Search

Preference congruence between masses and elites lies at the heart of the study of democratic representation. In this article, substantiated by a meta-analysis of 154 studies published between 1960 and 2022, we show that the literature on mass–elite congruence has increased exponentially in the past decade. Despite the growing academic interest, the publications mainly focus on Western Europe and leave two critical blind spots. First, at the mass level, little attention has been paid to distinguishing between voters and non-voters and between independents and partisans. Second, at the elite level, presidents have been overlooked, including those studies examining presidential or semi-presidential democracies. In this article, we demonstrate the existence of two blind spots with a meta-analysis, explain their significance for political representation and test the extent to which they affect mass–elite congruence measurement. The article contributes to the comparative study of representation by illustrating how filling in these two blind spots is necessary to ensure a reliable and comprehensive assessment of mass–elite congruence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though they both held the same office, Donald Trump and Joe Biden could not have presented themselves more differently. Biden presented himself as the restorer of tradition after Trump was the disruptor. In this research note, we examine seven sets of speeches that hold constant either the timing or the setting to see if their rhetoric contrasted as much as the way they presented themselves. We find that the words and emotions that they invoked were not nearly as systematically distinct from each other as we expected. We argue that this result demonstrates that the power of the presidency as an institution is sufficiently constraining that even the most unorthodox candidate's rhetoric mirrors that of a traditionalist. When we do uncover some distinctions between them, those that exist are, for the most part, consistent with our expectations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Penambahan Masa Jabatan Presiden menjadi isu yang mengemuka dalam sistem ketatanegaraan, hal ini tidak terlepas dari adanya histori masa jabatan presiden lebih dari dua priode. Pasal 7 Undang - Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 mengatur mengenai masa jabatan presiden secara eksplisit. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelaah konsep anomali masa jabatan presiden dihubungkan dengan konsep republik. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa konstitusi menganut norma yang tertutup yang secara tegas membatasi hanya dua periode, menambah masa jabatan presiden adalah inkonstitusional kecuali pasal terkait diubah, namun yang lebih mendasar pembatasan masa jabatan presiden berkaitan erat dengan bentuk negara republik yang dianut oleh suatu negara. Republik bentuk pemerintahan yang berkedaulatan rakyat dan dikepalai seorang presiden. Pemerintahan yang dijalankan oleh rakyat dan bertujuan untuk kepentingan umum oleh karena itu penyelenggaraan pemerintah atas kehendak umum atau kepentingan umum.

This paper focuses on the socio-economic challenges created by the Covid crisis. More specifically, it examines the impact of the COVID crisis on CEO Pay balance in Nasdaq. The research focuses on the top 10 most valuable firms traded on the NASDAQ. The 2017-2019 period is taken as the pre-Covid period, the 2020-2022 period is taken as the post-Covid period, and the CEO Pay balance is compared across these two periods. For the CEO Pay balance, four variables are used. These are the Pay ratio (which compares the CEO's pay to the average employee’s pay), the CEO/President ratio, the CEO/Top Vice President ratio, and the CEO/Average Vice President ratio. First, the trends in each CEO pay balance variable over the sample period are examined. During the 2017-2022 period, the CEO Pay ratio more than doubled (i.e. a 150% increase), while the CEO/President ratio doubled (i.e. a 100% increase). These findings show that, during this period, the average employee and the President suffered relative to the CEO regarding their pay. When the CEO/Top VP and the CEO/Average VP are examined, the results show little or no difference. Therefore, VPs did well during this period. Non-parametric tests are then performed to compare the pre-Covid and post-Covid periods. The results show that the increase in the CEO pay ratio (i.e. compared to the average worker) was statistically significant. At the same time, the change in the other three variables were insignificant. Finally, regressions are run to see whether there was a significant change in each pay balance variable after COVID-19. After controlling for firm size, growth, leverage, and profitability, there is no significant difference in the CEO pay balance measures pre- versus post-COVID.

Objective/context: This article analyzes the affiliation of cabinet members in four post-transition governments in Mexico. The main goal is to contribute to the study of the role of parties in the dynamics of government formation. Methodology: The article is based on the description of an original database regarding the trajectory and partisan links of 148 secretaries of state in Mexico between 2000 and 2024. Conclusions: Our analysis shows that although alternation and divided government increased the incentives to appoint ministers with a political-partisan background, each president shaped their cabinet according to political circumstances and professional and political networks. Originality: A new proposal for categorizing the partisan profiles of ministers and their relationship with the type of cabinet appointment is tested by applying a partisanship index in ministries.

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colombia Internacional is the property of Universidad de los Andes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the classic powers of the president and heads of state is the power of amnesty. The limits and use of this authority differ from country to country. While the general amnesty eliminates all the consequences of conviction, the special amnesty is only a matter for the execution regime. In the Turkish constitutional system, the President has the authority to commute or remit the sentences imposed on persons, on grounds of chronic illness, disability or old age. When evaluated in the context of its definitions, it can be stated that the President’s power of amnesty included in the 1924, 1961 and 1982 constitutions is special amnesty. The special amnesty power of the President has a multidisciplinary nature that is within the scope of political science, public administration, constitutional law, administrative law, penal law and forensic medicine. The intense execution of the amnesty process for those convicted of terrorist crimes during the President Ahmet Necdet Sezer period drew the attention of the public to this area. The President’s special amnesty practices attract the attention of the public in cases where this process is run for people who are well known by the public. However, probably due to the multidisciplinary nature mentioned above, the subject remained in an area of relatively little academic interest. In the study, firstly, the theoretical foundations and infrastructure of the special amnesty granted to the President are discussed. Afterwards, the constitutional basis of the issue, the shape, nature and limits of the President’s power of pardon were examined in the light of the special amnesty decrees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent are local races across the country being increasingly driven by politics at the national level? In this article, we examine the nationalization of elections for state executive branches' primary front line legal actors in the criminal courts—local prosecutors. We seek to better understand the factors influencing prosecutor election outcomes and why these types of elections have become more nationalized in recent years. More specifically, we aim to evaluate what effect this greater nationalization has had on the electoral fates of incumbent prosecutors seeking re-election. To date, there is a paucity of scholarship on prosecutor election outcomes within political science despite their importance historically and in light of recent events. This article seeks to fill an important gap in our understanding of what drives prosecutor elections in the United States. More broadly, we believe this research helps us better understand how even these local elections can be impacted by national events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Indonesia entered the era of political reform after the collapse of the Soeharto in 1998, which was marked by an agenda of government reform, including reform within the military. Reforms and dismantling of the dual-single doctrine (Dwifungsi) brought the army back to the barracks, and regulations ensured the army focused on its duties as guardians of national defense. Later in Indonesia's political process, informal military groups played a role behind the scenes as part of the team that formulated strategic policies. This research analyzes the development of military reform and influence in Indonesia from the reign of BJ Habibie to Joko Widodo and the factors that influenced the development of military reform. This paper uses a qualitative approach to describe the informal power of military groups in the political turmoil in Indonesia. This article uses data collection techniques in the form of documentation studies with a content analysis approach from various studies and news. The informal political power of the military group had a different impact on numerous policies of the President of Indonesia after the reformation. In the era of President BJ Habibie, the military still dominated, although the president later gave limits, especially to stop the Dwifungsi ABRI principle. In the Abdurrahman Wahid era, the influence of informal groups declined relatively due to Gus Dur's frontal policies to enforcing human rights. During the Megawati era, retired military officers strengthened the military's influence in Benny Moerdani's circle of influence. Under SBY, the influence of informal groups can be seen in his efforts to revoke TNI's business units entirely in various fields. The influence of informal groups returned in President Jokowi's era with his policy of recruiting retired military generals in various strategic posts in civilian ministries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyses the circulation of a rumour in Cameroonian media, namely the fake news about the death of Paul Biya, the President of the Republic of Cameroon, who did not appear publicly at the start of the Covid19 pandemic, casting doubt on his state of health. We propose to use the biological model of virality to interpret the rumour as an expression of the immunity of the ‘social body’ that resists the ‘political body’, which has enjoyed absolute immunity since 2008. The Head of State is heavily criticised, among other things, for the armed repression that has been going on since 2017 in the country’s English-speaking minority territories. Therefore, this rumour seems to be paving the way for the visibility of an event unknown to international public opinion. While the spreaders of the rumour use enunciative erasure to protect themselves, the Head of State pursues his ‘strategy of silence’ by expressing himself by proxy.

The resignation of the Hungarian president in February 2024 not only proved to be a political issue, but also raised important questions of constitutional law. The event raised fundamental questions about issues such as parliamentarism, the separation of powers, political responsibility, and the separation of church and state. This paper presents a theoretic analysis, examining why reality seems to differ from constitutional law textbooks. Constitutionalists have generally interpreted the separation of church and state in an institutional way, considering the relationship between the various “structures”. In this paper, however, a different aspect of the topic has emerged, namely the intertwining of church and state positions. How should situations be handled when church leaders are involved in politics? This paper concludes that the relationship between the president and the government has changed drastically, even though the text of the constitution remains unaltered. This change has introduced the political responsibility of the president, an aspect that previously seemed unthinkable. Another aspect relates to the separation of church and state. It has become evident that this relationship is not just a structural matter, but one that also involves personal relationships.

The 2017–2018 constitutional reform amended the Constitution of Georgia and changed the political system of the country. The president has the responsibility to represent the country in international relations, but only with the approval of the government. Constitutional norms are not specific, leaving room for different interpretations. Article 78 of the Constitution obliges constitutional bodies to use all measures for European integration. Under this constitutional obligation, the president met with European colleagues, though without governmental approval. This provoked the ruling party to initiate the process of impeachment. The Constitutional Court of Georgia concluded that the president breached the Constitution, but the parliament could not impeach the president. The paper analyses the role of presidential representation in international relations and its constitutional responsibility in the light of Georgia’s European aspirations.

One of the difficult situations in government occurs due to the double vacancy of the President and Vice President offices. The country’s constitution must navigate this vacuum by providing for an Interim President to temporarily lead the government until a new President and Vice President are elected. In the constitutions of various countries, there are two models of Interim President, some give mandate to bureaucratic actors (Prime Ministers/Ministers) and some give mandate to legitimate actors (legislature of House of Representatives/Senate) to step up as Interim President. This paper aims to explain these two models in terms of filling public positions and presidentialism settings. The results of this study will be able to showcase the strengths and weaknesses of bureaucratic actors and legitimate actors when serving as Interim President, which supported with experience from various countries. With the help of socio-legal methods, this paper closes the theoretical gap in the constitutional and political law literature which has not explained these two models. Our paper shows that both have advantages in different aspects: the bureaucrat actor is superior in terms of policy because he was involved in the previous Government Cabinet, while the legitimate actor is superior in terms of politics because he has democratic legitimacy and was elected by the people and political parties. What is a weakness for one actor, becomes an advantage for the other.

During the revision of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran, due to the developments that took place in the management of the executive branch, article (130) mentioned the issue of the resignation of the president, only in short terms. In this paper, it is stipulated that "the president submits his resignation to the leader and continues to perform his duties until his resignation is accepted." Therefore, there was no specific reference to the terms and procedures for the president's resignation. It was also not mentioned that the law determines the details of this issue. Although there has been no case of the resignation of the president in the Islamic Republic of Iran, we cannot ignore the research on the terms and procedures for the resignation of this political official. Based on this, this paper, using a descriptive-analytical method and adopting a comparative approach, discusses the subject of the terms and procedures for the resignation of the president and, inspired by the constitutions of different countries, triesto present a clear outline regarding the above-mentioned subject.

The research paper aims to explore and analyze the constitutional dimensions surrounding the authority of the Supreme Court in Pakistan to extend the prescribed time frame for conducting general elections, as stipulated by Article 224(2) of the Constitution. The research delves into the delicate balance between adhering to constitutional mandates and addressing the exigencies that may necessitate the extension of election timelines for the proper functioning of parliamentary democracy. Drawing upon comparative perspectives from other jurisdictions, the research seeks to highlight the nuanced considerations that surround this constitutional issue, examining instances where similar challenges have arisen and the approaches taken to address them. By doing so, it aims to contribute to a broader understanding of the intersection between constitutional provisions, democratic imperatives, and judicial authority in the context of election timelines. The literature review traces the judiciary's historical evolution, emphasizing independence and highlighting a gap in jurisdiction during delayed elections. Using qualitative and doctrinal methodologies, the study explores the Supreme Court's role, addressing a literature gap on its jurisdiction in delayed election scenarios. Findings indicate context-dependent power to extend election timelines, stressing collaborative decision-making with the Election Commission and the President. This research underscores the Court's pivotal role in preserving democratic integrity amid intricate election timelines, emphasizing the contextual nature of its authority to extend election periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politiikka is the property of Finnish Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) is the property of Sakarya University Journal of Law Faculty (SHD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The subject of the article is the analysis of the causes, course and effects of the October 2020 revolution in Kyrgyzstan. Particular emphasis is placed on the consequences of this revolution, especially on the change of the system of government in Kyrgyzstan and its impact on security in the region of Central Asia. The entirety of the normative provisions of the Constitution of May 5, 2021, and in particular the regulations regarding the mutual relations between the executive and legislative powers, proves that the presidential system of government established on its basis in Kyrgyzstan differs significantly from the classical model of such a system of government. This is evidenced primarily by the right of legislative initiative granted to the President of Kyrgyzstan, the right to participate in parliamentary sessions, and the right to determine the subject of its sessions. The October Revolution did not affect the security architecture in Central Asia directly. However, the adoption of the presidential system of government in Kyrgyzstan, the difficult economic situation, as well as unresolved social problems may result in further mass social protests in this country in the future, which may have a significant impact on the relations, especially with Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reflects on the outgoing president's year in office and offers reflections on their journey as the 156th President of the Mississippi State Medical Association (MSMA). Topics include the discovery of a previous MSMA president from Pontotoc, a personal research into Dr. C. D. Mitchell's life and career, and a shared goal of increasing MSMA membership, which mirrors the historical focus of past leadership.

The electoral institution ensures the free expression of the will of the citizens in the choice of the ruler. The electoral institution is going through a difficult period not only within the post-Soviet space, but also in Russia, where it has to be adapted to the current global reality and the growing influence of network communications. Its modernization to a larger extent will depend on the understanding of its history. This study aims to conduct a comprehensive historical and political analysis of the electoral system development in contemporary Russia by looking at the institution of parliamentary democracy. For this, the study examines the approval ratings for the State Duma and the Federation Council, reported by the Russian Public Opinion Research Center between 2006 and 2020. Findings show that the current electoral institution had a significant impact on the establishment and consolidation of the political system of Russia at the beginning of the 21st century and in overcoming the consequences of the post-Soviet political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, the grounds behind Vladimir Putin's decision were widely debated. Theories suggest several reasons, including Putin's nostalgic dream of restoring Soviet imperial glory, Russia's fears of NATO security threats near their borders. But another explanation may be more prosaic: Putin's desire to restore his sagging popularity at home by attempting to repeat his 2014 "Crimea" strategy. By annexing territories in Eastern Ukraine, he may have hoped to generate a "rally-around-the flag" effect, boosting his domestic support by appealing to Russian patriotism and nationalism. To examine this thesis, Part I outlines the core concept and what is known in the literature about the size and duration of the rally-around-the flag phenomenon. Part II examines the available time-series survey evidence drawn from a variety of opinion polls in Ukraine, Europe, and Russia focusing on the first 8 months of the war to detect any rally effects associated with Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Part III examines the evidence of media effects. Part IV adds robustness tests. The conclusion in Part V summarizes the main findings and discusses their broader implications for understanding the roots of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Overseas presidential visits are an essential diplomatic activity that support official development aid (ODA) for humanitarian and strategic purposes worldwide. This study examines the effects of such visits on bilateral ODA allocation by focusing on South Korea, which achieved economic development through foreign aid, subsequently becoming a donor country. We find that presidential diplomatic visits abroad increase ODA agreements in visiting countries, confirmed through multiple robustness checks. ODA is increased through several aid delivery channels (concessional loans, public institutions and summit meetings in recipient countries) with heterogeneous effects across regions. Thus, political leaders' diplomatic visits are crucial to ODA allocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the exceeding of selected presidential powers regarding appointments in the Czech Republic. Included in the analysis were the presidential appointment powers set out in the Constitution, including the appointment of professors and rectors. All controversial cases of appointments from 1993 to 2023 involving Václav Havel, Václav Klaus, and Miloš Zeman were included in the analysis. The data collection presented 58 controversial cases, of which the author identified 19 exceeding cases. The results of this thesis provide insights into how presidential appointment powers are interpreted and how theoretical interpretation clashes with the practice of individual presidents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Disputes within the double-headed executive, whether concerning the appointment and removal of ministers, members of high state institutions, or even entire governments, have moved the Czech political scene in their time, but rarely have these conflicts been resolved in any other way than politically. This is why it is important to look at the not yet fully clarified relationship between the president and the government -- in terms of constitutional (and extraconstitutional) powers. The paper is primarily focused on the attempt to map the limits of certain powers, especially in the relationship between the president and the government, or between the president and the prime minister, who has a rather specific position in the Czech government. It focuses mainly on three types of disputes, namely resignation, dismissal, and appointment disputes. I then compare these with the situation in Slovakia, which is similar to the Czech Republic in its parliamentary form of government, but far from identical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roles of the head of state may vary depending on the regime in which they operate (monarchies/republics, parliamentary/presidential republics), their competence, and political reality. However, regardless of these criteria, the head of state always has a symbolic role -- representing the state or the nation and its unity. The introductory chapter briefly outlines the evolution of the position of the head of state from a bearer of sovereign rights to a symbol of the state and its sovereignty. The following chapters deal with the two symbolic functions of the head of state -- legitimizing and representative. The final chapter lightly touches on the topic of the influence of the personality of the head of state on the formation of symbolism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the president varies between political systems, and so does public opinion on presidents. One of the most evident factors distinguishing presidents in different systems is the constitutional strength of the presidency, which should impact how presidents are perceived by the people. Public opinion on presidents has mainly been studied in the context of classical presidential regimes such as the USA and Latin American countries, and we lack systematic empirical research on presidential popularity in other regime types and in the context of the presidents' constitutional powers. This article addresses this research gap by analysing whether the level of presidential powers explain variation in presidential popularity across different constitutional settings. Drawing on public opinion surveys and relevant contextual data from 15 countries, the results show that a higher level of presidential popularity is associated with weaker presidency and that the impact of the economy and electoral cycle is conditioned by the level of presidential powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article clarifies the constitutional and legal regulation of the delegation of legislative powers of the government in foreign countries, the role and significance of such delegation, compares the features of the implementation of the delegation of legislative powers in foreign countries, as well as with the history of the implementation of the corresponding delegation in state legal practice in Ukraine. It was concluded that in the science of constitutional law, the issues of delegation of legislative powers to the government, although they are studied, but, unfortunately, it is not enough for us. In the future, it is promising to develop a comparativist theoretical approach to models of delegation, its causes, features in parliamentary and presidential regimes, positive sides and disadvantages, as well as, most importantly, requirements for its implementation. It is the selection of the most successful models of terms, conditions of delegation, its subject, control over delegated powers, early termination of delegation, evaluation of the effectiveness of its implementation that could, in the future, when reforming the constitutional text, strengthen legal regulation in Ukraine. You should not be afraid of delegation. To date, it is rather carried out implicitly or covertly, formally violating the Constitution, by giving the government for ransom what the legislator should have regulated. Moreover, it can refer to quite a variety of issues. To date, the Constitution of Ukraine and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine have unequivocally closed any way to legislative delegation, although at the beginning of Ukrainian statehood, such delegation existed and even had a certain serious economic and legal effect. The Constitutional Court of Ukraine formally correctly assesses the unconstitutionality of delegation. However, this does not mean that the corresponding institution of delegation should not be constitutionalized and introduced into the legal field. This has been done in many European countries and their experience could be used by Ukraine. All the more so, taking into account the European integration aspirations of Ukraine. The article analyzes the experience of France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Croatia, which could be useful in the future in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research relevance is determined by the diverse constitutional approaches adopted by countries worldwide to address the critical issue of succession in the event of concurrent vacancies in the positions of President and Vice President. The study aims to correctly determine the appropriate acting presidency during extraordinary situations to ensure the continual rule of government. A doctrinal research method alongside a comparative constitutional approach to explore the constitutions of various countries. The study determined that there are legitimized and bureaucratic actors who compete with each other to become acting presidents when the positions of President and Vice President are vacant in various parts of the world. Countries that use legitimacy actors generally use the Speaker of the House of Representatives/Senate (legislative) as the acting president, while countries that use bureaucratic actors generally use ministers (executive) as the acting president. Legitimate actors are the officials to become acting presidents due to their capabilities to ensure stability based on democratic legitimacy stability, backed by votes. The practical value of this article is that it can be a source of knowledge for constitutional drafters when amending/changing the constitution because it has aggregated the arrangements for presidential duty executors from world constitutions and contributes knowledge from Indonesian experience that can be considered as material for discussion of constitutional amendments/changes

The use of autonomy to initiate force, which states may begin to view as necessary to protect against hypersonic attacks and other forms of 'hyperwar,' may effectively constitute a delegation of war-initiation decision making to a machine. Yet legal questions about whether and when the leader of a country may delegate their decision making to others – and normative questions about whether he should do so – can be complicated. Any state that intends to introduce significant autonomy into such systems should assess whether and how the use of autonomy in war-initiation comports with its domestic laws and norms that govern the delegation of the use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to investigate the reasons behind the origins of the ideal American society and its embodiment in the television series The West Wing. To this end, the factors that led to the success of the series will be explored, at the precise moment when the public’s viewing habits began to change, as they started demanding more complex and ambiguous dramatic characters. In this context, the article examines the way in which Aaron Sorkin, the creator of the series, approached the writing of the episodes, avoiding overly naive idealism without renouncing the aim of building bridges with the foundations of the American past. The study analyses the most important plots of the first four seasons and their links to the society that emerged in the New World. Despite the problems inherent in such an undertaking, the conclusions show how Sorkin’s dramatic skills managed to dramatize idealism in order to bring the series closer to 21st century audiences, avoiding the cynicism that was starting to take hold in society at that moment, yet at the same time adapting the conflicts of the plot to the level of complexity required by the audience. Moreover, the prestige of the series has outlived the years in which it was produced, as it is still viewed today, at a time when the innocent point of view has decisively disappeared. Among the findings of the study, one interesting fact is that the fictional president, Josiah Bartlet, was given the name of a senator who actually signed the Declaration of Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What puts the president in the crosshairs of threats? By examining a new data set of threats made against the president in the incoming White House mail from 1961 to 1965, this study argues that domestic and international events, especially politically controversial issues, serve as a provocation for political threats. We find that outside civil rights events more than approval or economic conditions drive threats to the White House. Although limited in time span, the implications of this study suggest that specific events, some of which the White House has little control over, spur increased threats made against the president. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists typically view unilateral action as the president "going it alone" in opposition to Congress. However, there is increasing recognition that, while such action may be unilateral with respect to Congress, its implementation relies on the cooperation of administrative agencies. In this article, unilateral action is considered an act of administrative delegation: in issuing a unilateral directive, a president is both authorizing an agency to act and indicating a discretionary window for such action. The article introduces the Administrative Delegation Dataset, which provides delegation and discretion scores for 1,641 presidential unilateral directives issued between 1936 and 2021. The scores are based on novel measures developed for the executive‐branch context, and the reliability and validity of the measures are discussed. I then use the dataset to show that the extent of delegation and discretion granted to administrative agents has shifted across modalities (executive orders, memoranda, proclamations) over time: the proportion of high‐scoring executive orders has been increasing, but that increase is offset by a corresponding decrease in high‐scoring memos. Additionally, I find that presidents use less administrative delegation in foreign policy than in domestic policy, which is consistent with existing literature on centralization of executive‐branch policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this research is to elucidate the interpretation of Article 22, paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, particularly focusing on the phrases "obtain approval from the House of Representatives" and "in the following trial." Employing a normative legal research approach, the study utilizes a statutory regulatory approach, a conceptual approach, and a case approach. The legal materials encompass both primary and secondary legal sources. The research findings delineate that the phrase "obtain approval from the People's Representative Council" in Article 22, paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia signifies: (i) the requirement for the President to submit the Perppu to the DPR for approval; and (ii) the discretion of the DPR to either approve or disapprove the Perppu. Meanwhile, the interpretation of the phrase "in the following trial" entails: (i) the period during which the Perppu is submitted to the DPR by the President; (ii) the initial session of the DPR following the submission of the Perppu; and (iii) the initial session period after the expiration of the maximum time limit for the President to submit the Perppu to the DPR.

In February 2024, Hungarian President Katalin Novak resigned after only 20 months in office. The formal reason, according to her own admission, was an insufficiently thought-out deci- sion related to the release from responsiveness of one of the defendants in the pedophile scandal in an orphanage. Although the decision was made in the spring of 2023, its details have been raised on the billboard by the opposition only now. Hungarian society reacted to the situation in different ways. Some were outraged by the «unacceptable frivolity» on the part of the country’s president, others felt that K. Novak should still have found an explanation for her action and not give up as easily as she did. Although not more popular than her predecessors, the current head of state never- theless successfully fit into the European mainstream for gender equality, becoming the first woman in this post in Hungarian history, as well as the youngest president of the country. And although the post of president has rather decorative significance due to the Hungarian constitution, there were still moments in Hungarian history when political contradictions between the president and the Prime Minister raised important discussions in Hungarian society. In this case, K. Novak could not rise to such a level, on the contrary, casting a shadow on the moral principles that Prime Minister Orban puts at the forefront of his policy. However, the search for a new contender for the Alexan- der Palace, where the residence of the Hungarian president is located, did not take long. According to the constitution, this takes a month. At the moment, the parliament has been invited to vote for the candidacy of the head of the Constitutional Court of Hungary, Tamas Sulyok.

The article examines the reconciliation mechanism of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China. Under tightening economic competition, the U.S. and China are implementing a set of measures to support national economies, aimed both at protecting the industries which are crucial for the development of the states, and at ensuring markets for the goods produced in the country. These observations have led to the hypothesis that the set of protectionist and liberalization tools in the economic policy of countries is combined and varied to ensure economic security and international competitiveness of national economies. Based on the analysis of indicators measuring the openness of the US and PRC economies as well as a number of examples of government intervention in the economy, the authors detect the trend towards the strengthening of protectionism in the economic policy of the states since 2008. Taking into consideration the research on the participation of both countries in globalization and integration projects, the authors determine the protectionist instruments implemented by China and the USA to improve the economic growth and competitive advantage of their economies. In particular, government subsidies, fiscal tools, administrative barriers, as well as tariff measures affecting the foreign trade of the countries under study have been identified. On the basis of the comparative analysis of certain indicators measuring the manifestation of protectionist and liberalization components in the economic policy of the United States and China, the authors highlight common and different trends in combining protectionism and free trade. The synthesis of findings has led to the conclusion about the complementarity and interdependence of the tools used in the economic policy of the states aimed at increasing the competitive advantages of national economies.

The article discusses Borut Pahor’s political career from his first steps when entering the Communist Party to the moment he prematurely ended his mandate as the prime minister of the Republic of Slovenia. By studying a wide range of media reporting, from online articles and interviews to appearances in entertainment shows, the author discerns certain constants in Pahor’s political engagements that put him, as an individual, in a unique as well as outstanding position in the otherwise rather polarised Slovenian political landscape. Due to his proverbial differentness or exactly because of it, his efforts to bring together both opposing political camps, as noted by the author, have been fairly unsuccessful but still appealing to the majority of the public, as demonstrated by numerous public opinion polls in the last two decades as well as the fact that he is the most “trophy- -winning” politician in the history of the Republic of Slovenia.