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Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El presente texto explora algunas de las tendencias que relacionan las expectativas y actitudes del consumo entre las personas migrantes en España en el tiempo reciente, prestando particular atención al colectivo de personas procedentes de países latinoamericanos. Asimismo, se abordan las posibles relaciones que pueden darse entre las actitudes hacia el consumo y los posicionamientos políticos. Si bien se ha prestado gran atención a las posiciones desde el populismo de derechas y las opciones políticas más reaccionarias hacia la inmigración, en este texto nos planteamos cuál es el papel que ocupan las personas migrantes ante estos fenómenos. Para ello recuperamos los estudios realizados por el CIS de Índice de Confianza del Consumidor (ICC), explorando sus datos en varios periodos, teniendo en cuenta las implicaciones e impactos de la crisis de la Gran Recesión y de la crisis sociosanitaria y económica de la COVID. Concluimos que es necesaria una profundización en los análisis con respecto a los posicionamientos políticos y actitudes de las personas migrantes, así como del papel que ocupa el consumo en este proceso. Observamos posibles tendencias que apuntan a un vínculo entre consumo y recomposición del escenario político entre la población migrante de gran importancia en un escenario de recomposición.

En este trabajo se analizan algunos de los peligros con los que el populismo amenaza la democracia. Se argumenta acerca de si el populismo, que se presenta como la realización perfecta de la democracia, no es sino una forma regresiva de ese régimen político, su indeseable mutación genética. El artículo aborda la difícil y tensa relación entre democracia y elitismo; la condición carismática del líder populista, la desintermediación en su relación con el pueblo y la simplificación que hacen del discurso y asuntos públicos; la crítica que se dirige a los intelectuales y un cierto desprecio por la cultura y la educación de alto nivel; y, por último, se pone de manifiesto el desgaste que sufre el poder judicial y los mecanismos de garantía ante las continuas acusaciones populistas de falta de independencia o de elección directa de sus miembros.

El populismo está presente en la vida política y en la utilización del derecho penal, operando como fundamento real de las leyes penales que, por ese vicio de origen, dejan de ser las propias de un Estado social y democrático de Derecho. Las conquistas políticas y jurídicas del derecho penal, su orientación a la protección de valores y bienes necesarios para la convivencia pasan a un segundo plano ante los intereses populistas, sectarios por naturaleza, y que fían en la represión como respuesta única y mejor a todo problema social o a las acciones que se decide incriminar para conseguir el aplauso popular. La reflexión jurídica sobre la función y los fines del derecho penal es tildada de argumentación antidemocrática. La invocación de las víctimas, como seres olvidados por el derecho penal, completa la perversión de la ideología populista.

Young people have become the main targets of campaigns of European radical right-wing populist parties. The aim of this research is to analyze the messages delivered to the youth electorate by the political party Vox during the 19 June 2022 campaign for the Parliament of Andalusia (Spain). Critical discourse analysis (CDA) of a selection of general press sources and the party's electoral program revealed how nativist and conservative messages generated a unitary, essentialist and stereotyped vision of youth as part of the Spanish nation. Based on the emotionalization and spectacularization of the campaign and its protagonists, the retrotopic discourses were constructed from a double rhetoric of confrontation and victimization of the young population. From a gender perspective, the analysis also revealed that the emotional connection with young people was based on the male supremacy of Santiago Abascal and the subordination of the presidential candidate, Macarena Olona, whose media projection combined the traditional model of femininity with the image of a combative and competent woman, an exponent of the struggle for Spanish values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This study aims to evaluate the relevance of the category of populism when characterizing a party of the "new right," such as the Republican Party of Chile. Methodology: A discourse analysis of a corpus of texts representative of the ideology of the Republicans was carried out, considering four analytical dimensions: ideological description schemes, collective identification terms, populist statements, and the populist discursive style as embodied in the rhetorical ethos of the enunciator. Conclusions: Even though the Republican Party has been typified as radical, right-wing, and populist, neither the ideological schemes, the vocabulary, the utterances, nor the discursive style evidence a marked populism. In sum, other ideological frameworks better characterize the discourse of this party-in particular, conservative, authoritarian, neo-liberal, and neo-patriotic motives, framed with the signifier of a certain republicanism. Originality: The research allows a divergent interpretation of the parties of the new right, usually characterized as radical populist right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into populist communication based on the analysis that Vox's -- a radical right political party -- uses the press in its official X (Twitter) account. This is an exploratory work on how this political party uses the press to develop its postulates, based on quantitative content analysis. We analyzed messages that include material identified as proceeding from journalistic media and do not refer exclusively to the actions or members of the party itself. The corpus (n = 100) brought together all entries published between June 11th and July 22, 2022, with these characteristics. Based on Patrick Charaudeau (2021), we studied interpretive frameworks and intertextuality. Results: (a) a high presence of the press identified with a similar ideology; (b) extensive domain of interpretive frameworks that point out conflicts; and (c) tendency to grant the press to reinforce the desired interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the behaviour of the populist parties in the Spanish Parliament. This involved examining the type of initiatives submitted and the voting patterns in the chamber, as well as the themes in the agendas of two parties, Unidas Podemos and Vox, in the 12th and 14th parliamentary terms. The literature suggests that populist parties engage in defiant and uncooperative behaviour in institutions and proposed differentiated and concentrated parliamentary agendas. However, I argue that this behaviour can be nuanced by contextual, ideological and strategic factors. The analysis suggests that the Spanish populist parties reproduce and amplify pre-existing ideological and territorial divisions in the legislative institution, instead of introducing new logics of conflict (e.g., populism/anti-populism). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ensayos - Revista de Economía is the property of Ensayos Revista de Economia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El sistema de justicia penal se nutre principalmente de sectores de la población excluidos y marginados; ello nos lleva a reflexionar si la delin­cuencia se basa en un statu quo que adquiere el sujeto dependiendo de donde ha nacido y se ha desarrollado o hay algo más de fondo, como la propia mar­ginación que el sistema capitalista ha llevado a los más desfavorecidos. Esto, sin lugar a duda, ha creado una especie de sistema alternativo en el ámbito social, pues, como se ha podido observar en las últimas décadas, han incre­mentado de manera cuantitativa y cualitativa las legislaciones penales en los sectores donde la mayoría de los sujetos que cometen delitos pertenecen a estas clases desfavorecidas. Sin embargo, y contrariamente a lo que se podría pensar de inicio, dicho incremento en el sistema de justicia penal no se debe a un aumento de sucesos delictivos, sino más bien a diversos factores, como el miedo ciudadano provocado por medios de comunicación, entre otros. En el presente artículo se trata de poner de manifiesto las líneas y los accidentes que han provocado esta fisura en el derecho penal.

El populismo y el militarismo son fenómenos recurrentes en la historia reciente de América Latina. Partiendo de la hipótesis de transiciones democráticas fallidas en cuanto a la subordinación de los militares a la autoridad civil en el siglo XX, el artículo explora la relación entre transiciones democráticas, populismo y el papel de las Fuerzas Armadas y de Seguridad, para así contribuir al debate sobre la reciente hibridización y autocratización de América Latina.

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chilean historiography. However, there are few studies of whether his electoral base permits this classification or of the type of populism he represented. In his four presidential bids between 1927 and 1952, Ibáñez ran with the support of both left- and right-wing parties. Using municipal-level data, we assess his electoral support in the 1942 and 1952 presidential campaigns and support for Ibañista parties in the 1953 legislative elections. In 1942, Ibáñez's electoral base was similar to that of right-wing candidates while, in 1952, his support increased in areas where the Left was historically strong. While he received consistent support in agricultural areas, it fluctuated in mining and industrial areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an analytical scheme to study the impacts or effects that populism has on the democratic regime. Before, two types of literature in the conceptual and methodological dimension to support the proposal. Political science requires the concept of regime, proposals on the analysis of political change and recent debates about the democratic regime. From political sociology the effort to specify and historicize the populism so, present in Latin America, as well as some methodological proposals. At the end, a proposal for an analytical model is made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the implementation of progressive national policies and the adherence to numerous international conventions aimed at eradicating gender‐based violence and violence against women, incidents of violence against women in post‐war Sri Lanka are on the rise. This research delves into the intersection of post‐war populist politics supported by religious extremists and the resulting violence perpetrated against women, as well as its repercussions on women's well‐being. We are interested in locating the specific mechanisms through which religious extremism, authoritarian populism, and violence against women are connected. Our findings indicate that post‐war populist politics, backed by Buddhist religious extremists and the post‐war Sinhalese‐Buddhist hegemonic state's re‐building project, have generated dialectical relationships with Sri Lanka's minorities—Tamils and Muslims. These relationships are partially enacted through different forms of gender violence. This has consequences for all women. As successive confrontations deepen, the deterioration of these relationships exacerbates the likelihood of violence and reinforces a culture of impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious sentiments have become a potent tool for political elites, altering national identities and citizenship criteria. This manipulation, driven by majoritarian ideologies, has marginalized religious minorities, leading to discrimination, violence, and legal persecution against them. Hindu, Islamic, and Buddhist nationalisms seem to collectively erode secular democracy in South Asia. Moreover, right‐wing populist leaders, notably Modi in India and the Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka, have merged religious nationalism with authoritarian political orientations posing a challenge to democratic foundations and impacting significantly on the dynamics of state and societal relations. This is the context in which this World Affairs 2024 special issue delves into the relationship(s) between religion, politics, and authoritarianism in the South Asian region. It examines the evolving "religion‐politics" nexus or "complex" to explicate the relationship between religion and authoritarianism, particularly with respect to authoritarian governments mobilizing religion as a readily available resource for popular political mobilization, legitimization, and power consolidation. India's BJP employs Hindutva ideology to marginalize minorities, Bangladesh's regime uses Islam for political legitimacy, and Sri Lanka's Sinhala‐Buddhist nationalism fosters exclusionary policies. By fostering social and cultural polarization, this fusion of authoritarianism with religious nationalism poses a serious challenge to the secular state. The articles in this special issue explore these themes comprehensively, delving into the ideological foundations of political decisions and their consequences for marginalized communities. By shedding light on this multifaceted interplay, the collection offers valuable insights into South Asia's sociopolitical landscape, serving as a vital resource for scholars, policy makers, and global observers seeking to understand the region's complex dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the relationship between the rise of populist support and increasing rates of abstention in European democracies. Empirical studies have shown that populist parties are gaining traction among voters, while abstention rates are also on the rise, particularly among “temporary” abstentionists who refrain from voting due to situational factors. We delve into this matter by utilising an original survey on a representative sample of the Portuguese population conducted in 2020. The findings suggest that there are similarities between voting for populist radical right parties and abstention, particularly in terms of “protest” attitudes, which set them apart from supporters of non-populist parties. Additionally, the study indicates that both phenomena are influenced by short-term factors related to the supply side of politics. However, abstentionists are more likely to belong to lower socio-economic strata and exhibit lower levels of political interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism’s increasing prominence in politics raises questions about its definition and usage. Drawing on qualitative and quantitative text analysis, this article addresses how populism is portrayed in the Portuguese press, its associations, and discrepancies with academic discourse. Over a ten-year period (2012-2021), this study examines two media outlets to assess populism’s presence in the press before Chega’s parliamentary entry. Populism is often tied to international figures, in opinion pieces, under a negative tone, and typically associated with ideological positioning. The haziness and conceptual imprecision of populism extend beyond academia halls, although the media is significantly aligned with scholarly definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The covid-19 pandemic and its socioeconomic impacts led to fears that a kind of pandemic-fuelled populism could erupt in crisis-struck societies. Through a content analysis of parliamentary debates on issues dear to populists, we explore the impact of covid-19 on the incidence of populist rhetoric in Portugal in different moments of the pandemic and by different political parties. Our results indicate that, despite an increase of people-centrism during the first covid-19 wave, the pandemic globally decreased the prevalence of populist rhetoric, suggesting that parties’ adoption of populist frames under a crisis may be dependent on the nature of that crisis [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Resumo: Este artigo debate a relação entre populismos e transgressão estética num contexto de massificação, a partir de uma análise do lulismo e do bolsonarismo no Brasil. Dividido em três partes, o artigo a princípio retoma a ideia de Jacques Rancière de estética como “partilha do sensível” para discutir a conexão entre as performances transgressivas de líderes populistas e a mobilização de setores invisibilizados, frequentemente associados à noção de massa. Afirma-se que, para além do estilo de seus líderes, o populismo gera uma crise estética ao incluir massas invisibilizadas na esfera pública. A segunda parte estuda os processos de invisibilização e massificação contemporâneos, apresentando uma tipologia das massas no Brasil que distingue entre subalternos, precários e ralé. A terceira parte avalia como lulismo e bolsonarismo lidam com a transgressão e mobilizam diferentes frações das massas. Conclui-se que, para enfrentar o bolsonarismo, a esquerda deve resgatar a transgressão e se reconectar com as massas excluídas.

La investigación que se presenta a continuación busca analizar cómo Benjamín Netanyahu ha empleado las dos técnicas de propaganda política que Edward Bernays consideraba como necesarias para condicionar la Opinión Pública, simplificación y deformación, tras los atentados de Hamás en suelo israelí el 7 de octubre. A este fin, se ha empleado tanto una metodología cuantitativa mínima a través de la plataforma online Fanpage Karma, como una metodología cualitativa mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso sobre una muestra de 12 intervenciones de Netanyahu entre el 7 de octubre y el 24 de noviembre. Los resultados demuestran que la propaganda política del gobierno de Israel descansa sobre tres ejes discursivos: 1) la instrumentalización política del trauma colectivo del pueblo judío; 2) una retórica teológica que justifica las acciones bélicas; y 3) la vinculación del grupo islamista Hamás con el nazismo y el ISIS.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo ofrecer una perspectiva de la actual crisis de la democracia a partir del análisis del discurso político del populismo institucionalizado o populismo en el poder. Al analizar a esta forma de comunicación política, a partir de un enfoque performativo, se argumenta que una causa de la crisis democrática actual es la polarización afectiva, es decir, una forma de fragmentación social basada no en las diferencias políticas sino en una frontera identitaria, cuyo principal componente es la figura de un enemigo al que se despoja de su legitimidad para participar en la toma de decisiones colectivas que caracteriza a una democracia moderna. La construcción de este enemigo, por parte del populismo institucionalizado, se presenta como un significante performativo, es decir, como un elemento discursivo con el que se lleva a cabo una acción política, en este caso, la creación de un tiempo de polarización que provoca una crisis democrática entendida como una clausura de la constante búsqueda por ampliar libertades y derechos.

En este artículo presentamos un modelo evolutivo que muestra la posibilidad de ciclos políticos en los que élites populistas y no populistas se alternan en el poder. Las plataformas impulsadas por políticos populistas se presentan como alternativas para resolver problemas acuciantes que aquejan a la sociedad, sin prestar atención a los desequilibrios económicos o sociales que pueden generar, mientras que las políticas impulsadas por un gobierno no populista no suelen considerar las dificultades que desde hace mucho tiempo las políticas de crecimiento a largo plazo pueden generar en algunos sectores de la sociedad. En este trabajo mostraremos que este comportamiento puede dar lugar al surgimiento de ciclos de alternancia de poder entre gobernantes populistas y no populistas en función de las urgencias de la sociedad. Además, analizaremos las condiciones en las que la sociedad evoluciona hacia un gobierno populista con creciente aprobación ciudadana, así como la posibilidad de lograr un gobierno no populista con creciente apoyo ciudadano.

RESUMO: A literatura refere-se a populismo para qualificar tanto partidos políticos como movimentos políticos não institucionalizados, mas também o estende a certo tipo de política econômica, ainda que comparando governos de diferentes matizes e com práticas bastante diversas. A polissemia do conceito se atribui, em parte, porque os autores o utilizam com diferentes objetivos e designando fenômenos distintos, com implicações sobre a formulação e/ou execução de políticas econômicas. Diante disso, o objetivo deste artigo é investigar quatro aspectos centrais para o estudo do populismo. Primeiro, as origens do conceito. Segundo, suas dimensões analíticas distintas. Terceiro, os instrumentos de produção intelectual que embasam suas análises. Finalmente, o modo como tais instrumentos corroboram para a formulação de interpretações pejorativas das assim chamadas “experiências populistas”, que têm dificuldade para captar a relação entre populismo e crises econômicas. Para tanto, revisamos as diferentes interpretações do populismo atentando para contextos históricos e fundamentos teóricos e intelectuais. Com isso, pretendemos contribuir para uma nova agenda de investigação sobre o populismo como fenômeno político-econômico das sociedades modernas.

Unidas Podemos y Vox han trastocado el equilibrio de fuerzas en el Parlamento español. Sin embargo, aún no existe un consenso sobre cómo clasificar a ambos partidos y sobre si es correcto atribuirles el concepto en auge de ‘populismo’. Esta investigación, a través de una triangulación metodológica conformada por análisis de contenido, cuantitativos y cualitativos, y por entrevistas en profundidad, compara la comunicación y la identidad de estas formaciones durante las elecciones de abril y noviembre de 2019. Se evidencia que son dos proyectos populistas más parecidos de lo que a priori podría pensarse, y se estudia también el tratamiento que recibieron por parte de las principales cabeceras, a partir del cumplimiento de los factores propuestos por Entman para elaborar un frame. Obtenemos así una doble comparación, tanto entre ambos comicios como entre ambos partidos. Al mismo tiempo, quedan reflejadas las estrategias de estos últimos de cara a la construcción de sus frames, para responder a la escasa y crítica cobertura que les ofrecen los medios de comunicación tradicionales.

Expone los desafíos y oportunidades que enfrenta la democracia en la actualidad, tanto a nivel global como latinoamericano, para lo cual realiza un análisis de las tendencias de la democracia en el actual ciclo electoral latinoamericano y finaliza con la propuesta de una agenda que afronte el declive democrático promoviendo una democracia de nueva generación.

El artículo expone cómo la democracia política debe acompañarse de una democracia económica, puesto que la pauperización de las condiciones de las personas puede ser caldo de cultivo para que se instalen los populismos, la polarización y la posverdad, como las tres “p” que identifican al autócrata de Naím.

Este trabajo incluye algunas reflexiones sobre los desafíos a los derechos que derivan del populismo, de la tecnología y de la geopolítica.

Resumo Neste artigo discutimos se e em que medida as informações que circularam no WhatsApp durante as eleições presidenciais de 2018 poderiam caracterizar uma narrativa populista, e as relações desta com a democracia representativa e a ação conectiva. A partir da análise dos conteúdos veiculados nos grupos públicos do mensageiro, mostramos que estes apresentavam elementos que convergem para a caracterização tanto da narrativa populista, quanto das e-campanhas. Contudo, verificamos uma abordagem antissistêmica e odiosa, de caráter antipluralista, na qual o povo é incorpóreo e o líder é evocado, sobretudo nos conteúdos vinculados a Bolsonaro, o que sugere novas nuances do discurso populista autoritário na contemporaneidade.

The United States is enduring an identity crisis characterized by a polarized political climate precipitating an American culture war. In this battle the Republican Party has been overtaken by "Anti‐wokeism" allied with antidemocratic "states' rights" beliefs claiming an exclusive, antipluralist definition of republic. The extremist right in America insists that America is not a democracy, but a "republic" built to respect the status of a minority characterized as white, nationalist and Christian. "Anti‐wokeism" is an extension of Trumpism and MAGA (Make America Great Again), gathering together antidemocratic forces, fueled by resentment and theories of racial displacement known as the Great Replacement Theory. These forces are overwhelming the modern Republican Party, inspiring homophobia, misogyny, racism, book bans, and violence. This essay addresses the following four elements of this crisis with an eye to a renewed vision of America: (1) the difference between an 18th Century and 21st Century definition of a republic; (2) the antidemocratic states' rights movement; (3) the nature of strongman populism in American politics; and (4) a vision of diversity as the core principle of the American Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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