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In this dissertation, I give an overview of the grammar of San Cristobal Lachirioag Zapotec (SCLZ), a Zapotec language spoken in Villa Alta, Oaxaca, Mexico, and then I discuss in depth three topics in the nominal domain that have not been previously documented; the derivation of nominals, relative clauses, and possessives. I show that SCLZ is a VSO language that has what look like SVO sentences; when the subject is pre-verbal, the verb is followed by subject pronominal enclitics (S V=su O). I argue that some of the pre-verbal 'subjects' are topics, and that the post-verbal clitics are pronominal subjects. I provide an analysis for the structure of the nominal domain in SCLZ based on Cinque (2005)'s Universal Hierarchy. SCLZ nominals have the linear order Numeral > N > Adjective > Demonstrative, which is represented in ~ 11% of the over 2000 languages in Cinque (2021)'s corpus. I discuss the elements found in SCLZ nominals, including nouns, adjectives, diminutives/pejoratives, numerals, quantifiers, demonstratives, and determiners. I give a derivation that produces the linear ordering of these elements that involves raising the NP above AP, pied-piping [Num [NP AP]] above Dem, and then pied-piping [[Num [NP AP]] Dem] above the determiner. This produces the linear order [[[Num [NP AP]] Dem] Det]. I review wh-movement in SCLZ, and discuss SCLZ headed and headless relative clauses including free relative clauses and light-headed relative clauses. I show that SCLZ is consistent with Keenan & Comrie (1977)'s Accessibility Hierarchy. Lastly, I examine possessives in SCLZ. It has postnominal inalienable and alienable possessives, and a small class of nouns that take a retroflex possessive prefix. I give two potential analyses of the alienable possessive and an analysis for the inalienable possessive. One analysis of the alienable possessive involves pied-piping the possessum above the possessor to achieve the N > Gen order, and the other is a locative-based analysis where `of' and the possessor form a locative phrase.

There is a suffi cient number of research works devoted to the study of lexical- grammatical features of emotional lexeme fear in linguistics. But today the question of the functioning and transposition of this lexeme has not been fully studied in the modern Ukrainian language. The aim of the article is to analyze the functioning and transposition of emotional lexeme fear in the modern Ukrainian language, to reveal its semantics as a linguistic and cultural concept, and to determine the peculiarities of language expression. In the article, by means of the analysis of the defi nitions of fear in the Academic Dictionary of the Ukrainian Language, the Etymological Dictionary, and Dictionary of Synonyms, a description of the conceptual features of this lexeme is given, grammatical features are determined, and its transposition phenomena are analyzed in the system of the Ukrainian language. Lexical and grammatical features of the lexeme fea r are the same as in other abstract nouns, but similar use of the word, typical for nouns, is not limited by its functioning. Lexeme fear can be used as an adverb: 1) in the meaning of terrible; 2) in the meaning of expressing admiration, surprise, etc.; 3) in the meaning of extraordinary, very much. Regarding to the large number of someone, something, somebody or something very big, strong fear refers to exclamation The lexeme fear has a wide distributional opportunities: the noun fear + noun (where the main word is a lexeme fear , but this it can also be a dependent word); noun fea r + adjective that points to the emotional state, feelings, emotions of the person; verb + fear , where the noun fear acts as the object of action or state (a part of such word combinations is stable in its composition and structure, lexically indivisible and integral in terms of the meaning of the word combination, which have the function of separate lexeme, so they function as idioms in the modern Ukrainian language); possessive pronoun + noun fea r. The grammatical transformation of the analyzed word has affected not only at the loss of its original meaning, but also its compatibility with other words. Prospects of the research are the study of verbal representation of the emotional state of fear in a separate fi ction text.

This paper focuses on whether the concept of “speech variety” has value as a material-like “object” and whether academic research and outreach study a particular variety can “profit” both community residents using the variety and the academic community valuing the research on it. It examines these issues by exploring how economic processes of “valuation” apply to the discursive circulation of the proper noun Appalachian English and its logotype AE in communities using grammatical forms diagnostic of it. It draws upon ethnographic and interview data from southeastern Kentucky and southwest Virginia communities to argue that linguistic misrecognition of these forms constitute a redirected system of valuation that contradicts and undercuts the overt denotational function of Appalachian English in the academic or popular discursive contexts in which they appear. Examining the pragmatics and semantics of possessive pronoun construction, this paper further concludes that Appalachian English does not and cannot circulate as a valued noun in the existing verbal repertoire of the communities examined. What constitutes acceptable and authoritative knowledge instead becomes “stored” in Appalachian English so that its value is in its potential monopoly of knowledge sparingly distributed under specific protocols distributed by “professionals”.

This article examines accountability discourses in Alberta’s legislative debates on child intervention during the years 2016–19. I demonstrate that the supposedly apolitical discourse of accountability functions as a form of neoliberal and settler-colonial governmentality that reaffirms the legitimacy of settler state intervention into the pathologized Indigenous family. Using the death of Serenity in Alberta’s child intervention system in 2014, and the subsequent legislative debates surrounding her death and the lack of accountability in the child intervention system as a case study, I demonstrate that accountability as both a discourse and a mechanism moves between positioning Albertans-as-Victims, Albertans-as-Stakeholders, and, finally, Albertans-as-Responsible-Agents. Ultimately, I argue that shifting discourses of accountability, which move from governmental to societal to individual accountability, re-centre a relationship of settler possession in relation to the Indigenous Public Child, whose life and death become available for consumption by settler publics in exchange for governmental credibility and accountability.

This paper focuses on the syntactic-semantic analysis of Lithuanian and English compounds in mechanical terminology. The aim of the study is to reveal the components of semantic-syntactic relations of compounds in both languages. According to the theory and methodology of Olsen, LarssoN, and Keinys, the following syntactic-semantic relations of compounds were identified: determinative, possessive, copulative, and verbal governing. These types are dominant in English and Lithuanian. It was found that the essential feature of determinative compounds is the presence of both noun components. Possessive compounds usually have a single adjectival component and are metaphorical in meaning. Copulative compounds are both equivalent nouns that do not describe each other, and in English copulative compound components can be swapped, and the meaning would not change. The distinguishing feature of verbal governing compounds is that one component is a verb or verb-noun, which is usually the second component of a compound. The semantic-syntactic analysis showed that most of the compounds identified were determinative. The analysis of the determinative compounds by semantic class revealed that the most productive is the semantic class of purpose. This tendency was observed among the Lithuanian and English equivalents. Although while discussing the existing patterns of compound derivation, the most frequent pattern was N + N in Lithuanian and English, the present research identified other types as well. The following models dominated among Lithuanian compounds: Adj. + N, Adv. + N, and Num.+N, while the following dominated in English: Pr. + N, V + N, and N + Adj. Such results show that in the terminology of mechanics, the pattern of formation of both noun component compounds is the most productive among Lithuanian compounds and their English equivalents.

The present paper provides a methodological case study on how underlying incipient grammar change might be discerned even when frequencies of the incoming variant are apparently marginal and stable. Analysing the spread of tonic possessive pronouns in complements of locative adverbial constructions in European Spanish from a probabilistic perspective, more than 11,000 locative constructions from 1900 to 2004 were compiled, and probabilistic grammar change was operationalised as an interactive function between language-internal predictors and real time. The results reveal that numerous intralinguistic factors have been and are active in constraining the variation, with the innovation spreading significantly in spite of apparent stability in frequency. Crucially, the findings demonstrate that, even in a relatively standardised written language where the innovation has a considerably low frequency, the innovation grammaticalises along the same pathway as in colloquial vernaculars where the incoming variant is employed much more frequently.

English personal pronouns was still problem for students; especially students of Sekolah Tinggi Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan Surya Kasih. Therefore; it was important to conduct a research on students’ ability in using personal pronouns. The purpose of this study was to describe the students’ ability in using subject, object, possessive and reflexive. The participants of the research were 10 students the second semester students who programmed English subject. There were 30 item tests of personal pronouns. The results of the research showed that the students’ average score was 68 and the students’ level of ability on personal pronouns was enough. Based on the kinds of personal pronouns showed the highest score was 72,10 which is on subject pronoun then followed by object pronoun with the score 70,20 then followed by possessive pronoun with the score 67,80 and the lowest score was 64,70 which is on reflexive pronoun. This research claimed that the students found difficulties in using personal pronoun in English due to interference of Indonesian language as their first language.

Two 2nd person verbal indexation forms are reconstructed back to Proto-Trans-Himalayan (PTH): a suffix #-n(a) (Bauman 1975; DeLancey 1989, 2014; H. Sun 1983, 1995; van Driem 1993; Watters 2002), and a prefix #tV- (Watters 2002; Jacques 2012; DeLancey 2011a, 2014). While #-n(a) is in paradigmatic distribution with other suffixal forms, the prefixal position of #tV-raises the question of its functional origin. DeLancey (2011a, 2014: 23) suggests hypothetically that #tV- finds its origin either in a non-finite nominalization or in an irrealis nominalization, “ideal for an impersonal 2nd person use: ‘One might [speak]’ rather than ‘You will [speak].’” Through the comparison of cognate tV- possessive and tV- nominalizer prefixes found in rGyalrongic, Kuki-Naga (Ao), and Sinitic, I propose that 2nd person #tV- can be traced back to a nominal possessive modifier such as one’s or someone’s: a man-type of R-impersonals (Malchukov & Siewierska 2011). Spreading to verbs, #tV- was used as a nominalizer indexing the notional S or A argument. With nouns and verbs alike, the referent of the possessor, whether 1st, 2nd, or 3rd person, was specific (Siewierska 2011: 62), accessible in discourse, anaphorically or deictically, regardless of the presence of a coreferential overt noun-phrase. The prefix #tV- started to be used in particular to address 2nd person indirectly, a development likely triggered by pragmatic motivations, i.e. politeness, before being reanalyzed as a 2nd person indexation marker.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the typology of reflexives and reciprocals in English and MSA, which is a variety of standardized, literary Arabic used throughout Arab countries. It has shown that MSA morphologically encoded reflexives and reciprocals are in fact syntactically and semantically asymmetrical. It will be argued that morphologically encoded reflexives do not project an anaphor (an internal argument) syntactically and their morphological marker semantically serves as a reflexivizer, whereas morphologically encoded reciprocals do project an anaphor syntactically, realized either overtly or covertly. Concerning the distribution of such anaphor, the paper elucidates the admissible and in admissible environments. It is argued that MSA does not allow possessive reflexives, but allow possessive reciprocals such as the construct-state, whether it be a noun phrase or a locative prepositional phrase. This variation is accounted for by assuming that reciprocals occupy Spec of DP and therefore can be bound by an NP from a higher phase, whereas reflexives occupy a position lower than the D head and thus must be bound within their DP phase. Finally yet importantly, MSA override reflexives and reciprocals unlike their English counterparts, are always subject to the Principle A of the Binding Theory.

[Abstract] The possessive, locative, and existential sentences in Romance languages have similar logical structural properties. The first purpose of this study is to discuss some of the shared properties between possessive and existential constructions, and between locative and existential constructions in Old Sardinian. Previous studies have claimed that the similarities in Italo-Romance existential sentences arose diachronically upon a structural reanalysis of possessive and locative sentences and a grammaticalization of locative clitics to proforms. Consequently, the second purpose of this study is to find support for the claims in previous studies regarding the historical development of existentials by examining possessives and locatives with proforms, which are obligatory component in Sardinian existentials, and structures that can be interpreted both as possessives and existentials, as well as both locatives and existentials.

En este artículo indagaremos algunos de los puntos de partida que podría exigir una mímesis positiva en el terreno de la educación moral desde una postura esencialmente filosófica. Girard aparece como un gran desconocido para el mundo de la teoría de la educación y, sin embargo, su potente visión sobre el carácter del deseo nos ayuda a comprender algunos de los problemas que surgen en la visión educativa del role-modelling y que se convierten en el objetivo de nuestra investigación: las razones por las que alguien deja de admirar a una persona virtuosa y transita hacia deseos de tipo posesivo dominados por la envidia. Esta transición supone un reto para los que sostienen que el modelaje moral es una parte fundamental de la educación moral. Para tratar este problema necesitaremos conocer, asimismo, tanto el automatismo mimético y la rivalidad que surgen a menudo como consecuencia del deseo mimético, como el funcionamiento de la emoción de la admiración, cuya dirección intencional es opuesta a la envidia. El contexto de la investigación se realiza en función de lo ya obtenido al respecto en otras corrientes filosóficas, como los teóricos de la educación del carácter o de la teoría de las virtudes y cuyo recorrido académico no parece haber sido puesto en común con la filosofía de René Girard.

This article examines, how two Russian-speaking children (ages 9 and 11) learn Finnish morpho-syntactic structures in interaction in a transitional classroom at primary school. It also discusses whether the influence of the mother tongue is observable in the learning process. The study focuses on the development of prototypical possessive structure and standard negation. The data consist of 15 lessons, video-recorded during one school year. The episodes, including the structures used by the children, are analysed by drawing on the principles of conversation analysis. The analyses show that for both children the possessive structure appears to be more complex to learn than the standard negation. However, the children’s acquisition of these structures follows different paths. At the end of the semester, the younger child’s possessive has not become established in Finnish, whereas the older child has begun to use it in accordance with the target language norms. The negation, however, follows the target language norms, in both children’s speech.

In this review essay, I compare and contrast Peter Boettke’s The Struggle for a Better World (Mercatus Center, 2021) and Daniel Bromley’s Possessive Individualism: A Crisis of Capitalism (Oxford University Press, 2019). Each of these books considers the future of capitalism. Boettke’s Struggle sees capitalism as the only morally and economically justifiable system but that continual effort is necessary to ensure the capitalist enterprise succeeds. Bromley’s Crisis sees capitalism as a spent force that no longer does what it was meant to do—namely, improve the economic well-being of households. There are surprisingly many points of agreement in these books, most notably a concern for the downtrodden in society and an appreciation for the legitimation crisis confronting capitalism. There are also important differences that will give anyone interested in the future of capitalism much to ponder. Boettke sees unconstrained government as the primary threat to legitimacy; Bromley identifies the possessive individualism that lies at the heart of our current capitalist system as the source of the crisis. Both books make a significant contribution to our understanding of the institutions governing capitalist economies and powerful arguments as we contemplate the future of capitalism.

Resumen Gracias a los datos de los corpus linguísticos disponibles (CORPES, Corpus del español) y a la red social Twitter, este trabajo revisa las descripciones previas sobre el uso del posesivo en una serie de locuciones prepositivas y adverbiales (a gusto de, de parte de, en contra de, en vez de, en vista de, a modo de y en bien de) y actualiza varios hechos. De este modo, se comprueba que el posesivo más empleado es siempre el antepuesto (especialmente el de tercera persona), y que el posesivo pospuesto es posible, pero como opción minoritaria en todos los casos (con la tercera y primera personas), rasgo documentado sobre todo en el registro coloquial. El trabajo también revisa la concordancia entre el nombre y el posesivo. Los datos indican que esta concordancia se respeta, pero se documentan ejemplos de falta de concordancia, de nuevo en el registro coloquial (sobre todo con la primera persona). Por último, en cuanto a la complementación con la preposición de, se comprueba que esta se realiza, como cabría esperar, con el pronombre de tercera persona. Sin embargo, en el registro coloquial se documentan asimismo casos con las otras personas. Abstract Thanks to linguistic corpus data (CORPES, Corpus del español) and the social network Twitter, this work revises previous descriptions about the use of the possessive in a series of prepositive and adverbial phrases (a gusto de, de parte de, en contra de, en vez de, en vista de, a modo de and en bien de), and actualizes various facts. In this way, it is verified that the most used possessive is always the prenominal (especially the third person). The postnominal possessive is possible, but as a minority option in all cases (with the third and first persons); documented above all in the colloquial register. The work also checks the agreement between the noun and the possessive. The data indicate that this agreement is respected, but examples of a lack of agreement are documented in colloquial registers (especially with the first person). Finally, regarding the complementation with the preposition de, it is verified that it is possible with the third person pronoun. However, the colloquial register also documents cases with other persons.

Cet article rend compte des contraintes non catégoriques et multifactorielles qui pèsent sur le liage du possessif réfléchi de l’estonien, oma. Plus particulièrement, il y est question du liage du possessif réfléchi dans des constructions non canoniques à oblique dans lesquelles certaines caractéristiques subjectales sont présentées par le sujet grammatical (actant au nominatif) et d’autres par l’actant oblique (correspondant à l’argument le plus agentif). Les deux principales hypothèses sont que : (1) ces contraintes ne sont pas catégoriques, c’est à dire que le possessif réfléchi et le possessif de troisième personne ne sont pas strictement en distribution complémentaire ; (2) ces contraintes sont multifactorielles et reposent notamment sur le type de construction et l’ordre d’apparition des actants. Ces hypothèses sont vérifiées par deux expériences, l’une de jugement d’acceptabilité, l’autre par l’élicitation de possessif. This paper investigates the non-categorical and complex binding constraints on the Estonian reflexive possessive oma. Specifically, it investigates the binding of the reflexive possessive in non-canonical clauses in which characteristics associated with the subject are shared by the grammatical subject (nominative argument) and the oblique. The two main claims are: (i) these constraints are non-categorical: in other words, the reflexive possessive and the non-reflexive possessive are not in complementary distribution; (ii) these constraints are multifactorial and are based in particular on clause type and word order. These hypotheses are confirmed by two experiments: an acceptability judgement task and possessive eliciting task. See artikkel uurib eksperimentaalse keeleteaduse meetoditega eesti keele refleksiivse omastava asesõna oma sidumispiiranguid (binding constraints), täpsemalt selle asesõna sidumist mittekanoonilistes lausetes, st lausetes, milles subjekti tunnuseid jagavad grammatiline subjekt (nominatiivne argument) ja mõni teine argument (peamiselt omaja-kogejalausetes). Nendes lausetes võib oma viidata kas subjektile või mõnele teisele argumendile. Oma sidumist ühe või teise argumendiga mõjutavad mitmesugused tegurid (sidumispiirangud), mida ei ole seni põhjalikult uuritud. Artiklis püstitatakse kaks hüpoteesi: (i) need piirangud ei ole ranged, st refleksiivne omastav asesõna (oma) ja mitterefleksiivne omajat väljendav asesõna (minu, sinu, tema, jne) ei ole ranges komplementaarses distributsioonis; (ii) need piirangud on mitmefaktorilised ja sõltuvad eelkõige lause tüübist ja sõnajärjest. Neid hüpoteese kinnitatakse artiklis kahe läbi viidud katse tulemuste põhjal (lausete hindamise ülesanne ja omaja identifitseerimise ülesanne).

In modern Danish, the reflexive pronouns sin and sig differ in terms of their ability to corefer with a plural antecedent. The reflexive possessive sin typically only allows singular antecedents and the reflexive pronoun sig allows both singular and plural antecedents. Instead of sin, speakers use the non-reflexive deres to corefer with a plural antecedent. This difference between sin and sig is fairly new. Up until the beginning of the twentieth century, many speakers used not only sin but also sig primarily with singular antecedents and the non-reflexive counterparts deres and dem with plural antecedents. This usage pattern goes back to before the thirteenth century. In this paper I investigate the development in the use of sin and sig with plural antecedents. In the earliest runic sources of Danish from before 1000 AD, both sin and sig are used with plural antecedents. In the Middle Danish provincial laws from the thirteenth century, sin and sig are both restricted to occurring mainly with singular antecedents. This usage, reflexive pronouns/possessives with singular antecedents and non-reflexive pronouns/possessives with plural antecedents, is found in the spoken language at least until the twentieth century. However, I show with data from the spoken corpus LANCHART that the use of dem with plural antecedents has almost disappeared in modern Danish.

This paper aims at proposing a theoretical analysis that explains the noun incorporation process in the Tenetehára language (Tupi-Guarani). Thus, we attempt to answer the question: based on the assumptions of the Minimalist Program (cf. Chomsky, 1993, 1995), what is the formal feature responsible for motivating noun incorporation in Tenetehára? We consider two types of noun incorporation in the language under analysis, namely: (i) transitive predicates which become formally intransitive verbs as the internal argument is incorporated; and (ii) in the instances of possessive structures in internal argument positions of intransitive and transitive verbs, verbal valence is preserved, since only the possessee noun is incorporated. As for the syntax of noun incorporations, based on Baker (1988), we lay the foundation for further investigation about this morphosyntactic phenomenon within a minimalist approach (cf. Chomsky 1993, 1995). In summary, we propose that, in the Tenetehára language, the driving force responsible for the incorporation of the noun into the head of a vP is the [+non-individuated] formal feature. Este artigo tem como objetivo propor uma análise teórica que explique o processo de incorporação nominal na língua Tenetehára (Tupí-Guaraní). Assim, procuramos responder à seguinte pergunta: com base nos pressupostos do Programa Minimalista (cf. Chomsky, 1993, 1995), qual é o traço formal responsável por motivar a incorporação nominal em Tenetehára? Consideramos dois tipos de incorporação nominal na lingua em análise, a saber: (i) predicados transitivos que se tornam verbos formalmente intransitivos à medida que o argumento interno é incorporado; e (ii) instâncias de estruturas possessivas em posições de argumento interno de verbos intransitivos e transitivos, a valência verbal é preservada, uma vez que apenas o nome possuído é incorporado. Quanto à sintaxe das incorporações nominais, com base em Baker (1988), lançamos bases para futuras investigações acerca desse fenômeno morfossintático dentro de uma abordagem minimalista (cf. Chomsky, 1993, 1995). Em suma, propomos que, na língua Tenetehára, a força motriz responsável pela incorporação do nome ao núcleo de um vP é o traço formal [+não individuado].

Arabic has two models of adnominal possession: the Construct State and the Free State. Despite their superficial differences, these constructions are traditionally given a uniform analysis, in which their base-generated structures are identical, with differences residing in the movement operations that affect the possessor and the noun. This paper argues against a uniform analysis, based on new evidence from Noun Phrase Ellipsis. Specifically, I argue that the possessor in the Construct State merges in complement position of the possessum, whereas in the Free State, the possessor is an adjunct attached to a higher functional projection above the possessum. An important consequence of this analysis is that a possessor can be introduced in a headcomplement relation.

This paper examines the noun class system in Ikhin, an Edoid language in South-South, Nigeria. Unlike other related Edoid languages examined and investigated by various scholars, nothing has been said on the noun class system in Ikhin. The paper establishes noun prefixes and concord prefixes in modifiers such as demonstrative and possessive pronouns. Although inherited, this paper confirms that majority of the nouns are inflected for number by means of prefix vowel alternation. The study also confirms that the language maintains most of the noun class distinctions in Edoid languages. The paper examines morphological alternations and their implications for phonology. It is argued that vestiges of vowel harmony appear in the patterning of vowels in nouns and in the way vowels alternate in prefixes. Vestigial evidence of concord which is normally the hallmark of a noun class system in Edoid languages was discovered in modifiers such as demonstrative and possessive pronouns.

This study aims at investigating the distribution of the possessive pronouns in Modern Standard Arabic. It shows that when the possessive pronouns are used as reflexives they have implications for the word order. The different positions occupied by the objects are determined by the presence of these pronouns and the binding relations within the c-commanding domain. Building on the basic assumptions of Binding Theory, possessive pronouns are best treated as normal pronominal elements which are subject to condition B. However, when they are used as anaphoric elements in certain contexts, they have to be c-commanded by their antecedents. Depending on the derivational level at which c-command relation is established between the reflexive possessive pronoun and its antecedent, movement of the possessive pronoun along with the phrase containing is optional in certain structures or, in other structures, the pronoun becomes frozen in the position in which it is base-generated.

This article aims to adds to critical discussions around entrepreneurship in the Pacific. By drawing on an example of an entrepreneur from rural Solomon Islands, it illustrates how complex negotiations between cultural and commercial imperatives affect and influence cultural and economic decision making. The objective of this article is to argue for a more inclusive conception of entrepreneurship in development strategies; one that shifts from a narrow economic focus to consider entrepreneurship as a relational practice across possessive and distributive economic agencies to better understand the social, cultural, and economic goals that motivate and influence indigenous entrepreneurs.