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This paper examines the nature of global citizenship education in Chinese secondary schools by investigating what kind of global citizens these institutions try to develop in the twenty-first century. Drawing on qualitative data from six high schools in China, the study reveals a distinctive Chinese perspective shaping the understanding of global citizenship. Educators purposefully harmonise the attributes of global citizens with cultural and traditional values inherent to the Chinese context, actively seeking common ground while adhering to national government policies. The research underscores a deliberate effort to connect global citizenship with the necessity of adapting to international competition and China’s role in world leadership. Furthermore, notable variations emerge among schools in their conceptualisations of developing global citizens, reflecting diverse expectations aligned with the different strata of students within China’s highly centralised education system. This exploration provides insights into the nuanced nature of global citizenship education in Chinese secondary schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracies rely upon politically knowledgeable citizens for their legitimacy and to sustain themselves. In Australia, policy initiatives have addressed concerns about the low levels of political knowledge among young people. Yet research about how young Australians acquire political knowledge, beyond schools, is scarce. The present study referring to the concepts of situated learning, self-determination and knowledge gap, asks whether young adult's participatory practices (e.g., participation in politics, prior involvement in decision-making at school) predict political knowledge. Analyses that control for multiple predictors of political knowledge suggest differential associations between political knowledge and different participatory practices. Motivational inequality, as defined by interest in politics, moderates the associations with party-political participation and participation at school; the conditional effect of party-related political participation is further moderated by educational resources. Gendered differences are identified for some participatory practices. Directions for future research and the importance of participatory experiences and how to establish a foundation of young citizens' political knowledge are discussed.

The global financial crisis has impacted upon the way of life of young Europeans with great severity. Across most European countries youth unemployment has remained stubbornly high for many years, compounding the effects of the crisis on the social and psychological well-being of young people. Given that crises are highly likely to occur in the future are there ways to help prepare young people to build resilience to meet an unpredictable future? For a long-term approach to building youth resilience the role of the school is highly significant. Consequently this article asks--what are the elements in a school curriculum that can build resilience for times of crisis? The article explores the case of the Australian Curriculum: Civics and Citizenship as a possible approach to building resilience amongst school students. The curriculum identifies knowledge, skills and values that students may acquire through this curriculum that build resilience.

Building active and informed citizens is a major part of civics and citizenship education in order to enhance and sustain democracies. Civic learning and civic action opportunities within school contexts are commonly claimed to promote an active and informed citizenry. In the present research, we examine the meaning of formal civics education and the role of students' participation in a range of curricular and extracurricular activities. Multilevel analyses yield quite stable results across two cohorts of Australian secondary students and reveal that schools account for a surprisingly small share in students' willingness to participate in future civic and political action. Among the influences at the student level, formal civics learning, participation in student governance activities and in the community are the most significant predictors of intended future participation, but some effects vary conditional on whether more conventional or issue-related civic participation is the focus of active citizenship. Implications of these findings for democratic policy and practice are discussed.

Governments, international organizations and academics have, in recent decades, expressed a sense of crisis in the practice of democracy based largely upon increasing levels of disengagement by citizens from even the most basic elements of civic life. One response has been to devise civics and citizenship education curricula for schools with the concomitant expectations of enhanced civic practice. Our examination of citizenship education programs has revealed considerable variation from country to country in the degree of success achieved in the design, development and implementation of programs. This paper examines recent developments in citizenship education in four leading Western democracies--Australia, Canada, England and the USA; each one with its own particular successes and shortcomings. It identifies several factors associated with the successful building of curriculum capacity for citizenship education and argues that these are fundamental for countries wishing to move beyond rhetoric and toward substance in citizenship education. (Contains 1 table.)

Studies have found that prior involvement in student politics while in school seems to be a good predictor of adult political engagement. While most studies of adults have obtained retrospective data on participation in school elections, there have been few studies of students about this activity. We contribute to this latter relatively unexplored area by reporting the results from a national survey of Australian secondary school students about the relationship between participation in school elections and future intended political engagement activities. We found that voting in school elections is positively related to feeling prepared to vote as an adult, to being committed to vote when 18, to political knowledge, and to engagement in forms of peaceful activism. Running for student government office is related to political knowledge and participation in peaceful activism. These results reinforce the findings of adult retrospective studies, and show that participation in school elections serves as a beneficial experience in the preparation of students for life as an active adult citizen. The implications of these findings for the structure and conduct of student elections in schools are discussed. (Contains 5 tables.)

States commonly employ education policy to build a strong sense of citizenship within young people and to create types of citizens appropriate to the country. In Singapore the government created a policy to build citizenship through both policy statements and social studies in the school curriculum. In the context of a tightly controlled state regulating schooling through a highly controlled educational system, the government expected teachers to obey these policy documents, political statements and the prescribed curriculum. What do teachers understand about citizenship in this context? In schools do teachers demonstrate independence of thought on citizenship education or do they acquiesce to government policy? This article reports on a small group of social studies teachers' understandings of citizenship, and explores the nature of these understandings in the context of government policy. The study showed an unexpected diversity of conceptualization amongst Singaporean teachers with their understandings of citizenship located in four themes, namely a sense of identity, rights and responsibilities, participation, and national history. This response was unintended by government and reflects an independence of citizenship education landscape in schools, despite the tight policy and bureaucratic controls over teachers by the Singapore state.

Teachers understand and apply citizenship education differentially in traditional western democracies. But what of Asian countries where democracy is more recent and treated differently and where countries have traditions of highly controlled education systems? Do teachers have and demonstrate independence of thought in civic matters? This article reports on a study of social studies teachers' understandings of citizenship education, and how these understandings influence their teaching. We found that teacher understandings and practice of citizenship education were located in three distinct groupings, characterised as nationalistic, socially concerned and person oriented. This reflected a citizenship education landscape in Singapore that, despite tight controls, was not as rigid, prescriptive or homogenous as literature on the Asian region suggests. (Contains 1 table.)

Moral education can take many forms. With the end of the United Nations Decade for Human Rights Education (UNDHRE) (1995-2004), we critically review developments in human rights education (HRE) during those ten years in the context of moral education. We argue that, despite some modest successes, the decade lacked direction and a major impact and has failed to prepare a sound basis for securing HRE internationally. These outcomes largely account for the United Nations' (UN) decision in 2005 to initiate the World Programme for Human Rights Education. Meanwhile initiatives in defining the goals and practice of HRE have happened outside the UN context. Overall the UN's contribution to building HRE and moral education has, at best, been marginally successful due in large measure to the inherent weaknesses of the organisation as well as the UN's inability to engage member states. (Contains 1 note.)

Citizenship education in established democracies is challenged by declining youth participation in democracy. Youth disenchantment and disengagement in democracy is primarily evident in formal political behaviour, especially through voting, declining membership of political parties, assisting at elections, contacting politicians, and the like. If citizenship education is to play a major role in addressing these concerns it will need to review the impact it is making on young people in schools. This paper reviews a major national project on youth participation in democracy in Australia set in the context of a national citizenship education programme. The Youth Electoral Study found that citizenship education in Australian schools has at best been marginally successful and substantially more is required to raise levels of democratic engagement. The paper explores many opportunities available to education systems and schools to address these issues through reconceptualising aspects of the formal and the informal curriculum.

Examines the argument that societies that are significantly divided demonstrate less trust, civic engagement, and cooperation among members. Discusses it from the perspective of school programs of citizenship education in democratic and newly democratic states. Suggests there are lessons for divided societies wishing to enhance their social capital. (BT)

Report on a study of nationalistic education in secondary schools in Hong Kong. Findings show that civic educators were strongly eclectic in education for cosmopolitan, civic, and cultural nationalism and moderately eclectic in education for anticolonial nationalism but rejected education for totalitarian nationalism. (Contains 5 tables and 57 references.) (WFA)

Discusses four categories of instructional strategies for teaching civics and citizenship education and their implications for Asian schools: class-based, passive-cognitive; school-based, passive-cognitive; class-based, active-participatory; and school-based, active-participatory. Concludes that no one strategy alone will be effective, but research and experience suggest that a combination of strategies will likely be. (Contains 35 references.) (PKP)

Discusses the historical context of civics and citizenship education in Australia. Addresses the report by the Civics Expert Group, the government's response to the report, and the Discovering Democracy program and policy. Characterizes civics and citizenship education in Australia and considers its future. (CMK)