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Za główny cel badawczy przyjęto ustalenie czy państwa, które powstały w wyniku dekompozycji federacji jugosłowiańskiej, w pierwszym okresie po „usamodzielnieniu się”, były zainteresowane zawiązywaniem współpracy w ramach wspólnych regionalnych przedsięwzięć. Nadto, które z nich wykazały największą aktywność w tym zakresie, a które w stopniu najmniejszym. W związku z tym wzięto pod uwagę „tematyczne” formy współpracy regionalnej w zakresie rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznego, energetyki i infrastruktury, bezpieczeństwa, sądownictwa i spraw wewnętrznych oraz budowania zasobów ludzkich. Jak wynika z przeprowadzonej analizy największym zainteresowaniem cieszyło się partnerstwo na rzecz rozwoju gospodarczego i społecznego, w których wzięte pod uwagę państwa niemal w równej mierze wykazały wzmożoną aktywność, za wyjątkiem Słowenii, która – jak wynika z przeprowadzonej analizy – w stopniu jak najmniejszym była zainteresowana wchodzeniem w tego typu alianse. Podjęty temat jest zbyt mało omówiony, szczególnie w polskiej literaturze przedmiotu poświęconej państwom pojugosłowiańskim, stąd też– w mojej opinii – niewątpliwie potrzebna jest pogłębiona refleksja politologiczna w tym zakresie, namysł nad tymi kwestiami posiada walor poznawczy zarówno dla dyscypliny nauki o polityce i administracji jak też nauk o bezpieczeństwie. Artykuł powstał w głównej mierze przy wykorzystaniu metody badawczej właściwej dla dyscypliny nauki o polityce i administracji – metody studium przypadku. Post‑Yugoslav states – partnership in estabilishing „thematic” regional cooperation The main research goal was to establish whether the states that emerged as a result of the decomposition of the Yugoslav federation, in the first period after „becoming independent”, were interested in establishing cooperation within joint regional projects. Moreover, which of them showed the greatest activity in this field, and which the least. In this regard, ‘thematic’forms of regional cooperation in the fields of economic and social development, energy and infrastructure, security, judiciary and home affairs, building human resources were taken into account. As the analysis shows, the most popular was the partnership for economic and social development, in which the countries taken into account showed almost equal increased activity, except Slovenia which, as the analysis shows, was least interested in participation in such alliances. This topic is too little discussed especially in the Polish literature on the subject dedicated to hence, in my opinion, there is undoubtedly a need for in‑depth political science in this area, reflection on these issues is of cognitive value both for the discipline of political science and administration, as well as security science. The article was written mainly with the use of a research method appropriate for the discipline of political science and administration – the case study method.

The main thesis of this paper is that the preambles to the constitutions of post-Yugoslav states in the process of transition and subsequent transformation through new constitutional changes particularly emphasized the new political and ethnic identities of these states. In the process of the breakdown of Yugoslavia and its own constitution, all post-Yugoslav countries simultaneously reconstructed their political and national identities. This was especially reflected in the preambles to their respective constitutions, with Slovenia, Croatia, and Macedonia being immediately constituted on an ethnic basis, as sovereign nation states, while Serbia and Montenegro did so later, after the breakup of their common state, first the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and then the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Only Bosnia and Herzegovina was constituted on the civic principle, on the basis of the Dayton Agreement. In the preambles to the constitutions of all post-Yugoslav states, a new political identity was also expressed, based on a platform of a neoliberal conception of society. This is especially evident in the emphasis on the rule of law, social justice, liberal democracy, and civil society, human and minority rights, an open market economy, free movement of goods and capital, the division of government, etc. In the development of post-Yugoslav states, which has lasted almost three decades, one might say that their constitutions are in line with the principles of the modern political system, as expressed in the preambles to their constitutions. U ovom radu se kao osnovna teza istiĉe da su prambule ustava postjugoslovenskih drţava u procesu tranzicije i kasnijih tansformacija kroz nove ustavne promene, osobito isticale nov politiĉki i etniĉki identitet ovih drţava. Svaka postjugoslovenska zemlja, u procesu raspada Jugoslavije i svog konstituisanja, istovremeno je vršila rekonstrukciju svog politiĉkog i nacionalnog identiteta. To se naroĉito izrazilo u preambulama njihovih ustava, pri ĉemu su Slovenija, Hrvatska i Makedonija odmah konstituisane na etniĉkom principu, kao suverene nacionalne drţave, a Srbija i Crna Gora to su uĉinile kasnije, nakon raspada njihove zajedniĉke drţave SR Jugoslavije, a potom Drţavne Zajednice Srbija i Crna Gora. Jedino je Bosna i Hercegovina, po osnovu Dejtonskog sporazuma, konstituisana na graĊanskom principu. TakoĊe, u preambulama ustava svih postjugoslovenskih drţava izraţen je i nov politiĉki identitet, koji je zasnovan na platformi neoliberalne koncepcije ureĊenja društva. To se naroĉito vidi u isticanju vladavine prava, socijalne pravde, liberalne demokratije i graĊanskog društva, ljudskih i manjinskih prava, otvorene trţišne privrede, slobode kretanja roba i kapitala, podele vlasti i td. U razvoju postjugoslovenskih drţava, dugom skoro tri decenije, moglo bi se reći da njihovi ustavi odgovaraju principima modernog politiĉkog sistema, što je izraţeno najpre u preambulama njihovih ustava.

Nations and Citizens in Yugoslavia and the Post- Yugoslav States: One Hundred Years of Citizenship

Skúmanie štátov bývalej Juhoslávie je vďaka nesustále pretrvávajúcemu napätiu a sporom medzi jednotlivými etnickým skupinami naďalej aktuálnou témou. Nesporne dôležitým faktorom pri zmierňovaní medzietnického napätia je inkluzívna politika voči národnostným menšinám, ktorá môže predchádzať pocitu vylúčenia a marginalizácii menšinových záujmov najmä legálnou podporou reprezentácie národnostných menšín v parlamente. Takáto forma reprezentácia dáva národnostnej menšine možnosť podieľať sa na tvorbe politiky, rozhodovacom procese a deľbe moci a získať sebavedomie, že jej záujmy sú zastupované. Práve reprezentácia národnostných menšín v štátoch bývalej Juhoslávie je vpredmetom výskumu tejto bakalárskej práce, pričom na reprezentáciu je nahliadané najmä z hľadiska toho, akým spôsobom získavajú národnostné menšiny kreslá v parlamente a aký vplyv má volebný systém a jeho špecifické opatrenia na výsledné zastúpenie národnostných menšín v legislatívnom orgáne. Hlavným cieľom práce je tieto podmienky nadobúdania deskriptívnej reprezentácie navzájom porovnať a zároveň porovnať vplyv jednotlivých volebných systémov a špeciálnych opatrení využívaných v danej oblasti na mieru zastúpenia národnostných menšín v jednotlivých parlamentoch. Pre porovnanie daných reálii je využívaná komparatívna metóda. V úvode práce sú...

Nadrzędnym problemem badawczym było ustalenie relacji polsko-jugosłowiańskich w latach 50. i 80. XX w. biorąc pod uwagę podpisane akty normatywne przez polskę i SFR Jugosławii. W związku z powyższym zostały wzięte pod uwagę takie dokumenty/akty dyplomatyczne podpisane przez oba państwa jak: umowy biliteralne, oświadczenia, porozumienia, protokoły, konwencje konsularne polsko jugosłowiańskie podpisane w latach 50.-80. XX w. Szczególnie umowy międzynarodowe sprzyjały zacieśnieniu przyjaźni między państwami: Polską i SFR Jugosławii. The main research goal of the article titled “Polish and Yugoslav Relations in the Light of the Diplomatic Cooperation in the 50s - 80s of the 20th Century” was to establish Polish and Yugoslav relations on the basis of the criterion of the normative acts which were signed from the 50s to 80s of the 20th century. Thus, it was during the time before the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation when both states belonged to the group of socialist countries. At this place the following questions arise: firstly, what kinds of acts were signed by Poland at that time; secondly, what issues were addressed and thirdly, which decade during the time under the examination was richest in this type of diplomatic cooperation. Answering the first of the posed questions, it is possible to observe the nature of those acts which were mostly bilateral agreements or contracts and consular conventions. As far as the issues of the greatest interest are concerned, the most popular were scientific and cultural cooperation, tourism, transport, agriculture, food industry and generally speaking, the field of social policy. Whereas, in the decade of 50s of 20th century the normative acts were most often concluded.

Previous studies have shown significant macro-level links between traditional gender-role attitudes (GRA) and other undesired outcomes, such as the lower percentage of women in parliaments and in governments, as well as their lower literacy levels, economic activity, and education rates, indicating that cultural orientations may contribute to objective gender inequalities (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007 ; Jamal and Langohr, 2007 ; Brandt, 2011). More recently, based on available longitudinal data, Kirbiš and Tavčar Krajnc (2014) reported a modernizing trend of the GRA from 1995/8 to 2008 which took place in all the post-Yugoslav states. Building on previous work, the aim of the present paper was to examine longitudinal GRA patterns in a time of global economic crisis, from 2008 to 2015, analyzing representative national samples from the European Values Study 2008 wave and from the 2015 four-country project “Life-Strategies and Survival Strategies of Households and Individuals in South-East European Societies in Times of Crisis”. The results indicated that from 2008 to 2015 there was an overall trend of retraditionalization (the only partial exception was Slovenia), with respondents expressing more traditional GRA in 2015 compared to 2008 on both traditional GRA indicators. For one measure, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbia had the highest traditional GRA scores, followed by Croatia and Slovenia, while on the second, Serbia and Croatia scored the highest. The authors conclude that retraditionalization of GRA has coincided with the global economic crisis, which might further exacerbate gender inequalities in the post-Yugoslav states. The retraditionalization is discussed in terms of the existential insecurities economic crisis has caused.

Citizenship is usually thought of in terms of legal and political parameters setting the conditions for individuals’ statuses and rights, and so has been the case in its application to the post-Yugoslav context. With the primary interest in the “top-down” perspective, citizenship has been described as a tool with which new states regulated their respective citizenship bodies. But, equally, by granting us documents (passports, birth and marriage certificates, IDs, etc.) which connect us to a wider community, and by employing an array of ethnic, cultural and state symbols, citizenship instills us with a sense of belonging, membership and identity. Furthermore, through our enacting of rights and duties of citizenship, it becomes an inextricable element of our everyday experience. It is especially when questioned and contested that citizenship plays a significant role in how we perceive ourselves, how we appear to others and how intergroup relations are mediated. This paper focuses on personal narratives that reveal lived experiences of the triangular relationship between citizenship, identity and (national) belonging in the post-Yugoslav space. Its aim is to shed some light on a less examined perspective of citizenship transformations, and to complement the currently existing literature on citizenship regimes in the post-Yugoslav states with a bottom-up approach that treats citizenship in its identity-forming and recognition-bearing social role.

Citizenship is usually thought of in terms of legal and political parameters setting the conditions for individuals’ statuses and rights, and so has been the case in its application to the post-Yugoslav context. With the primary interest in the “top-down” perspective, citizenship has been described as a tool with which new states regulated their respective citizenship bodies. But, equally, by granting us documents (passports, birth and marriage certificates, IDs, etc.) which connect us to a wider community, and by employing an array of ethnic, cultural and state symbols, citizenship instills us with a sense of belonging, membership and identity. Furthermore, through our enacting of rights and duties of citizenship, it becomes an inextricable element of our everyday experience. It is especially when questioned and contested that citizenship plays a significant role in how we perceive ourselves, how we appear to others and how intergroup relations are mediated. This paper focuses on personal narratives that reveal lived experiences of the triangular relationship between citizenship, identity and (national) belonging in the post-Yugoslav space. Its aim is to shed some light on a less examined perspective of citizenship transformations, and to complement the currently existing literature on citizenship regimes in the post-Yugoslav states with a bottom-up approach that treats citizenship in its identity-forming and recognition-bearing social role.

Članak prikazuje jedno novije njemačko djelo u kojem je na interdiciplinaran način prikazan rat na području bivše Jugoslavije.