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While numerous explanations for vote-switching have been proposed (e.g. declining rates of partisanship, ideological shifts, partisan ambivalence, change in policy preferences), far less work has examined the personality profile of people more likely to engage in this behaviour. In Study 1, we examined the relationship between both general (i.e. openness, conscientiousness) and antagonistic (i.e. psychopathy, narcissism, Machiavellianism) personality traits and the intent to switch one's vote in a large sample of Canadian citizens, while controlling for several established correlates such as age, income and political interest. Of all personality traits, only individuals higher in openness reported a greater intent to engage in vote switching. Despite our expectations, Machiavellianism, a trait characterized by its strategic nature, was unrelated to vote switching intentions. In Study 2, we addressed several methodological reasons for why antagonistic traits may have been unrelated to vote switching intentions in Study 1 by examining the traits at the facet level and utilizing a new measure of Machiavellianism among a separate sample of Canadian citizens. Here again, we found little evidence for a relationship between antagonistic traits, including Machiavellianism, and vote switching intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties around the world are adopting primaries to select leaders and legislative candidates. While a large, though inconclusive, literature has emerged in the American context to explore the consequences of primaries, little attention has been devoted to other national contexts. Exploring patterns of financial donation, this study examines whether individuals who supported a losing leadership candidate are less likely to exhibit subsequent financial commitment to the party compared to those donors whose preferred candidate won the internal election. Drawing upon a novel dataset that includes tens of thousands of donors to recent leadership elections in Canada, we demonstrate that intra-party winners (i.e. those who supported the winning leadership candidate) are more likely to be financially committed to the party in the year after the election than those who supported losers. Results suggest that open and inclusive elections, while participatory in nature, may come at a cost for political parties as losers withdraw from the party in the wake of their loss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As countries around the globe struggle to find appropriate solutions to the growing migration and refugee crisis, it is essential to better understand attitudes towards refugees. This article explores whether individual differences in personality can help explain anti refugee sentiments. The article takes an expansive approach, integrating both general personality traits (honesty-humility, emotionality, extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness) as well as the Dark Triad (narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy) into the analysis. While a large literature has explored the relationship between personality and prejudice generally, much less work has studied specific outgroups like refugees. Drawing on survey data from a representative sample of 2,500 Canadians the results reveal the importance of personality for understanding prejudicial attitudes towards refugees, and highlight the importance of studying both general and dark personality traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voter turnout rates among survey respondents tend to exceed actual turnout by a significant margin. This note reports the results of an experiment whereby the indicated topic of a political survey was varied at the recruitment stage, with the goal of producing a sample with reported turnout rates that more closely mirror reality. Three experimental groups were informed that the survey was about politics, while a fourth received no indication of the nature of the study. Data from nearly 5000 respondents in Ontario, Canada suggest that this manipulation had no appreciable effect upon survey completion rates, but the level of reported turnout is lower when no topic is indicated. We theorize that this manipulation affects self-selection into (out of) surveys by voters (non-voters). By not disclosing the political nature of a survey, samples can be made to more closely reflect populations they are meant to represent in this important dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incumbent city councillors have an almost insurmountable advantage in Canadian municipal elections. This article aims to improve our understanding of the municipal incumbency advantage by considering the ability of electors to correctly identify the two most competitive candidates in one's ward and the factors associated with being able to do so. Using survey data from the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES), we consider the case of the 2018 elections in Mississauga, a city with typically high rates of incumbent re-election. Survey respondents were asked to identify the two most competitive candidates in their local ward races. We find that comparatively few electors are able to recognize which challenger serves as the strongest threat to a sitting councillor, a finding that suggests that coordination problems may help to contribute to high rates of incumbent success. We identify several individual-level and ward-level correlates of correctly identifying the first-place and second-place finishers. We do note, however, that there is a significant amount of variation among the thousands of municipalities in Canada, so findings from this case should be tested in other settings, including larger or smaller cities where levels of information might be different. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Personality traits are one piece in the larger puzzle of political participation, but most studies focus on the Five-Factor Model of personality. We argue that the normative implications of the influence of personality on politics are increased when the personality traits being studied correlate with negative social behaviors. We investigate the role of the Dark Triad on political participation as mediated through political beliefs such as interest and knowledge. We find that Psychopathy and Narcissism are positively associated with political interest, but Narcissism is also negatively associated with political knowledge. In addition, both Psychopathy and Narcissism exert a direct, positive influence on participation. Our results imply that individuals exhibiting higher levels of Narcissism are not only less knowledgeable but also more interested in politics and more likely to participate when given the opportunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adds to our understanding of the gendered impact of informal rules and norms for party leaders. Specifically, it examines the gendered nature of party leader tenures and exits. Using original data collected on party leader experiences in Canada, we test for the existence of gender differences in leader tenures and exits, and examine two potential explanations for any differences. We find that leader tenures and exits are indeed gendered but only within parties with the potential to form government, ones where the political stakes are highest. Within these major parties, women's tenures as party leaders are significantly shorter than men's and they are significantly more likely to be forced to resign from the position. We find clear evidence of the existence of the glass cliff phenomenon in major parties but unclear evidence of its role in women's shorter tenures. Instead, women's shorter tenures are explained by the harsher set of standards being applied to women party leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]