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The article analyzes the emotional community of the Russian public, agitated by the pre-revolutionary sentiments, whose reaction was expressed in letters from citizens to A.F. Kerensky in 1917. The letters do not carry political ideas. They are all focused on the immediate emotions of the senders. During the formation of the file preserved in the GARF funds, all letters from citizens were divided into 2 groups. Letters from crazy people and letters from ordinary citizens. It is difficult to understand how and by whom this watershed was drawn between the mental norm and deviation from the norm. Therefore, this incident draws us not only to the problem of the «history of emotions», but also to the issue actualized in the works of M. Foucault: society and madness. Which was perceived as madness in one era or another. How clearly was insanity diagnosed in Russian society in 1917, as a disease, if any radical socio–political change forces people to live in a situation of a kind of insanity, when the norms of the old collapse and completely new texts of behavior and circumstances of life are created. How can a layman not go crazy? Or the letters to A.F. Kerensky are just a manifestation of the so-called «culture of the political», by which the «new social history» understands the daily political activity of the masses. This article actualizes the approach coming from the «history of emotions» to the analysis of the incident – letters of citizens to A.F. Kerensky.

Nationalists believed that Ireland had not thrived economically under the Union. This article explores economic policymaking under the 1922 Provisional Government which administered the 26 counties during the one-year transition phase from British to Irish Free State jurisdiction. It is a case study which examines the fate of pre-independence economic programmes; the reorganisation of the economic portfolios of the civil service; the handling of immediate economic problems; as well as the formulation of plans and priorities for Ireland's future. The Provisional Government faced an unprecedented array of internal and external problems, in particular the economic depression and deflation in the wake of the First World War (1914–1918); the economic damage of the Irish War of Independence (1919–1921); and the divisive and violent Irish Civil War (1922–3) - the result of rupture in the main nationalist political party, Sinn Féin, over acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty settlement, which provided for the creation of the Irish Free State as a dominion rather than as a fully sovereign republic. Depspite these setbacks, the Provisional Government needed to enforce its authority and demonstrate its ability to govern by being seen to competently address economic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article deals with the problem of providing food to the Moscow province in 1917. An analysis of the activities of the Moscow Provincial Food Committee allows us to trace the features of the food business in Russia, to find ways out of the current situation with the supply of bread and essentials to the province. Food policy at all times is the basis of the national security of the country, as it includes economic, social, national factors that provide the basis for the stability of the state. The food crisis that began in 1916 became the catalyst for the revolutionary processes of 1917 in Russia. Turning to the activities of the tsarist government, the Provisional Government in the field of regulating the agrarian issue, providing food for the army and the civilian population, one can trace the policy mechanisms of the proposed reforms, their positive and negative sides.Materials and methods. There were no special studies devoted to the activities of the Moscow Provincial Food Committee directly, as a rule, the topics of food supplies for Moscow were touched upon, but the issue of supplying the population of the province was not investigated. For the analysis of materials, we used system-structural and system methods.Results. Based on archival materials, the article focuses on the rule-making activities of the committee in the field of regulating the work of local committees, instructors, and agents. Practical work is shown on organizing the provision of food to the population of the province, setting fixed prices, accounting for the harvest of 1917, etc.Conclusion. As a result, the Moscow Provincial Food Committee performed all the functions assigned to it by the provisional regulation, implemented the law on the grain monopoly, but the inconsistency of the decisions made by the Provisional Government, the inefficiency of the system of the procurement apparatus, did not allow the planned measures to be taken in solving the food issue.

The article contains the main historical sources identified in order to study the preparation and conduct of elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in the Kaluga province. Despite the extensive amount of research available, most of them are conducted by the interests and ideas of the Russian Social Democratic Party (Bolsheviks). The problems of holding the first all-Russian vote in the regions are not covered enough. Only since the 1990s. we can talk about the emergence of a variety of problems raised by researchers related to elections to the Constituent Assembly.The author identified the following groups of sources of an all-Russian and regional nature: legislative materials, office documentation of central and local bodies responsible for the preparation and conduct of elections, collections of documents of political parties and public organizations, journalistic works of representatives of political parties, sources of personal origin, periodical printing. One of the cases of the fund of the F-1128 State Archive of the Kaluga Region "Protocols of the Meshchovskaya District for Elections to the Constituent Assembly of the Commission" deserves special attention, since it is the only source identified at the moment containing a detailed report on the conduct of elections in the county.The author believes that due to the fragmentation of regional sources, the absence of specially formed groups of documents in regional archives, only a comprehensive study of regional and all-Russian sources will allow us to study in detail the process of preparing and holding elections to the All-Russian Constituent Assembly in a separate constituency. A necessary condition for further research of the electoral process in the Kaluga constituency is the expansion of the source base through the materials of archives neighboring the Kaluga provinces, work to identify sources of personal origin.

Copyright of Pasado y Memoria. Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Pasado y Memoria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to analyze the composition of the provisional councils in the captaincy of Bahia, when Salvador was the seat of the provisional government, between 1549 and 1763. In this sense, the study asks: how were the provisional governments constituted? What were your assignments? What were its members? Methodologically, the chronological limit is the period from 1581, institution of the first provisional government, to 1766. We consider that the provisional governments were responsible for administering the captaincy when the governor was absent, either because of the vacancy of the position or because of his removal. Methodologically, documents contained in the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, present in the "Projeto Resgate Barão do Rio Branco", were used, as well as a theoretical and bibliographical discussion on the government and its characteristics in the Kingdom of Portugal during the first Modernity. A subject still little studied, the analysis of the actions and characteristics of the provisional regime tends to indicate a better understanding of the dynamics of power, laws, politics and society existing in the captaincy of Bahia in the colonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. The article deals with the change of power in Kabarda in the context of the region’s involvement in the all-Russian revolutionary process. An unbiased analysis of the event canvas, reinforced by a new texture, made it possible to reconstruct two key plots of political transformations in Kabarda: the transition from the previous “tsarist” administration to the new “February” one in March – April 1917, and the proclamation of Soviet power in March 1918. Materials and methods. Sources of “revolutionary” origin published in censored form in Soviet times, including both official documents and a memoir narrative, do not reflect an integral objective picture of the transfer of power in Kabarda. The one-sided, ideologically mediated interpretation of the events was overcome by the verification of the existing corpus of published sources, the appeal to the original texts and the comparison of the latter with the archival materials that have become available from the “counter-revolutionary camp”. Analysis. The fall of the monarchy and the formation of the Provisional Government structures (regional and district civil executive committees) was supported and accepted by the overwhelming majority of the population of Kabarda and Terek region as a whole, which predetermined the conflict-free nature of the change of power. At the same time, the overthrow of the Provisional Government by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 divided the region into opposing camps – supporters and opponents of the country’s new political course. The current confrontational situation affected the nature of the transition to power of the Soviets in Kabarda. Results. The national “bourgeois” elite took leading positions in the administrative structures of the “February” administration in Kabarda not as a result of the seizure of power, as it was claimed in Soviet studies, but in the course of democratic election procedures. The real picture of the proclamation of Soviet power was also significantly different from the well-established interpretations, according to which, as a result of an operation brilliantly planned by the Bolsheviks, the “counter-revolutionary” leadership of Kabarda was overthrown and the military formations under its control were disarmed. In reality, everything turned out to be less pretentious: realizing the futility of further retention of power in the conditions of the transfer of Terek region under the control of the Bolsheviks and the collapse of the structures of the “February” administration in the region, the local bourgeois elite decided to transfer their powers to the Soviets, which was consolidated through the corresponding formal procedures at the people’s forum held in March 1918.

The study of the activities of non-state societies and unions as institutions of the political system of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th centuries is important in modern conditions, as it allows to use the accumulated experience in this sphere. The article devotes particular attention to the analysis of the Provisional Rules on Societies and Unions, adopted on 4 March 1906, and the resolutions of the Provisional Government, and considers the draft Societies and Unions Act submitted by the deputies of the Cadet and Social Democratic factions for consideration by the State Duma of the first, second and fourth convocations. The purpose is to study the political system of the society in order to study the factors negatively influencing its state, on the example of the activity of non-state societies and unions as institutions of the political system of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. The authors use logical, historical-comparative, historical-legal, systemic methods. Results: several important patterns of the development of the national political system are identified in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. It is noted that the legal institution of public associations was enshrined in the legislation of the Russian Empire on the basis of democratic principles and was further developed under the influence of historical events of the studied period.

This article analyzes ethnopolitical processes which were underway in the North Caucasus during the revolution of 1917. The February revolution had a significant impact on the course and nature of the socio-historical development of the region. The issues of transformation of the national-state and administrative-territorial status of the mountain peoples within the framework of the new Russian state are becoming topical. The mountain intellectuals tried to implement the liberal democratic potential of the Russian revolution in the region. It was aimed at strengthening the foundations of Russian statehood and the search for forms of autonomy of the mountain nations as the part of the future Russian Republic. The activity of the Union of United Mountaineers of the North Caucasus and Dagestan was aimed at achieving the stated goal. Their ideological attitudes received political registration at the irst congress of the Mountain peoples in May 1917, at which the basic documents were adopted: the Political Program and the Constitution, as well as resolutions on topical issues on the agenda. At this congress, the entry of the nations of the North Caucasus into the Russian state was legitimized. The mountain intelligency helped to strengthen the power of the Provisional Government. Its representatives were part of the Russian government and contributed to the strengthening of state structures in the region. The failure of the liberal-democratic project led to a change of the position of the mountain intellectuals on the issue of state unity with the Russian state and the loss of its political perspectives in the region.

The article examines the problem of the food issue, as one of the main factors in the growth of social tension in the province, in the period from summer to October 1917. The Provisional Government tried to carry out rescue measures, but they were all unsuccessful. Continuing the tsarist policy of requisitioning grain and cattle, the authorities only inflamed public discontent. The mobilization of the male population to the front, as well as the return of the migrant peasants to their native village, created the preconditions for a social explosion. From August 1917, the crisis was transferred from the countryside to the city, where factories and factories began to strike. The provincial authorities are passively reacting to this process, not taking any measures to eliminate the food problem. Ultimately, the broad masses of the people begin to lean towards the opposition parties, which, in their opinion, could solve these pressing issues. Based on materials from periodicals and archival sources, the author shows the growth of popular unrest in the Kostroma Province in the pre-revolutionary period of 1917 and comes to the conclusion that the food crisis played one of the main roles in the October Revolution.

This article analyzes the historical and legal aspects of the establishment of the Republic of Kazakhstan as a secular country. The subject of the article was chosen as the subject of the study of the Kazakh Khanate and Tsarist Russia and the periods of provisional government. The influence of religion on legal and social relations and the process of secularization were carried out in comparison in these three stages. After all, under the Tsarist Russia, Kazakh society was undergoing transformation in almost all spheres. In addition, this study, as a new wave of political and Social Thought, includes and clearly reflects the secular principles of the Alashorda movement. In particular, they discussed the great contribution of Kazakh nationalists and Islamic reform movements to the development of secular thought, as a result of which the subsequent council was able to create ideological prerequisites for the separation of religion and politics for the Independent Republic of Kazakhstan. All these areas covered by the study allow us to better understand the current secular positions of the Republic of Kazakhstan and determine the future secular orientation of the country. In the course of the study, it was found that cultures that contain elements of secularism, such as tolerance, religious harmony, and equality, as well as conflicting views and opinions, are reflected in the interweaving. In addition, since the study of the historical and legal aspects of the formation of Kazakhstan as a state is limited only to the periods of the Kazakh Khanate, Tsarist Russia and provisional government, the authors suggest to focus on the relationship between Religion and the State in the pre-Islamic period in the Kazakh steppe. It should be noted that in the deep history of the Kazakh people it is impossible to cover the relationship between the State and Religion in one short article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the interpretation of the concept “people” by the Constitutional Democratic Party supporters. This concept is of fundamental importance for the analysis of Cadet ideology. The concept “people” was of great political value for the Cadet party. The author correlates this concept with such notions relevant for the Party as society, nation, and nationality. The author examines the relations of “people” with the authorities, the state, the Cadet Party, the Parliament, and humanity. Special attention is paid to the evolution of ca­dets’ understanding of the concept “people” in connection with social processes, the develop­ment of the political crisis and revolutions of 1905—1907 and 1917. The author holds that already at the beginning of the revolutionary period, the Cadets substituted the triad “author­ity — society — people”, which was conservative in origin by the dichotomy “power — peo­ple”, which was democratic in nature. The “people” included the educated public and was opposed to the “authorities”. In its new meaning, “people” was seen as the “third class”, the future civil nation, called to construct a political system based on the idea of popular sover­eignty. In this sense, the Cadet ideology was revolutionary and implied a break from the An­cien régime. The “people” were not considered as some unique whole but rather as an integral part of humanity, developing together with it according to universal laws. The Cadet Party was considered by its supporters as a force representing the interests of the entire “people.” Cadet faction in the State Duma turned it into a popular representation. Although only the Constituent Assembly convened on the basis of universal suffrage can be considered to be a truly democratic representation. Broad democratization during the February Revolution cor­responded to the Cadet concept of people sovereignty. Moreover, the Cadets had no ideological grounds to oppose the further radicalization of the revolution.

The relevance of the study is due to the practical need to study the historical experience of interaction between secular and religious structures in Russia in the process of implementing state national policy. The article analyzes the problem of building state-confessional relations in the Siberian region at a turning point - during the civil war. Attention is paid to the religious policy of the provisional Siberian governments during the revolutionary transformations of the early 20th century. The results of a comparative analysis of the implementation peculiarities of the religious policy by successively different governments during 1917-1919 are presented. The novelty of the research lies both in the topic itself and in the previously unexplored source base. Previously unexplored materials from the archival storage of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East (RSHA FE) have been put into circulation. The implementation of the research concept was facilitated by historical-comparative, comparative, analytical research methods. The results achieved in the process of analyzing the documents of the archival storage of the Russian State Historical Archive of the Far East indicate the pragmatic approach of the provisional Siberian governments to issues of ideology, including religious. The conclusion is made about the striving of the provisional governments to subordinate religious structures to the interests of the secular authorities.

After the February Revolution, the Russian Orthodox Church sought to reconstitute itself to allow broader participation of its clergy and laity in order to fulfill the aspirations of a Church reform movement that had begun around 1900. At the same time, the Church sought to avoid losing its traditional institutional authority in the eyes of believers. To accomplish this, broader participation had to be grounded in sobornost’ – a church ethos of traditional Orthodox catholicity or conciliarism – while avoiding political, secular, and revolutionary influences. Drawing on many church voices from 1917–1918, this paper sketches the efforts and ultimate success that the Russian Church achieved in reestablishing sobornost’ as its organizational and spiritual foundation. Specifically, it reveals how a revitalized diocesan church press, freed from pre-revolutionary censorship, expressed the widespread hopes that a conciliar church could be established through active participation of the clergy and laity, and ultimately through the convening of the long-anticipated All-Russian Church Council. Revolution in the church threatened the authority of the Holy Synod and the Preconciliar Committee that planned the Church Council. However, a significant yet relatively unknown episode – the August 1917 elections to the Council’s Presidium – as well as the writings of Sobor members themselves demonstrate how the Council succeeded in institutionalizing sobornost’ at the Council. Although this quality of sobornost’ expressed “unity in multiplicity,” it was neither quantitative nor geographical, and did not reflect class, estate, or political distinctions. Instead, it expressed a wholeness and communion of ideas that still allowed for vigorous debate.

This article seeks to analyze the troops of the Provisional Government that fought in the civil war in 1932, better known as the "Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932". To do so, it will initially focus on the formation and structure of troops, analyzing how they were built based on the option of the federal government and the action of state interveners. The "Varguista" troops were assembled from members of the armed forces, state police and volunteers, similarly to the troops recruited by the state of São Paulo. In a second moment, the article analyzes how the troops of the Provisional Government were portrayed in the historiography, academic or not, about the event. In this regard, it is clear that the discourse constructed by São Paulo's opponents about these forces, marked by disqualification and depreciation, was strong and broad and is still recurrent in most analyzes of this event today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Postcards, long used to mark significant occasions in the lives of individuals, were deployed in early 1917 to herald wholesale change in the life of the nation. Following the downfall of the Tsar, censorship was nominally abolished and amid a fast developing market economy, many different publishers sought to take advantage, both to profit and to persuade. Within days of Nicholas II's abdication, postcards carrying revolutionary imagery were being offered in shops and kiosks, and within a few months, a wide range of different photographic, artistic, and satirical cards had also become available. This article focuses on commercially produced caricature postcards, adopting a broad remit to examine both anti-tsarist images satirizing the Imperial Family, and artist-drawn cards commemorating and critiquing the February Revolution. To this end, it has two main aims; first, to analyze the role of postcards as a political bridge between contemporary events and the Russian population; and second, to examine the key part played by private and commercial publishers in disseminating a broadly liberal interpretation of revolutionary events in the months after the Tsar's overthrow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article considers the views of A. Kartashev, an outstanding theologian, Minister of Confessions of the Provisional Government, on relationship between church and state in Russia and the measures he proposed in order to reform them. What Kartashev advocated was not the complete separation of church and state, but rather such a “growing distance” between them which would give the Russian Orthodox Church independence and would allow the state to be secular rather than unilaterally confessional. During the short period when the Ministry of Religious Confessions was working, Anton Kartashev tried to be less involved into church administration, defended the interests of the religious department in the government, and supported a number of proposals from the Local Council. Kartashev began to implement the legal registration of the multi-confessional state system and consistently defended the interests of the Orthodox Church in other ministries and government departments. He gradually moved away from the doctrinal guidelines of the Provisional Government on the separation of church and state and became inclined to strengthen the influence of the church in the life of society, seeing its activities as a guarantee of the spiritual salvation of Russia. This approach did not coincide with the ideas about the role of the church in the life of society which had developed in liberal and socialist circles of that time and led to a discrepancy between the declarations of the Provisional Government and the activities it carried out in the church sphere. The article considers the reasons why Kartashev was able to pursue his line of confessional policy. The most important of these reasons was that neither the Provisional Government nor the Constitutional Democratic Party or the Socialist Revolutionary Party considered the problems of church-state relations a priority. They treated such problems in the context of general problems of the democratic transformation of Russia and attributed the right to solve them to the Constituent Assembly. It is emphasized that in the tense atmosphere of 1917 neither the Provisional Government nor the Russian Orthodox Church wanted to conflict with each other. In this situation, the compromise policy of Anton Kartashev suited both sides and softened the negative attitude of the church circles towards the activities of the Provisional Government.

This article describes attempts in 1820 by a group of London‐based conspirators to assassinate the British cabinet and print two proclamations declaring the establishment of a provisional government. One proclamation was addressed to the civilian population and the other to the rank and file of the military. It describes links between these conspirators, who were arrested in Cato Street on 23 February 1820, and a number of Irish radicals living in the metropolis who claimed to have been involved in the rebellions of 1798 and 1803. It suggests that the Cato Street proclamations were strongly influenced by John Sheares's proclamation of 1798, which had been intended to announce the success of the Irish rebellion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discussion about the possibility of the departure of Nicholas II and the royal family to England after the February Revolution has been going on for a hundred years, but a definite answer to this question has not yet been worked out in the scientific community. Various researchers among the reasons for the imperial family not to leave for England most often single out the opposition of the Provisional Government, the Petrograd Soviet of Workers ‘and Soldiers’ Deputies, or the Government of England. The author proposes a solution to this issue by critically analyzing the sources of the topic, in particular, the “note” of Nicholas II to the Provisional Government asking him to leave for England. The article uses data from diaries, memoirs, correspondence, as well as paperwork. The conclusion is drawn about the decisive role of the Provisional Government in the Romanovs refusal to leave for the UK

The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of '' national and national unity ''. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the '' spirit of the times '', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The problems of peace and war and foreign policy in general became the main issues in the development of the situation and in the fate of the government in Russia in 1917. The confrontation on foreign policy issues within the Provisional Government and with the Petrograd Council moved from the reality to the historiographic level. The paper defines the main stages in the study of this problem in the Soviet and post-Soviet historiography, shows the specifics of each of these stages. Special attention was paid to the period of 1960s–1980s, the time of acute discussions, during which a number of odious historiographical clichés (about the “imperialist”, “anti-national” nature of the foreign policy of the Provisional Government, its dependence on the Anglo-French capital, etc.) were rejected, flexibility and independence of the foreign policy of the Provisional Government were shown, its focus on defending the interests of Russia was revealed. The influence of historiographical discussions on the development and modernization of Soviet historiography, on the creation of assumptions for qualitatively new research approaches that emerged at present was investigated. One of the most pressing problems in the history of Russia's foreign policy in 1917 – the problem of “conflict” of information contained in sources of different types and different origins – was examined in detail. The specificity of source basis formation for the problem was traced. The reasons for gaps in the sources were identified, and ways to overcome them were demonstrated.

Copyright of Saeculum - Revista de História (0104-8929) is the property of Saeculum - Revista de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The February Revolution which overthrew the Russian monarchy was greeted with euphoria by the Chinese media. Reminiscent of the 1911 Revolution which overthrew not just the Qing dynasty but also the imperial system, it resonated with Chinese intellectuals. The predominant mood of optimism was fuelled by reports which painted a rosy picture of the February Revolution, some of which bordered on naivete. As events unravelled, news reports on the February Revolution grew increasingly pessimistic about the situation in Russia, although most commentators never lost their sympathy for the revolution. Indeed, they followed the chaos in Russia with worry and concern, and tried to interpret events in ways that made sense to their Chinese readers. In this article, I examine how the February Revolution and the Provisional Government's prosecution of the war was reported by the Chinese media, thus highlighting how interpretations of historical events were unavoidably distorted by the circumstances of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. The Loan of Liberty issued by the Provisional Government turned out to be not only an apple of discord between political parties, but also once again put on the agenda the question: what is “patriotism”. This concept was widely used by the Russian authorities earlier and will be used in the future, and the appeal to its analysis on the basis of concrete historical materials cannot be but relevant. The purpose of the work is to show how various political parties related to the Loan of Liberty and, in this regard, what content they put into the concept of “patriotism”, with which the government associated the subscription to the Loan. Materials and methods. The implementation of research tasks was achieved on the basis of data from periodicals of the Bolshevik, Menshevik, Socialist Revolutionary and Cadet parties of Saratov, Samara and Simbirsk provinces. The methodological potential includes a comparative historical method, the application of which allows us to compare the assessment of the “Loan of Liberty” with various political parties, and on this basis to reveal what they understood by such a significant concept as “patriotism”. Results. The attitude of political parties in Saratov, Samara and Simbirsk provinces to the “Loan of Liberty” conducted by the Provisional Government is investigated. The attitude to the Loan, in turn, shows their assessment of the Provisional Government and its policies, the nature of the revolution, as well as the most important moral and political category of “patriotism”. The features of propaganda or antipropaganda of the “Loan of Liberty” by various political parties are considered. Conclusions. A study of the reaction of political parties in the region to the “Loan of Liberty” issued by the Provisional Government made it possible to conclude that the attitude to the Loan was an important element of party activity in the spring of 1917, and that the Loan was a marker showing the attitude of the parties to the government and its policies, especially in the social sphere and in relation to the war, as well as to the widely exploited concept of “patriotism”. Cadets who appeared after February 1917 on the right flank of the party spectrum supported the Loan, which meant the Provisional Government, the continuation of the war, and the economic policy in the interests of business as well. Patriotism for them was to maintain power and a strong state, defeat Germany along with the allies. A close position was occupied by the Socialist-Revolutionaries. The Mensheviks and Socialist- Revolutionaries of the center supported the Provisional Government and the Loan issued by it. Considering the revolution a bourgeois one, they were against breaking the bourgeois system. At the same time, they criticized business for the continued exploitation of the working classes and predatory profit at the expense of the working people. The Bolsheviks were the only ones opposing the Loan that would strengthen the government and allow it to continue the war and exploit the poor. Patriotism, from their point of view, consisted in the struggle for a change of power, the immediate end of the war and the transition to a more social policy.

After abolition of the Kalmyk Khanate in 1771 and through the February Revolution of 1917 its population was administered by the Astrakhan Governor’s Executive Office. In accordance with the Provisional Government’s policies a reorganization of the Kalmyk people’s administrative system was initiated. At the First Congress of the Kalmyk people held in March of 1917, the curatorial system was abolished and a decision was made to introduce local self-government headed by the Central Committee for Kalmyk People’s Administration in Kalmyk Steppe. Pursuant to introduction of the zemstvo an attempt was made to reorganize Kalmyk Steppe into a self-governing region (oblast). At the same time movement for conversion of the Kalmyks to Cossacks was initiated. After the establishment of the Soviet regime in Astrakhan Governorate, a Kalmyk Section was formed under the Governorate’s Executive Committee. It was able to create a system of soviets (councils), hold a number of the soviets’ meetings and form the Kalmyk Executive Committee with sectoral government bodies. The Kalmyk Executive Committee directed its activities to create national statehood on the principles of internal territorial self-determination.

This article intends to analyze the political processes occurred in Desterro from the Floriano Peixoto government hold, in 1891, until the end of the Federalist War and the dismissal of the Provisional Revolutionary Government, in 1894, taking into consideration the attitudes of the two preponderant political parties at the period in Santa Catarina, the Republican Party and the Federalist Republican Party, and their political positioning, as well as their actions in the press, recurring to their respective newspapers, trying to understand the ideological spectrum, the character and the personal interests of these groups whose conflict culminated in one of the biggest political crises in Santa Catarina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the poorly studied issue on the land property of Nicholas II after his renunciation of throne. The primary attention of historians to political elimination of autocracy sets the purpose to study motives, factors and events associated with the elimination of emperor’s land tenure in Russia. By the beginning of 1917 the lands included the Altai and the Nerchinsk districts under the Cabinet of his Emperial Majesty. Cabinet’s land tenure was considered to be personal property of the emperor. The authors show that for the first days of work the Provisional government hadn’t designated accurately its attitude to the land property of the overthrown emperor. Only on March 7 the Minister of Agriculture was entrusted to establish an order of management and use of the Cabinet’s lands. The pressure upon the Provisional government was conditioned by the tense situation developing during the February revolution in the Altai district, the largest possession of the emperor. After overthrow of autocracy the population of the region had initiated mass unauthorized capture of the woods, removal of local officials of the Cabinet in response to former tough policy of the Cabinet. Therefore new local authorities demanded the fastest solution of the question of Cabinet’s land tenure from Provisional government. Pressure from the region had influenced the choice of radical fate of Cabinet’s land tenure by the government. Lands and incomes of the Cabinet had been announced to be the property of the state. But the resolution of Provisional government turned to be ill-considered. It didn’t explain the legal bases of this transfer, the order of use of lands for the population of the region. In the Altai district the resolution of Provisional government led to disorder of a uniform complex of the Cabinet’s land. Elimination of the Cabinet property in the region had only strengthened resistance of local officials of the Cabinet and radical moods of the population concerning the former property of the emperor. E. V. Demchik analyzed the activities of the Provisional government on the question of land property of the overthrown emperor. P. A. Afanasyev revealed the regional context of the problem and the importance of the adopted government decisions.

The paper considers the problem of the Siberian region general crisis of the 1917 spring. The internal and external contradictions of the transformation process of socio-economic and political relations in Siberia are examined in terms of the post-February all- Russian revolutionary crisis development. The understanding of the socio-political Russian crisis in the spring of 1917, emerging after the February political coup, is essential in studying the revolutionary соnversion process of the early twentieth century Russian society, as this crisis has generally become the turning point in the country’s history and objectively led to the October political coup. The Russian revolutionary crisis constituents, its foreign and domestic manifestations require careful investigation in the issue formulation presented in the paper. The development specifics of the revolutionary crisis in the spring of 1917 in the trans-Uralian agricultural colony of the Russian Empire is of scientific interest, as well as the finding of its anti-crisis development scenarios in the paper presented period. The development of the nationwide crisis in Russia in the early twentieth century, due to the complex and contradictory processes of Russian society modernization in completing the industrial civilization and transition to the imperialist development stage, was complicated by the “Siberian historical issues” in the Siberian region. A set of these issues include the incompleteness of the regional peasantry land management, the contradictions between the old peasantry and Stolypin migrants, and also between the peasantry and the privileged regional Cossacks, the agricultural products export problems from Siberia to domestic and foreign markets, or marketing crisis, the contradictions between the regional and metropolis bourgeoisie, or the issue of the Siberians economic inequality, the local industry underdevelopment and the complete dependence of the local population on the factory products supplying from European Russia, or supply crisis, the lack of a country council, or the administrative inequality of Siberia as a colony and metropolis, etc. During the First World War, these problems worsened and led Siberia to a revolutionary situation. Started in Russia in February 1917, the revolution was an attempt to solve the “Siberian historical issues” personally by the regional population, whose social activity ultimately led to an acute socio political crisis of Siberia, which became a part of the national post-February revolutionary crisis.

One of the most difficult and contradictory periods of domestic history is examined in the article. Thus an author uses the wide circle of the archived materials, allowing completer to expose the specific of state-political process in 1917.

The article reveals the peculiarities of the activity of the First All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies. The authors elucidate the circumstances of the development of an agrarian resolution, which was signed on May 25, 1917. The issues discussed by the delegates at the congress were researched. The main provisions of the resolution and its importance for the development of agricultural legislation by the Provisional Government are outlined. The influence of the activity of the First All-Russian Congress of Peasant Deputies on the agrarian policy of the Provisional Government was investigated.

Based on archival materials and periodicals, the article analyzes the activities of public authorities in maintaining public order in the Bessarabian province in 1917. The author analyzed the political situation in the region. Particular attention was paid to legislative activities, food policies and antialcohol campaigns of the Provisional Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kerenskii was the most important actor in assuring the success of the February Revolution. He organized underground organizations to push the workers' strike movement that began on February 23 in Petrograd, and appealed to his Duma liberal colleagues to support the strike. When the soldiers revolted on February 27, he led the insurgents into the Tauride Palace, thus turning the Duma building into the epicenter of the revolution. He ordered the arrest of tsarist ministers, and created Kerenskii's headquarters to take revolutionary actions before the Duma Committee decided to take power. He helped create the Petrograd Soviet, and, after election as its vice-chairman, he straddled the Soviet and Duma Committee. Having learned of Nicholas II's abdication in favor of Grand Duke Mikhail, he played a major role in persuading Mikhail to renounce the throne, thus, in ending the monarchical system. The February Revolution elevated him to the pinnacle of power as the undisputed leader of the revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to explain the Revolution of 30, the military movement that brought Getúlio Vargas to power. To improve knowledge about the Vargas Era and its phases, between 1930 and 1945. Through the historical contextualization of the three phases, Provisional Government, Constitutional Government and New State, as well as its definitions and characteristics, that is, it seeks to identify Vargas Era contributed to the history and political formation of Brazil. A qualitative approach is carried out in the present research, based on the bibliographic study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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