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This paper compares the impact of citizen's charters in delivering services by Union Parishads in Bangladesh in Bengali-majority and tribal areas. Using a qualitative research method, the case study was used to look at CC implementation in a comprehensive and in-depth way. Interview and observation methods were employed to collect data. One hundred interviewees from each union, including service providers, service users, and LG officials, were consulted in equal numbers from May to July 2019. The findings of this study reveal that, although Union Parishads of both areas are implementing charters, their performance differs. Subjects of performance variation are timeliness of service delivery, cost of services and responsiveness of the service providers. Performance variation results from varying degrees of implementation of the citizen's charter, attributable to several factors that include citizens' awareness, knowledge and skills, implementation willingness, and performance monitoring of the local officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The massive influx of Rohingyas has become one of the world's worst humanitarian and human rights crises. The Bangladesh government does not have any domestic or international regulations to set up an administrative process to address the issue of Rohingya refugees. Recently, Bangladesh and Myanmar initiated the repatriation of around 3000 Rohingyas. Yet, the repatriation process has not been successful as none of the Rohingya agreed to return to Myanmar without citizenship rights and security. Against this backdrop, this study explores whether education can act as a solution to integrate Rohingya refugees into mainstream society in Bangladesh. Applying purposive sampling, primary data was collected through semi‐structured interviews, key informant interviews, and telephone interviews. Data analysis was performed through conversation analysis. The findings reveal that the integration of Rohingya refugees through education is a far‐reaching dream as refugee management and education policies do not permit the integration of Rohingya refugees into mainstream society in Bangladesh. Rohingya refugees have demanded education as their right to develop their self‐respect and dignity. In contrast, the Bangladesh government viewed education as a relief program rather than development and integration. This article supports the claim of academics that the Bangladeshi government should provide education to Rohingya refugee children from a development perspective to protect and ensure their self‐respect and dignity. Related Articles: Byrne, Jennifer. 2016. "Contextual Identity among Liberian Refugees in Ghana: Identity Salience in a Protracted Refugee Situation." Politics & Policy 44(4): 751–82. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12169. Harel‐Shalev, Ayelet. 2009. "Lingual and Educational Policy toward 'Homeland Minorities' in Deeply Divided Societies: India and Israel as Case Studies." Politics & Policy 37(5): 951–70. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00206.x/abstract. Ravi, Chaitanya. 2021. "The 1971 Bangladesh War and Policy Lessons for Climate Refugee Management in South Asia." Politics & Policy 49(1): 248–74. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12392. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This comparative case study explores the cultural obstructions that women members in reserved seats confront with regards to their political empowerment at the local council level – in the Gram Panchayat in India and the Union Parishad in Bangladesh. Primary data was collected from West Bengal in India and Rajshahi in Bangladesh between July 2018 and February 2019. The results are mixed, and varied significantly from country to country. Patriarchal behaviours are less dominant in the workplace for Indian women, whereas major challenges for Bangladeshi women come from their male colleagues. Proxy representation is still a significant form of male domination in India, while this is not a serious issue in Bangladesh. However, the interference of politicians is another form of male domination which restricts women from effective participation in local councils in India and Bangladesh. Harassment is extensively used to control women in politics in Bangladesh, whereas this is less exercised in India. Religion is no longer a dominant barrier to women's political participation in either countries. Women members in both countries should fight against patriarchal behaviour and male domination in order to create an environment where they can talk about women's interests in the decision-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]