wizel, Bychowski, and Matecki were advocates of the psychoanalytic psychotherapy of psychotic patients., (© 2024 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

This paper examines nosological categories relating to borderlines between psychosis and other clinical categories, introduced by Polish psychiatrists in the interwar period. In the United States, the discussion about the borderline between neuroses and psychoses was urged by the 1938 article by psychoanalyst Adolph Stern. In Poland, nosological categories regarding the borderline between neuroses and psychoses were proposed by Adam Wizel, Maurycy Bornsztajn, Jan Nelken, and Władysław Matecki. Wizel coined the term 'underdeveloped schizophrenia', Bornsztajn introduced 'schizothymia reactiva' and 'hypochondriac (somatopsychic) schizophrenia', Nelken described 'mild schizophrenia', first introduced by Moscow psychiatric school of Rosenstein, and Matecki presented the category of neurosis-like (pseudo-neurotic) schizophrenia. Additionally, Julian Dretler, after studying the borderline between schizophrenia and manic-depressive psychosis, coined the term 'mixed psychosis' and expressed conviction that it is an independent nosological entity. Like in the United States, the majority of Polish pioneers of the nosological studies of borderline cases were influenced by psychoanalysis. As a consequence of World War II and the new regime, which forced dialectical materialism and Pavlovism as an official ideology of psychiatry and condemned psychoanalysis, the categories presented in the article became forgotten and have not impacted Polish psychiatric nosology.

In the 1899 6th edition of his influential textbook, Kraepelin proposed a diagnostic category of "Old-Age Paranoid Psychosis." In this 1930 article, Bruno Schulz studied the morbid risk (MR) of several disorders and traits in the parents, siblings, offspring, and nieces/nephews of 51 probands with "Old-Age Paranoid Psychosis." His results permitted an evaluation of the validity of Kraepelin's category of Old-Age Paranoid Psychosis, in particular, whether it was a form of psychosis resulting from "senile changes" or late-onset schizophrenia. The MR of schizophrenia in these four groups of relatives varied from 0 to 2.4% with 3 of 4 somewhat higher than population expectations but much lower than parallel results in relatives of schizophrenics. By contrast, the rates of eccentricity in these relatives were uniformly elevated over population rates, sometimes approaching those seen in relatives of schizophrenics. Schulz concluded, from his study, that Old-Age Paranoid Psychosis was a distinct disorder not closely related to schizophrenia. However, he suggested that a family history and/or a premorbid trait of eccentricity increases the risk of developing a paranoid psychosis in old age, particularly when associated with physical or mental decline. He was uncertain about whether the trait of eccentricity he found in this study was very similar or distinct from that observed in excess in relatives of schizophrenics. This study was the first, to the best of our knowledge, to use a family study design explicitly to address a nosologic question-in this case the familial relationship between Old-Age Paranoid Psychosis and schizophrenia., (© 2023 The Authors. American Journal of Medical Genetics Part B: Neuropsychiatric Genetics published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

We present a social-historical perspective on the evolution of the voice-hearing phenomenon in Western society. Based upon a systematic search from a selection of nine databases, we trace the way hearing voices has been understood throughout the ages. Originally, hearing voices was considered a gifted talent for accessing the divine, but the progressive influence of monotheistic religion gradually condemned the practice to social marginalization. Later, the medical and psychiatric professions of secular society were instrumental in attaching stigma to both voice hearers and the phenomenon itself, thereby reinforcing social exclusion. More recently, the re-integration of voice hearers into the community by health authorities in various countries appears to have provided a new, socially acceptable setting for the phenomenon., Competing Interests: Declaration of conflicting interestsThe author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

In the 19th century, psychiatric genetic studies typically utilized a generic category of "insanity." This began to change after 1899, with the publication of Kraepelin's 6th edition containing, among other disorders, his mature concept of dementia praecox (DP). We here review an article published by Ryssia Wolfsohn in 1907 from her dissertation at the University of Zurich entitled "Die Heredität bei Dementia praecox" (The Heredity of Dementia Praecox). This work, performed under the supervision of E. Bleuler, was to our knowledge the first formal genetic study of the then new diagnosis of DP. She investigated 550 DP probands admitted to the Burghölzli hospital with known information about their "heredity burden." For most probands, she had information on parents, siblings, grandparents, and aunts/uncles. Of these patients, only 10% had no psychiatric illness in their families. In the remaining probands, she found rates of the four major categories of psychopathology she investigated: mental illness-56%, nervous disorders-19%, peculiar personalities 12% and alcoholism 13%. Her most novel analyses compared either total familial burden or burden of her four forms of mental disorders on her DP probands divided by subtype and outcome. In neither of these analyses, did she find significant differences., (© 2023 The Authors. American Journal of Medical Genetics Part B: Neuropsychiatric Genetics published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

In the first two decades of the 20th century, a new approach to psychiatric genetics research emerged in Germany from three roots: (i) the wide-spread acceptance of Kraepelin's diagnostic system, (ii) increasing interest in pedigree research, and (iii) excitement about Mendelian models. We review two relevant papers, reporting analyses of, respectively, 62 and 81 pedigrees: S. Schuppius in 1912 and E. Wittermann in 1913. While most prior asylum based studies only reported a patient's "hereditary burden," they examined diagnoses of individual relatives at a particular place in a pedigree. Both authors focused on the segregation of dementia praecox (DP) and manic-depressive insanity (MDI). Schuppius reported that the two disorders frequently co-occurred in his pedigrees while Wittermann found them to be largely independent. Schuppius was skeptical of the feasibility of evaluating Mendelian models in humans. Wittermann, by contrast, with advice from Wilhelm Weinberg, applied algebraic models with proband correction to DP in his sibships with results consistent with autosomal recessive transmission. While he had less data, Wittermann suggested that MDI was likely an autosomal dominant disorder. Both authors were interested in other disorders or traits appearing in pedigrees dense with DP (e.g., idiocy) or MDI (e.g., highly excitable individuals)., (© 2023 The Authors. American Journal of Medical Genetics Part B: Neuropsychiatric Genetics published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Serious and realistic research into the inheritance of the psychoses started in earnest at the beginning of the twentieth century. This was encouraged by both the acceptance of the Kraepelinian classification and the rediscovery of the Mendelian model of inheritance. The application of Mendelian rules to the very complex genetics of the psychoses led to agonizing debate. The Classic Text is a translation of the introduction of the doctoral thesis of Jens Chr. Smith, a little-known Danish psychiatrist who was able to summarize, with the enthusiasm typical to his youth and with surprising accuracy, the early stages of the debate mentioned above.

This article aims to situate the Freudian concept of delusion in psychosis as an 'attempt at recovery', within the context of the classical psychiatric theories prevalent in the nineteenth century. Freud's theoretical thinking on the psychopathology of psychosis presents elements of continuity with, and divergence from, the psychiatric theories of his time. We will thus demonstrate the singularity of Freud's own theory. We will discuss the possible influence that the theory proposed by Griesinger, with its description of a temporal evolution in the psychotic process, may have had on Freud's thinking, and consider the theory of 'deductive logic' prevalent in nineteenth-century French psychiatry. Finally, we will discuss the vehement critique Freud made of both these theories.

In this article I trace a history of the most ubiquitous visual symbol of madness: the staff. First, I argue that the staff, in its variants (such as the pinwheel) and with its attachments (such as an inflated bladder), represents madness as air. It thus represents madness as an invisible entity that must be made visible. Secondly, I claim that the staff - being iconic of other 'unwanted' categories such as vagabonds - represents the insane as outsiders. Also in this case, the staff serves the purpose of making madness visible. Through this interpretation I show that the urge to make madness visible outlives icons of insanity such as the staff, making it a constant presence in popular culture and medical practice.

In the late 1930s, when colonial psychiatry was well established in the Maghreb, the diagnosis 'psychosis of civilization' appeared in some psychiatrists' writings. Through the clinical case of a Libyan woman treated by the Italian psychiatrist Angelo Bravi in Tripoli, this article explores its emergence and its specificity in a differential approach, and highlights its main characteristics. The term applied to subjects poised between two worlds: incapable of becoming 'like' Europeans - a goal to which they seem to aspire - but too far from their 'ancestral habits' to revert for a quiet life. The visits of these subjects to colonial psychiatric institutions, provided valuable new material for psychiatrists: to see how colonization impacted inner life and to raise awareness of the long-term socio-political dangers.

After decades of methodological stasis in 19th century psychiatric genetics, when uncontrolled studies reported high rates of hereditary burden in hospitalized patients, Koller completed the first controlled study in 1895. We pick up this narrative 7 years later when the well-known Julius Wagner v. Jauregg published a biting critique of the then current psychiatric genetics' literature. In 1905, partially in response to Wagner v. Jauregg, Otto Diem attempted to replicate and extend Koller's study. Wagner v. Jauregg then wrote a follow-up to his earlier critique in 1906, commenting on Diem's investigation. Themes discussed in this point-counterpoint included the necessity of statistical methods to draw meaningful conclusions about the impact of hereditary burden on mental illness, the required sample size and proper selection of controls, the classes of relatives which should optimally be studied, the problems of obtaining accurate information on familial illnesses, the nature of the disorders in families which contribute to mental illness risk and the common unquestioned dogmatic belief that insanity is very often due to hereditary causes. Both Wagner v. Jauregg and Diem spoke out forcefully against the common assumption that hereditary burden operated in a deterministic fashion and emphasized the need to consider other causes of illness., (© 2021 Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

Background: To celebrate Carl Wernicke's 170th anniversary, the paper aims at analysing possible connections of Wernicke and his "Wernicke-Kleist-Leonhard (WKL) school" to the "Erlangen school" of psychiatry., Methods: Relevant primary and secondary literature as well as archival material were examined to test the hypothesis., Results: Wernicke's efforts to realise his nosological system in clinical practice were continued by his pupil Karl Kleist (1879-1960). After Wernicke's tragic early death Kleist worked under Gustav Specht's "Erlangen school of psychiatry". Karl Leonhard (1904-1988), who worked under Specht as well as under Kleist, continued Wernicke's and Kleist's research and ended up with a very differentiated classification of endogenous psychoses., Discussion: Specht's "Erlangen school" of psychiatry can be regarded as a link in the development of the "Wernicke-Kleist-Leonhard school". Wernicke's description of "anxiety psychosis" motivated Specht to study the emotion of anxiety in "manic-depressive disorder". Specht's study again stimulated Leonhard's concept of "anxiety-happiness psychosis". Generally, Specht's intensive focus on bipolarity has influenced Leonhard's concept of cycloid psychoses. Specht's description of "pathologic affect" had an impact on Leonhard's concept of "affect-laden paraphrenia"., Conclusion: Modern methods of neuro-imaging open a new perspective to Wernicke's localisation theory. The natural-scientific-philosophical "double orientation" of the WKL school motivates an increased integration of philosophical elements (ethics, religiosity, spirituality) in the field of psychiatry, psychosomatic medicine and psychotherapy., Competing Interests: Autorin ist Mitglied der Wernicke-Kleist-Leonhard Gesellschaft, (Thieme. All rights reserved.)

Background: In nineteenth-century British India, concern regarding large numbers of asylum patients with 'Indian Hemp Insanity' led to establishment of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission. The exotic cannabis plant was widely used in pharmacopeia and a source of government revenue. The Commission was tasked with determining the public health risks of cannabis use, particularly mental illness. This analysis of the Commission report seeks to highlight the status of 1892 cannabis research and compare it with current evidence for medical and recreational cannabis use., Methods: Detailed historiographic review of the Indian Hemp Drugs Commission Report (1892)., Results: In 1892, heavy cannabis use was considered to have been associated with severe mental illness (7.3% of asylum patients; 12.6% of patients with diagnoses). About two-thirds were children and young adults with higher relapse rates. Risk increased with early cannabis use and a family history of mental illness. Cannabis psychosis was found to have a shorter trajectory and better prognosis than other mental illnesses in the asylums. Different cannabis potency and modes of consumption had different effects. Occasional cannabis use was felt to have medicinal benefits for some. Appendices provided symptoms and demographic characteristics of cannabis-induced mental illness., Conclusion: This important nineteenth-century study observed frequency and dose-related effects of cannabis on mental health, particularly psychotic symptoms in young people with a previous or hereditary risk of mental illness. Pathophysiological observations were consistent with current knowledge. As one of the most systematic and detailed studies of the effects of cannabis of the time it foreshadowed contemporary cannabis issues.

This paper investigates the certification of insanity through a standardized template called Form K which was used in Ontario between 1873 and 1883. My main thesis is that the introduction of the Form K had profound and long-lasting effects on the determination of insanity. In particular, it created a unique case in the history of certification, it grounded civil confinement on a strategy of consensus, and it informed mental health documentation for more than a century. As the result of a transnational mediation from Victorian England, the Form K prescribed an examination setting which involved a high number of participants, including three physicians and several witnesses. By comparing this case with other jurisdictions of the time, this paper shows how Ontario became a distinctive case worldwide. In order to get a closer look at this medico-legal procedure, I consider the archival records of the Toronto asylum and conclude that the certification of insanity relied on a strategy of consensus. While the Form K proved quite successful in preventing legal actions, it produced financial, logistic, and bureaucratic issues. The Form K was thus discontinued after a decade, yet its structure influenced Ontario's mental health documentation throughout the twentieth century. This paper shows the relevance of the certification of insanity for transnational history and for understanding contemporary issues of involuntary confinement and stigma in mental health., (© The Author(s) 2020. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

The present article explores the concept of stigma from a historical and theoretical perspective. At first, the conceptual origin of the term "stigma" is presented as well as its subsequent course and incorporation in the scientific field. The term stigma originates from ancient Greek language and in particular from the verb «στίζω», which means "to carve, to mark as a sign of shame, punishment or disgrace". In contemporary thinking about stigma, the work of Erving Goffman is seminal. According to him, stigmatization is elicited by the presence of a socially undesirable characteristic, which signals otherness. When this characteristic becomes conspicuous during a social interaction, it may act in a disqualifying manner for the identity of the person who bears it. One of the first theories on social stigma which attracted increased scientific attention is labeling theory by Thomas Scheff. Later on, the conceptual model of Corrigan and Watson underscored the main constituents of stigma, namely stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination; whereas the theoretical framework of Link and Phelan stressed labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss and discrimination as interconnected components in a power situation. During the last half of the previous century, the concept of stigma came to the fore and gained growing research attention, especially due to shedding light on the ways whereby people with mental disorders were treated socially. Most of the literature has focused on recording the general population's level of knowledge and lay beliefs about mental illness as well as on exploring social attitudes and desired social distance from people with mental disorders. Converging evidence indicates that stereotypical beliefs and discriminatory attitudes against people with mental illness prevail worldwide; while illness severity, poor therapeutic outcome, disturbances in patients' emotional expression during a social interaction, incidents of violent or dangerous behaviours and labeling have all been shown to influence public stigma. Regarding lay respondents' correlates of public stigma; male gender, older age, lower socio-economic status, lower educational attainment and residence in semi-urban or rural areas have been linked to unfavourable attitudes towards people with mental disorders; while of outmost importance is personal experience/ familiarity with mental illness.

In developing his mature concept of hebephrenic dementia praecox (DP) in his 4th (1893) through 6th textbook editions (1899), Kraepelin worked from the hebephrenic syndrome first described by Hecker (1871) and then carefully studied by his student Daraszkiewicz (1892). Working under Kraepelin's supervision, Daraszkiewicz followed Hecker in emphasizing several key features of hebephrenia (distinctive deteriorative course, importance of silliness and minimal positive psychotic symptoms) but expanded the syndrome to include cases developing severe dementia, rejected the link to prodromal depressive and manic phases, and reduced the emphasis on thought disorder. Daraszkiewicz proposed a soft subtyping of hebephrenia based on level of deterioration, which Kraepelin adopted in his 4th edition with an additional emphasis on severe positive psychotic symptoms. In his 5th edition, Kraepelin created a third subform with even more pronounced and bizarre delusions and hallucinations. In his 6th edition, which contained his first articulation of DP, Kraepelin eliminated his hebephrenia subforms presenting a single syndrome, which, compared to Hecker, included more emphasis on positive psychotic and catatonic symptoms and severe dementia. Kraepelin's paths to hebephrenic and paranoid DP differed in important ways. Paranoid DP was a de novo syndrome created by differentiation from paranoia. Hebephrenia, by contrast, evolved from a disorder created in the Kahlbaum/Hecker paradigm of the iterative study of clinical features, course and outcome. Kraepelin further implemented this approach in substantially reworking, over several drafts, the hebephrenic syndrome to fit into his emerging construct of dementia praecox.

The aim of this article is to describe the nosographical contribution of the Italian psychiatrist Sante De Sanctis (1862-1935) to early twentieth-century child psychiatry. De Sanctis first proposed the category of 'dementia praecocissima' in 1906, and it was recognized by Kraepelin. Dementia praecocissima has its roots in a theoretical and methodological conception of mental disorder based on 'psycho-physical proportionalism' and the 'law of circle'. This article deals with De Sanctis's model, which has so far been neglected by historiographers; it shows the pioneering role that this Italian psychiatrist played in child psychiatry in Italy.

This article explores prisoners' observations of mental illness in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century British prisons, recorded in memoirs published following their release. The discipline of separate confinement was lauded for its potential to improve prisoners' minds, inducing reflection and reform, when it was introduced in the 1840s, but in practice led to high levels of mental breakdown. In order to maintain the integrity of the prison system, the prison authorities played down incidences of insanity, while prison chaplains lauded the beneficent influence of cellular isolation. In contrast, as this article demonstrates, prisoners' memoirs offer insights into the prevalence of mental illness in prison, and its poor management, as well as inmates' efforts to manage mental distress. As the prison system became more closed, uniform and penal after the 1860s, the volume of such publications increased. Oscar Wilde's evocative prison writings have attracted considerable attention, but he was only one of many prison authors criticizing the penal system and decrying the damage it inflicted on the mind. Exploration of prison memoirs, it is argued, enhances our understanding of experiences of mental disorder in the underexplored context of the prison, highlighting the prisoners' voice, agency and advocacy of reform., (© The Author(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press.)

The term "pseudoneurotic schizophrenia" was introduced in 1949 by Hoch and Polatin to describe apparently neurotic patients showing formal thought disorders, emotional dysregulation, and transient psychotic symptoms. Even if this diagnostic entity is no longer included in modern diagnostic systems, its evolution is intertwined with the history of schizophrenia in the 20th century. This article retraces the development of pseudoneurotic (or "borderline") schizophrenia in modern psychiatry, finding it a pioneering concept in psychopathology. In particular, we demonstrate that recent findings about the positive syndrome, good-outcome, type I "distress" subtype of schizophrenia (associated with high emotionality, including anxiety, depression, and sensitivity to stress) show surprising consistency with the clinical concept of pseudoneurotic schizophrenia. Finally, we discuss the historical development of pseudoneurotic schizophrenia in modern psychiatry as a meaningful example of the difficulty of confining severe psychological disturbances lying at the edge of full-blown schizophrenia within a widely accepted diagnostic category.

Background: Schizoaffective disorder (SAD) is a chronic, potentially disabling psychotic disorder common in clinical settings. SAD often has been used as a diagnosis for individuals having an admixture of mood and psychotic symptoms whose diagnosis is uncertain. Its hallmark is the presence of symptoms of a major mood episode (either a depressive or manic episode) concurrent with symptoms characteristic of schizophrenia, such as delusions, hallucinations, or disorganized speech., Methods: A literature search in PubMed and Google Scholar was conducted to identify articles on SAD. We also reviewed major textbooks and DSM-5 to identify pertinent information., Results: This review begins with the history and classification of SAD. Debate continues to swirl around the concept, as some experts view SAD as an independent disorder, while others see SAD as either a form of schizophrenia or a mood disorder. The disorder is more common in women and its course follows the middle ground between schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. SAD appears to have high heritability. Most patients appear to benefit from antipsychotics plus antidepressants and/or mood stabilizers, depending on whether the patient has the depressive or bipolar subtype. Electroconvulsive therapy can also be effective., Conclusions: SAD is a chronic psychotic disorder that continues to be controversial. There has been inadequate research regarding its epidemiology, course, etiologic factors, and treatment.

Migration can be considered as a major risk factor for the incidence of Psychotic disorders. It has observed in first and second-generation migrants. French studies provide concordant results. There is an increased risk in migrants from sub-saharian countries. Various hypotheses have been evoked as involvement of infectious agents, genetics and vitamin deficiency. Environmental factors seem to be of major important and more specifically discrimination. The role of protection factor as the social capital can be an interesting perspective to develop specific preventive strategies., (© 2018 L’Encéphale, Paris.)

Historical epistemology is a useful method to understand the longitudinal construction of the movement disorders in psychiatry. Four periods can be identified in such a process. The first, extending from Classical times to the work of Griesinger, included disorders such as catalepsy, crocidism, epilepsy and paralysis. The second period, stretching from Griesinger to Kahlbaum, concentrated on the study of melancholia attonita, stupor and catatonia. The third period, covering the time from Kahlbaum to WWI, witnessed important conceptual shifts such as: the transformation of madness into psychoses; the redefinition of movement and motility in psychiatry; the appearance of self-contained syndromes as dyskinesias, tics, akathisia, complex disorders like the cases of encephalitis lethargica, etc.; the advent of functional and psychodynamic explanations; and the description by Wernicke, Kleist and others of the motility psychoses. The fourth period stretches from WWI to the present and since it corresponds to the views and work reported in the rest of this Special issue it has not been touched upon in this paper. In spite of an increasing methodological refinement, empirical research is yet to clarify what is the clinical meaning of the movement disorders in the context of the psychoses and to explain whether such disorders are primary (i.e. issuing directly from the brain and parallel to the rest of psychotic symptomatology) or secondary (i.e. mediated by cognitive and emotional phenomena characteristic of the psychoses)., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

This review provides a brief overview of key historical, conceptual and empirical aspects of the link between creativity and psychosis. The genius and his or her tendency to madness constitute the historical backbone of this link, although ambiguous interpretations and substantial conceptual change characterise this mad genius hypothesis. Some empirical findings show high levels of creativity among first-degree relatives of patients with psychotic illness. For schizophrenia, this could be seen as support of a creative potential in premorbid traits, such as self-disorders and disturbed common sense.

Aim: Early intervention programmes in mental illnesses started to bloom in the 1990s, and many programmes have been established worldwide during the past twenty years. However, the concept of early intervention has emerged during the 19th century but it did not make much impact on practice. The aim of this review is to identify the difficulties appeared during that period of time which could provide insight into the modern development of early intervention initiatives., Methods: A narrative review which focused on English literature about early intervention for insanity during the 19th century was undertaken., Results: Clinicians during the 19th century recognized that treatment would be the most effective at the early stage of the mental illness and they had emphasized the importance of early intervention. However, because of a number of factors, such as the limited roles of asylums, lack of knowledge about mental disorder and the lack of effective treatment, the idea of early intervention did not make impact in clinical service during that period of time., Conclusion: During the past two hundred years, understanding towards mental illness has advanced and more effective treatments, such as the use of anti-psychotic medications, have been developed. Reflecting on the past experience and difficulties might shed light on the development of today early intervention in mental disorder., (© 2016 John Wiley & Sons Australia, Ltd.)

Francisco José de Goya y Lucientes is one of the major figures of European art. From royal portraits to bizarre, grotesque illustrations, his legacy demonstrates a tortured genius, generating some of the most compelling art ever produced. His story is also the story of Spain during one of the most tumultuous passages of its history. In the winter of 1792-93, Goya experienced a mysterious illness resulting in lifelong deafness. After that, his work became more negative, with thick, bold strokes of dark colour. Scholars have suggested various diagnoses on the basis of Master's symptoms, but the exact nature of the illness has never been identified., (Copyright © 2018. Published by Elsevier Ltd.)

In the present study, we investigated a unique set of historical health-care records of women admitted to a psychiatric hospital in Sydney, Australia with a diagnosis of psychosis or mania after childbirth in the post-World War II (WWII) period, from 1945 to 1955. This research is part of a larger project examining how the descriptions of these women documented in the health-care records from 1885 to 1975 affected their treatment and the outcome of their admission. In the present paper, we report on the findings from an intensive examination of the post WWII documents. Eighteen health-care records from a psychiatric facility (Gladesville Hospital) were identified from admission registers housed in the State Records Office of New South Wales in 2014. Although seven records had been destroyed, 11 were transcribed verbatim. The records contain demographic information; descriptions of the women's signs and symptoms on admission; and information about the women before, during, and after their admission found in letters from relatives or medical staff. A content analysis of admission information showed how the women were described by health-care professionals, but a textual analysis of the records revealed that there were other factors that could have contributed to the women's condition, which might not have been taken into consideration when treatment and care were devised. The present study demonstrates the value of investigating historical health-care records to understand how prevailing attitudes and practices might affect diagnosis and treatment., (© 2017 Australian College of Mental Health Nurses Inc.)

The concept of autism has changed across time, from the Bleulerian concept, which defined it as one of several symptoms of dementia praecox, to the present-day concept representing a pervasive development disorder. The present theoretical contribution to this special issue of EJN on autism introduces new theoretical ideas and discusses them in light of selected prior theories, clinical examples, and recent empirical evidence. The overall aim is to identify some present challenges of diagnostic practice and autism research and to suggest new pathways that may help direct future research. Future research must agree on the definitions of core concepts such as autism and psychosis. A possible redefinition of the concept of autism may be a condition in which the rationale of an individual's behaviour differs qualitatively from that of the social environment due to characteristic cognitive impairments affecting reasoning. A broad concept of psychosis could focus on deviances in the experience of reality resulting from impairments of reasoning. In this light and consistent with recent empirical evidence, it may be appropriate to redefine dementia praecox as a developmental disorder of reasoning. A future challenge of autism research may be to develop theoretical models that can account for the impact of complex processes acting at the social level in addition to complex neurobiological and psychological processes. Such models could profit from a distinction among processes related to (i) basic susceptibility, (ii) adaptive processes and (iii) decompensating factors involved in the development of manifest illness., (© 2017 Federation of European Neuroscience Societies and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.)

The relationship between prisons and mental illness has preoccupied prison administrators, physicians, and reformers from the establishment of the modern prison service in the nineteenth century to the current day. Here we take the case of Pentonville Model Prison, established in 1842 with the aim of reforming convicts through religious exhortation, rigorous discipline and training, and the imposition of separate confinement in its most extreme form. Our article demonstrates how following the introduction of separate confinement, the prison chaplains rather than the medical officers took a lead role in managing the minds of convicts. However, instead of reforming and improving prisoners' minds, Pentonville became associated with high rates of mental disorder, challenging the institution's regime and reputation. We explore the role of chaplains, doctors, and other prison officers in debating, disputing, and managing cases of mental breakdown and the dismantling of separate confinement in the face of mounting criticism.

Alfred Walter Campbell (1868-1937) established the basic cytoarchitectonic structure of the human brain while he was working as a pathologist at the Rainhill Lunatic Asylum near Liverpool in the United Kingdom. He returned to Australia in 1905 and continued doing research while establishing a neurological practice. His research over the next 17 years focused on four topics: (a) localisation in the cerebellum, (b) the neuroses and psychoses in war, (c) localisation in the cerebral cortex of the gorilla, and (d) the causes and pathology of the mysterious Australian "X" Disease (later known as Murray Valley encephalitis). In this article, I elaborate on his research in these areas, which provided evidence (a) against Louis Bolk's thesis that variation in the size of the cerebellar cortex reflected variation in the amount of cortex controlling various groups of muscle, (b) against the view that the neuroses and psychoses in war were different from those in civilian life, (c) for a parcelation of the cortex of the gorilla brain that supported his earlier findings in the higher apes, and (d) on the cause and pathophysiology of Australian "X" disease. Much of this research was overlooked, but it remains of considerable value and historical significance.

Through the major changes which the psychiatric hospital has undergone throughout history, the question is raised of the identity of caregivers, what the psychiatric asylum provides as a response to mental illness, and the function of the asylum as a place for receiving and then caring for patients, within society. These radical changes, which undermine the narcissism of caregivers, have consequences both within the psychiatric hospital and society as a whole. Consequences which question the very notion of care in a post-modern society., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.)

The dancing mania erupted in the 14th century in the wake of the Black Death, and recurred for centuries in central Europe - particularly Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium - finally abating in the early 17th century. The term "dancing mania" was derived from "choreomania," a concatenation of choros (dance) and mania (madness). A variant, tarantism, was prevalent in southern Italy from the 15th to the 17th centuries, and was attributed at the time to bites from the tarantula spider. Affected individuals participated in continuous, prolonged, erratic, often frenzied and sometimes erotic, dancing. In the 14th century, the dancing mania was linked to a corruption of the festival of St. John's Day by ancient pagan customs, but by the 16th century it was commonly considered an ordeal sent by a saint, or a punishment from God for people's sins. Consequently, during outbreaks in the 14th and 15th centuries, the dancing mania was considered an issue for magistrates and priests, not physicians, even though the disorder proved intractable to decrees and exorcisms. However, in the 16th century Paracelsus discounted the idea that the saints caused or interceded in the cure of the dancing mania; he instead suggested a psychogenic or malingered etiology, and this reformulation brought the dancing mania within the purview of physicians. Paracelsus advocated various mystical, psychological, and pharmacological approaches, depending on the presumptive etiologic factors with individual patients. Only music provided any relief for tarantism. Later authors suggested that the dancing mania was a mass stress-induced psychosis, a mass psychogenic illness, a culturally determined form of ritualized behavior, a manifestation of religious ecstasy, or even the result of food poisoning caused by the toxic and psychoactive chemical products of ergot fungi. In reality, dancing manias did not have a single cause, but component causes likely included psychogenic illness, malingering, and ritualized behaviors., (© 2018 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

From the ancient Greeks (V to III centuries BC), through Hippocrates to the Roman physician Aulo Cornelius Celso (I century), the term paranoia has been used as a manifestation of mental illness. After many centuries, Robert Burton in 1621 introduces the concept with a more modern meaning. Only with Heinroth (1818) the syndrome enters into the psychiatric nosology as a disorder of thought with unaltered perceptions. French and German psychiatry agree on the concept of paranoia as a partial psychosis with a maintained level of functioning and absence of deterioration. With this meaning the term is introduced in the modern psychiatry in Kahlbaum's work (1863). Jasper contributes with the introduction of paranoid development that can be influenced by the environment or previous experiences (1910). But to Kraepelin (1921) is owed the most precise description in a specifc essay based on his clinical experience. The German psychiatrist speaks of both a psychogenic and a more biological component. In modern psychiatric classifcations gradually the syndrome has disappeared and encompassed in the generic delusional disorder, clearly distinct from schizophrenia, and only if the delusions are understandable. The consequences of the absence of a diagnostic recognition implies that there is no specific research on this syndrome with difficulties in developing psychotherapeutic and pharmacological treatments.

The motility psychoses are a group of acute psychiatric conditions characterized by salient disorders of movement (increased, decreased and disorganized), psychotic experiences, confusion and good prognosis. The debate on whether they are just atypical forms of schizophrenia or manic-depressive insanity or constitute an independent group of psychoses has not yet been settled. Erik Strömgren's classical chapter deals with the history and clinical aspects of the motility psychoses. Based on a historical analysis and an empirical study of a patient cohort, the author draws conclusions on the nature of this clinical group that has stood the test of time well.

How deep are the historical roots of our concept of major depression (MD)? I showed previously that psychiatric textbooks published in 1900-1960 commonly described 18 characteristic depressive symptoms/signs that substantially but incompletely overlapped with the current DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders) MD criteria. I here expand that inquiry to the key years of 1880-1900 during which our major diagnostic categories of manic-depressive illness (MDI) and dementia praecox were developed. I review the symptoms of depression/melancholia in 28 psychiatric textbooks and 8 other relevant documents from this period including monographs, reviews and the first portrayal of melancholia Kraepelin in 1883. Descriptions of melancholia in the late nineteenth and twentieth century textbooks closely resembled each other, both reporting a mean of 12.4 characteristic symptoms, and emphasizing core features of mood change and alterations in cognitive content and psychomotor behavior. The detailed monographs, reviews and the early description of Kraepelin were more thorough, reporting a mean of 16.6 of these characteristic symptoms. These nineteenth century texts often contained phenomenologically rich descriptions of changes in mood and cognition, loss of interest and anhedonia and emphasized several features not in DSM including changes in volition/motivation, posture/facial expression and derealization/depersonalization. In the early nineteenth century, melancholia was often defined primarily by delusions or as the initial phase of a unitary psychosis transitioning to mania and then dementia. By 1880, the concept of depression as an independent mood disorder with characteristic symptoms/signs and a good prognosis had stabilized. Kraepelin incorporated this syndrome into his diagnostic concept of MDI, changing its name to 'Depressive States', but did not alter its underlying nature or clinical description.

This paper introduces a special issue on 'Histories of asylums, insanity and psychiatry in Scotland', situating the papers that follow in an outline historiography of work in this field. Using Allan Beveridge's claims in 1993 about the relative lack of research on the history of psychiatry in Scotland, the paper reviews a range of contributions that have emerged since then, loosely distinguishing between 'overviews' - work addressing longer-term trends and broader periods and systems - and more detailed studies of particular 'individuals and institutions'. There remains much still to do, but the present special issue signals what is currently being achieved, not least by a new generation of scholars in and on Scotland.

Our aim in presenting this Classic Text is to foster wider analytical attention to a fascinating commentary on insanity by a former inmate of Glasgow Royal Asylum, Gartnavel, James Frame. Despite limited coverage in existing literature, his text (and other writings) have been surprisingly neglected by modern scholars. Frame's Philosophy presents a vivid, affecting, often destigmatizing account of the insane and their institutional provision in Scotland. Derived from extensive first-hand experience, Frame's chronicle eloquently and graphically delineates his own illness and the roles and perspectives of many other actors, from clinicians and managers to patients and relations. It is also valuable as a subjective, but heavily mediated, kaleidoscopic view of old and new theories concerning mental afflictions, offering many insights about the medico-moral ethos and milieu of the mid-Victorian Scottish asylum. Alternating as consolatory and admonitory illness biography, insanity treatise, mental health self-help guide, and asylum reform and promotion manual, it demands scrutiny for both its more progressive views and its more compromised and prejudicial attitudes.

The nosology for major psychiatric disorders developed by Emil Kraepelin in the 1890s has substantially shaped psychiatry. His theories, however, did not arise de novo, being strongly influenced by Karl Kahlbaum and Ewald Hecker. From the 1860-1880s, they articulated a paradigm shift in the conceptualization of psychiatric diagnosis, from symptom-based syndromes, popular since the late 18th century, to proto-disease entities. This effort was influenced by parallel developments in general medicine, especially the rise of bacterial theories of disease where different syndromes had distinctive symptoms, courses, and etiologies. Their thinking was particularly shaped by the increasing understanding of general paresis of the insane. Indeed, this disorder, with its distinct course and characteristic symptoms, was paradigmatic for them. Their hope was that a similar progression of medical understanding would evolve for the other major psychiatric syndromes. Their thinking and its connection with Kraepelin's nosology are illustrated through a close reading of their essays on hebephrenia, catatonia, and cyclic insanity. Kahlbaum, Hecker, and Kraepelin shared both a commitment to a clinical research agenda for psychiatry (to utilize methods of clinical assessment and follow-up to help define disease forms) and a skepticism for the brain-based neuropathological paradigm of psychiatric research then dominant in most European centers. Understanding the historical origins of our key diagnostic concepts can help us to evaluate their strengths and limitations. It remains to be determined whether this "Kahlbaum-Hecker-Kraepelin paradigm"-defining disorders based on distinctive symptoms and course-will produce psychiatric syndromes of sufficient homogeneity to yield their etiologic secrets.

August Strindberg and Tennessee Williams both became severely deranged during their playwriting careers. Both emerged from the most intense form of their derangement and wrote plays afterward. Strindberg, however, wrote his greatest plays after his psychosis; Williams, before his. Strindberg's psychosis spurred his creativity; that of Williams severely damaged his. This paper proposes that Strindberg mastered his psychosis and that in his late plays he dramatically symbolized psychotic processes. Williams, on the other hand, could neither access nor master his, and his late plays embody the repeated, unsymbolized acting out of his psychosis within an aesthetic context. These differences between the two playwrights become clear not through analysis of dramatic characters, but through changes that each playwright made to the dramatic medium itself., (© 2017 The Psychoanalytic Quarterly, Inc.)

The article contains curriculum vitae of W. Griesinger and an analysis of the clinical-psychopathological approach developed by him for studying illnesses and their systematization. The stages of psychosis' progression in dynamics are shown. A clinical description of primary emerged dementia made by W. Griesinger as well as a description of the status of Grubelsucht, first discovered by the psychiatrist, are presented. The article emphasizes W. Griesinger' priority in the determination of reflexes' exclusive role in the appearance and further development of all types of mental disorders. W. Griesinger's conviction in the necessity of more close interaction of neurology and psychiatry is highlighted.

Background: The categories of functional psychoses build on views of influential professionals. There have long been four main categories - affective, schizophrenic, schizoaffective/cycloid/reactive/polymorphic, and delusional/paranoid psychoses. The last three are included in "psychotic disorders". However, this dichotomy and the distinctions between categories may have been over-estimated and contributed to lack of progress., Ten Topics Relevant for the Diagnosis of Functional Psychoses: 1. The categories of functional psychoses have varied with time, place and professionals' views, with moving boundaries, especially between schizophrenia and affective psychoses. 2. Catatonia is most often related to affective and organic psychoses, and paranoia is related to grandiosity and guilt, calling in question catatonic and paranoid schizophrenia. Arguments exist for schizophrenia being a "misdiagnosis". 3. In some countries schizophrenia has been renamed, with positive consequences. 4. The doctrine of "unitary psychosis", which included abnormal affect, was left in the second half of the 1800s. 5. This was followed by a dichotomy between schizophrenia and affective psychoses and broadening of the schizophrenia concept, whereas affective symptoms were strongly downgraded. 6. Many homogeneous psychoses with mixtures of schizophrenic and affective symptoms were described and related to "psychotic disorders", although they might as well be affective disorders. 7. Critique of the extensive schizophrenia concept led to, in DSM-III and ICD-10, affective symptoms being exclusion criteria for schizophrenia and acceptance of mood-incongruent psychotic symptoms in affective psychoses. 8. However, affective symptoms are often difficult to acknowledge, diagnosis is often done on the basis of tradition and previous education, and patients' affect characterized accordingly. 9. DSM-5 is up-dated with separate chapters for catatonia and psychotic symptoms, and removal of the subtypes of schizophrenia. However, time may be running out for categorical psychosis diagnoses, which may be replaced by continuum, spectrum, dimensional and research domain criteria, in line with new biological data 10. This is supported by treatment responses across categories., Conclusion: The time-consuming works on diagnosis of psychoses may have hampered progress. Chronic mood disorders may appear as schizophrenic or paranoid psychosis, end-stages like heart failure in heart diseases. This underscores the importance of early and optimal treatment of mood disorders.