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Résumé: Les auteurs évaluent dans quelle mesure la loi péruvienne n° 31047/2020, qui accorde à la main‐d'œuvre domestique les mêmes droits et la même protection sociale qu'aux autres travailleurs, a réellement amélioré l'accès de ces employés à un contrat écrit et aux droits. À partir de données de l'enquête nationale auprès des ménages, d'entretiens et d'un groupe de discussion, ils constatent que les droits des travailleurs sont en grande partie restés théoriques, à la fois parce que l'État ne fait pas respecter la loi et parce que les employeurs ne l'appliquent pas, une situation permise par la «déformalité» de la société péruvienne. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Access to showers and water for washing clothes are issues for many temporary employees, such as truck drivers or seasonal workers. The article studies their practice, in Normandy and at the national level, first through the examination of statistical data and a remote survey. There is a whole series of more or less legal uses observed, which describe another vision of the city and of collective facilities, for example sports facilities. Care centers, sports and nautical equipment, restaurants for truckers in town are possible places for showers, but where this service is provided very discreetly. There is no explanation displayed, this service is implicitly reserved for drivers, with a few exceptions. Showers nevertheless contribute to the role of third places in cafés and third spaces in marinas. But this access is very vulnerable in the face of health crises or drought, and are insufficient. There remains an unthought of planning policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This themed issue, guest‐edited by Jurgen De Wispelaere and Troy Henderson, is devoted to examining, first, whether the widespread use of immediate and unconditional cash transfers as a policy response to the socioeconomic impacts of the COVID‐19 crisis has provided a boost to cash transfer programmes generally and to emergency basic income (EBI) policies more specifically. The set of articles then charts the reception of EBI‐type policies as a pandemic response in specific country or regional contexts, and reflects on their relevance for the future development of universal social protection and, especially, universal basic income (UBI). While the contribution to be made by basic income to realizing resilient and agile social protection policy responses merits serious consideration, in particular in a context where existing social protection systems are patchy and fragmented, important questions remain as to how to evaluate the time‐limited EBI crisis response in light of the more durable needs which a permanent UBI purports to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID‐19 pandemic led to widespread social and economic policy experimentation as governments sought to protect household finances while locking down economies. Cash transfers emerged as one of the most popular policy measures, leading many to reflect on new possibilities for enacting universal basic income through temporary or emergency interventions. We take Australia's pandemic response, and particularly its Coronavirus Supplement, as an example of this broader experimentation. We analyse the Supplement through the lens of an emergency basic income, arguing the measure reflected existing institutional structures and norms, forms of national and international policy learning, and vulnerabilities in Australia's liberalized housing and labour markets. While temporary, we consider how its apparent success might suggest ongoing policy relevance, either as a form of capitalist "crisis management" or as an alternative pathway for implementing forms of basic income. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The response to the global COVID‐19 pandemic has prompted a surge in short‐term universal cash transfer programmes around the world. Notably, East Asian high‐income economies have been at the forefront of these initiatives. While the innovative nature of these universal cash injections has been emphasized, there is limited documentation regarding their characteristics, prospects, and underlying motivations. This article sheds light on the domestic political and institutional processes that led to the implementation and design of universal cash transfers in Hong Kong (China), Japan, Republic of Korea, Singapore and Taiwan (China). Overall, the analysis reveals that, within the framework of universality, a nuanced, diverse and dynamic set of operational choices emerge. A range of factors shaped the adoption and evolution of these programmes, including, for example, political pressures stemming from political party competition and efforts to maintain political legitimacy. In general, design parameters are not only defined in technocratic terms, but are negotiated politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada responded to the COVID‐19 pandemic with a series of supports, including direct payments to workers displaced by public health measures. While not a true basic income, the experience highlighted a number of issues including challenges with implementation and intergovernmental relations that affected public opinion and must be dealt with by basic income advocates. The operation of the Canadian social‐liberal welfare state informed pandemic policy making and exhibited the path dependence of a deserving/undeserving binary that resulted in conditionality. The income supports associated with the pandemic represent a pragmatic response to an exogenous shock that highlights the inadequacies of existing policy and offers the possibility of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the COVID‐19 pandemic, cities in the United States of America developed more that 100 basic income pilots. This article examines the heretofore hidden impact of the pandemic on the future extension of basic income programmes at the sub‐national level. While the super‐majoritarian requirements of United States federal policy making keep the possibility of national‐level basic income remote, several features of basic income, including unconditional cash transfers and broad programme eligibility, have emerged as viable tools in state and local policy. Drawing on an inventory of basic income pilots and interviews with policy entrepreneurs, this article defines and then examines the phenomenon of "viral cash" and assesses the probability that the wave of basic income pilots will continue to grow after the pandemic. Conventional approaches to evaluating the diffusion of policies across jurisdictions focus squarely on policy. Appraising viral cash's future requires a shift to following the advocacy networks who move, adapt and combine basic income with other programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the connection between two related but distinct models of basic income proposals in the context of a pandemic emergency. While COVID‐19 appears to have increased interest in basic income, this often ended up taking the form of a temporary emergency basic income (EBI) instead of a permanent universal basic income (UBI). In this article we argue that the "dial up/dial down" model of basic income allows us to link EBI and UBI in a way that offers both a practical response to important implementation challenges in emergency policy making and a strategic argument in favour of UBI as a pandemic policy instrument. We illustrate our argument by contrasting the Renda Básica de Cidadania (RBC) in the municipality of Maricá, Brazil, with two comparable programmes in the same region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article aims to discuss the "Social Commitment" Project of Brazilian Psychology (PCSP) in the current conjuncture. The PCSP comes from the process of historical battles of Psychology in the 1970s, which also occurred in other areas, aiming for a knowledge committed to Brazilian and Latin American reality, and with its social transformation. Such assumptions demanded a theoretical-political movement with new methodological and ontological bases. Thus, we aim to discuss some of its limitations and potentialities: first, there is a historical presentation and contextualization of the PCSP and, later, a debate about its linkage to the scope of social policies. Anchored in the present situation, of intensifying barbarism, we conclude by signaling the need not only for a social commitment, but for an ethical-political project in Psychology that is oriented and contributes to another societal project [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supportive public policies are suggested as ways to lessen gentrification's impact for older adults. While explicit policies designed to help older adults with gentrification are rare, literature on age-friendly cities is a close proxy. We utilized three North American cases undergoing gentrification: New York City, NY, and Denver, CO, in the United States and Hamilton, in Ontario, Canada, to present existing neighbourhood-based policies as social determinants of health in housing, resource access, healthcare, transportation, and communal places. Age-friendly policy application gap examples and COVID-19's impact were included. Using a qualitative comparative case study method, we found policies were not specifically designed to address older adults' gentrification needs. With the call for age-friendly designations, the role of gentrification in neighbourhoods with older populations must be included. We call for gentrification-specific policies for older adults to provide greater safeguards especially when events such as COVID-19 compete for existing, over-stretched resources.

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This paper theorizes the nature of neoliberal social policy, making three substantial contributions. First, processes of "economization" are identified as a central characteristic of neoliberalism: economization constitutes a "bridge" between Foucauldian and (neo-)Marxist accounts of neoliberalism – two perspectives that are in many respects hardly reconcilable – because extending the economic logic to non-economic areas (neoliberalism as a governmental rationality) also potentially increases the profit-making opportunities in previously uncommodified domains (neoliberalism as a capitalist project). Second, the paper links economization processes not only to projects of austerity and welfare retrenchment but also to the more generous "social investment" agenda. Third, the paper highlights the central paradox of neoliberal social policy, whereby higher degrees of economization are associated with more generous social policy: more "social" versions of neoliberalism are those that ironically downplay the social logic, transforming social policies into economic investments. The paper also discusses the problems related to economization in terms of de-democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Superdiversity is a characteristic of contemporary societies that affects processes of social change and social policies. Using meta-analytical methods, this article reviews how superdiversity is addressed in the literature to better inform social policies from a sociological perspective. A search of the literature in English and Spanish revealed 76 articles using different methodological approaches over the period 2007–2019. The descriptors for the search were superdiversity, cultural diversity, migratory flows, global migration, population change, social interactions, social change, social complexity, social care, social policy, superdiverse contexts, age, gender and migrants/ superdiversidad, diversidad cultural, flujos migratorios, migración global, cambio de población, interacciones sociales, cambio social, complejidad social, cuidados, política social, contextos superdiversos, edad, género and migrantes. The main results are the identification of key aspects to inform social policies and promote sustainable social change consonant with the current social reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We introduce evidence that for-profit long-term-care providers are associated with less successful outcomes in coronavirus disease 2019 outbreak management. We introduce two sets of theoretical arguments that predict variation in service quality by provider type: those that deal with the institution of contracting (innovative competition vs. erosive competition) and those that address organizational features of for-profit, non-profit, and government actors (profit seeking, cross-subsidization, and future investment). We contextualize these arguments through a discussion of how contracting operates in Ontario long-term care. That discussion leads us to exclude the institutional arguments while retaining the arguments about organizational features as our three hypotheses. Using outbreak data as of February 2021, we find that government-run long-term-care homes surpassed for-profit and non-profit homes in outbreak management, consistent with an earlier finding from Stall et al. (2020). Non-profit homes outperform for-profit homes but are outperformed by government-run homes. These results are consistent with the expectations derived from two theoretical arguments—profit seeking and cross-subsidization—and inconsistent with a third—capacity for future investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses news media discourse analysis to investigate the highly contentious process of pension privatization retrenchment in Lithuania. In 2016, Lithuania began debating reforms on restructuring its poorly performing "second pillar" pension scheme – statutory funded individually defined contribution plans managed by the private sector. Pension reform is here conceptualized as a process of discursive contestation of the orthodox neoliberal consensus that prevailed in designing and introducing a private pension system in the early 2000s. By 2018, when a new Law on Pensions institutionalized a subsidized "nudge‐type" private retirement saving scheme, this process was legitimized by a newly prominent libertarian paternalistic ideology. Impacts of the discursive framing of pension reforms on their outcomes are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Canadian Review of Social Policy / Revue Canadienne de Politique Sociale is the property of York University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Globally, COVID-19 has caused disruption to all social institutions and sectors of the economy. Projections are that the pandemic is likely to deepen hardships already experienced by various groups in society, especially the vulnerable. As COVID-19 continues to unfold and spread, it has become apparent that the virus and its associated problems are more than biomedical issues. Against a backdrop where researchers and practitioners from public health, epidemiology, and medicine are dominating research, discussions and publication, the article advances the argument that sociologists are well qualified and positioned to explore the social causes, social consequences, and responses to COVID-19. Sociological input is pivotal to comprehensive understanding and development of effective responses to the pandemic. In this context, and specifically focusing on the family despite the complexity and dynamism attendant to this institution, the article contributes realtime insights on how the pandemic is unfolding in Zimbabwe and the associated responses, or their absence. The paper addresses lacunae in availability of quality and meaningful understanding of the pandemic particularly from the perspective of the family as the basic unit of any society in both urban and rural contexts. The lived experiences and situated meanings of COVID-19 at the family level are important in interrogating its implications to communities, the future and social policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The participation of women in Chinese society over past decades has been shaped by the shifting relationships between state, market and society as these have impacted on public and private spheres of life. The article looks at these relations from the point of view of the development of childcare policies for pre-school children by considering three main phases in the development of childcare policies in China. It then turns in more detail to the coping strategies available to working parents in contemporary times. It considers this in relation to new intersectionalities of gender, generation and income. Finally, the article looks forward to new policies to better enable the balance of work and care in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The effective implementation of social protection interventions is key for achieving positive change. The existing literature mainly focuses on issues related to programme design and impact, rather than the factors that influence the emergence, expansion and provision of these programmes. This article builds on the recent literature that indicates that the quality of institutions and people's preferences play an important role in the implementation of social protection. It does so by using Ethiopia and its Productive Safety Net Programme – one of the largest social protection programmes in sub‐Saharan Africa – as a case study, thereby contributing to debates on how to implement social protection more effectively, particularly in settings of widespread poverty and relatively low levels of institutional capacity. Based on primary qualitative data, the article finds that greater institutional quality at the local level is associated with the more effective provision of social protection. The ability of community members and social protection clients to voice preferences can lead to adaptations in implementation, although the extent to which this occurs is highly gendered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Cet article analyse les ressemblances et les influences mutuelles entre les gouvernements de Lázaro Cardenas au Mexique (1934-1940) et le Front populaire de Léon Blum en France (1936-1938). En outre, il met en lumière les relations diplomatiques officielles et les échanges politiques, économiques et culturels, que les deux gouvernements ont maintenus, dans la brève mais intense période, dans laquelle ils ont coïncidé. Ainsi, il établit que les politiques de nationalisation des secteurs stratégiques de l’économie réalisées par les deux gouvernements, ou de soutien apporté à l’évolution de la classe ouvrière dans leurs pays respectifs, constituent des points de convergence qui méritent d’être étudiés plus en détail.

Québec has been structuring and promoting a social economy sector since the mid-1990s. What explains this specificity of the Québec social model? Careful process tracing analysis reveals that the mobilization of Québec’s left in the mid-1990s, followed by coalition engineering during the 1996 economy and employment summit, account for Québec’s distinct trajectory. Consistent with power resource theory (PRT), at the agenda-setting stage, protagonists of Québec’s social economy policies were associated with the left. Contrary to what is assumed by PRT, however, at the decision stage, the right’s consent to social economy policies was not conditioned by a weak bargaining position or by a fear of antagonizing voters. RÉSUMÉ Le Québec appuie et structure un secteur de l’économie sociale depuis le milieu des années 1990. Comment expliquer cette spécificité du modèle social québécois? Une analyse attentive du retraçage des processus révèle que la mobilisation de la gauche québécoise au milieu des années 1990, suivie d’une coalition autour de l’économie sociale formée au moment du Sommet sur l’économie et l’emploi en 1996, expliquent la trajectoire distincte du Québec. De façon cohérente avec la théorie des ressources de pouvoir (PRT), à l’étape de la mise à l’agenda, les protagonistes des politiques visant à appuyer l’économie sociale au Québec étaient associés à la gauche. Contrairement à ce qui est supposé par la PRT, cependant, à l’étape de la prise de décision, l’appui de la droite à ces politiques ne reposait pas nsur un faible rapport de force ou sur une crainte de s’aliéner les électeurs.

Since the inception of the European Employment Strategy in 1997, individualized employment support has been a key priority of the European Union and its Member States. Nevertheless, empirical research on the delivery of individualized services for the unemployed is still underdeveloped. In this article, we explore how local employment agencies in three European cities tailor counselling and services to jobseekers' individual needs. We find that limited service budgets and underdeveloped organizational interfaces with social service providers tend to constrain the substantive individualization of services in practice, which works in the disfavour of vulnerable jobseekers. Individualized counselling is more widespread, at least for selected target groups. However, organizational capacities for offering individualized problem assessment and advice vary considerably across "worlds of individualization" in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]