Search

Der Band befasst sich mit den Grundlagen der gegenwärtigen Beziehungen zwischen zivilen Akteuren und staatlichen Machtstrukturen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf dem Themenfeld der öffentlichen Kontrolle von Streitkräften und der Frage, warum zivile Akteure ein wachsames Auge auf die militärische Institution sowie zivile Behörden, die den Einsatz von Gewalt legitimieren, haben sollten. Am Beispiel von Wehrpflicht und Rekrutierung als Schnittstelle zwischen Militär und Gesellschaft analysiert die Studie den institutionellen Wandel im politisch-militärischen Bereich im postsowjetischen Russland. In kritischer Auseinandersetzung mit der konventionellen Militärsoziologie verlagert das Buch den Fokus weg von der exklusiven Machtbeziehung zwischen politischen und militärischen Eliten im Kontext der nationalen Sicherheit. Stattdessen berücksichtigt es die menschliche und gesellschaftliche Sicherheit, d.h. die Bedürfnisse und Forderungen von Individuen und Gruppen an der Basis, die vom Militär und der herrschenden Sicherheitslage in Russland betroffen sind. Das Buch richtet sich an Leser mit Interesse an zivil-militärischen Beziehungen, gegenwärtiger russischer Gesellschaftspolitik und Theorien sozialer Bewegungen.

This book gathers the proceedings of the Multidisciplinary International Conference of Research Applied to Defense and Security (MICRADS 2023), held at Graduate School of the Colombian Air Force, in Bogota, Colombia, during July 6–8, 2023. It covers a broad range of topics in systems, communication, and defense; strategy and political–administrative vision in defense; and engineering and technologies applied to defense. Given its scope, it offers a valuable resource for practitioners, researchers, and students alike.

Dealing With Regional Conflicts of Global Importance offers a comprehensive examination of the post-Cold War global landscape, focusing on the outbreak and escalation of local and regional conflicts that have far-reaching implications. From the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan to the civil war in Ethiopia's Tigray Region and the Russia-brokered peace agreement in the Caucasus, these conflicts have shaped the international stage and pose significant challenges to global stability. Policymakers and professionals in the fields of current affairs and security studies can find essential tools in this book for understanding and addressing the violent conflicts occurring since 1991. Drawing on geoeconomics, geopolitics, security studies, and humanitarian perspectives, Dr. Piotr Pietrzak, an expert in International Relations Theory, Conflict Resolution Strategies, and International Law, delves into the roots of competition and cooperation among states. He explores influential concepts and debates, including Francis Fukuyama's'The End of History,'Samuel Huntington's'Clash of Civilizations,'and Joseph Nye's notion of Soft Power, to provide a theoretical and analytical framework for comprehending the complexities of global power dynamics. Covering an array of topics, from the regionalization of conflict and intervention to the role of international institutions, this book examines interactions between the United Nations, World Bank, regional organizations like CBSS, Vysehrad Group, and ASEAN, and geopolitical actors such as the European Union, Russia, China, and the United States. It also delves into critical issues such as human rights, genocide, wartime sexual violence, and the concept of humanitarian intervention. Dealing With Regional Conflicts of Global Importance is an invaluable resource for courses in geoeconomics, geopolitics, conflict management, international relations theory, and more. It challenges readers to expand their explanatory horizons and confront preconceived notions of truth in the realm of international relations. By examining the emerging multipolar world, China's One Road One Belt initiative, and the changing rules of competition, this book equips readers with the knowledge needed to navigate the complexities of the global stage and work towards a more peaceful and stable future.

This book argues that treating politics as war derails essential democratic processes, including deliberation and policy argumentation, in complicated ways. “Politics is war” is not always just a figure of speech, but often a sincere expression of how people see disagreement—they mean it literally—and they use it to evade the responsibilities of rhetoric. This book takes the metaphor seriously. Using a series of case studies ranging from the 432 BCE “Debate at Sparta” to Bill O'Reilly's recent invention of a “War on Christmas,” Deliberating War illustrates pathologies of deliberation that arise when a community understands itself to be at political war. This book identifies recurrent rhetorical strategies that constrain or even effectively prohibit deliberation, such as deflecting, reframing, threat inflation, appealing to paired terms, claiming moral license, radicalizing a base. In short, what seems to be an effective solution to an immediate rhetorical problem—using hyperbole and demagoguery to persuade people to adopt a specific leader or policy—is a trap that prevents democratic practices of compromise, deliberation, fairness, reciprocity. Unhappily, threat inflation—even when well-intentioned--At some point, hyperbolic rhetoric becomes threat inflation, and then that inflated threat becomes the premise of policies, both foreign and domestic. And then agreeing as to the obvious existential threat posed by the Other and uniting behind the obvious policy solution is a necessary sign of being on the side of Good. Once communities become persuaded that they are in an apocalyptic battle between Good and Evil, politics as war can quickly become real war—often with far-reaching and catastrophic consequences.

Das vorliegende Buch untersucht die Entstehung und Entwicklung der Lebanese Forces als Miliz im libanesischen Bürgerkrieg (1975-1990) und ihre Transformation in eine politische Partei nach dem Ende des Krieges bis in die heutige Zeit. Als eine der wichtigsten Parteien des Landes spiegelt die Entwicklung der Lebanese Forces die wechselhafte Geschichte des Libanons seit dem Bürgerkrieg wider. Durch die Untersuchung der Organisationsstrukturen sowie von Mitgliederprofilen und Ideologie werden die Kontinuitäten und Diskontinuitäten der Parteigeschichte in ihrem historischen Kontext sichtbar gemacht und aufgezeigt, wie das Erbe des Krieges die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen des Libanons auch Jahrzehnte nach dem Ende der Gewalt prägt.

This work provides comprehensive, practice-oriented coverage of ballistics. It explains the principles and calculation methods for the main four areas of ballistics, regardless of calibre, drawing on numerous facts, observations and examples from the author's decades of experience. Interior ballistics: The characteristics of explosive materials (detonating agents and propellants), methods for calculating gas pressure and the velocity of projectiles and rockets during the acceleration phase, alternative systems for accelerating projectiles and the acceleration of fragments. Intermediate ballistics: The dynamics of the moment at which the projectile leaves the muzzle and propellant gas is ejected from the barrel, effects on the person or structure supporting the weapon and approaches to resolving questions regarding shots from close range in criminology and forensic medicine. Exterior ballistics: The forces acting on a projectile and methods for calculating them, models for calculating trajectories (including the ballistic coefficient), gyroscopic projectile stabilization theory and aerodynamic optimization of projectiles. Terminal ballistics: Empirically-derived facts and data. The principles of ballistic protection design, ballistic testing problems and possible solutions and a comprehensive discussion of ricochets – a matter of considerable importance in forensics. This book is intended for ballisticians, military personnel, police officers, criminologists, shooting range specialists, sport shooters, hunters and anyone else with an interest in ballistics.

This book explores multidisciplinary perspectives on critical issues in space from the viewpoints of New Zealand and other nations. It brings together the topics examined at the Otago Foreign Policy School 2022 by both domestic and international experts in the area of space, and includes the opening address on space policy delivered by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. This book takes a multidisciplinary approach to New Zealand's growing space sector in conjunction with other nations'perspectives on space. It encompasses space science, military and defence matters, space tourism and astronaut rescue, and international legal and policy frameworks, while taking into account future considerations. Readers such as academics, students, policy advisers, diplomats, government officials and others engaged in the field of space will find value in this book. It will appeal to think tanks and international institutions grappling with the complexities that are presented by the outer space domain.

This book advances the theory that “democratic peace” does not exclusively refer to an absence of war among democracies but should also be thought of as a particular way of “doing, thinking, and feeling” peace. Democratic peace is not only then a statistical finding or a rhetorical commonplace invoked to justify foreign policy decisions. Rather, the notion also refers to a historically and culturally situated practice.Taking this reconceptualization as the theoretical point of departure, the author develops a historical reconstruction of democratic peace laying bare its historical background and assessing its political significance. Tentatively situating it within the cultural history of modernity, he reconstructs how the idea of a democratic peace informed diplomatic action at the onset of the Cold War and during the Arab Spring.The primary audience are researchers in international relations, specifically democratic peace theorists, peace researchers, cultural sociologists, and international practice theorists.

Das vorliegende „Handbuch Geschosse“ ist die 2. Auflage des letzten im Verlag Stocker-Schmid, Dietikon, Schweiz, 2013 erschienenen Buches „Geschosse Gesamtausgabe“. Dieses war bereits nach kurzer Zeit vergriffen. Auf Grund vieler Anfragen nach einer Neuauflage, fand sich nun im Springer Verlag ein neuer Herausgeber. Die Untertitel - Ballistik - Treffsicherheit - Wirksamkeit - Messtechnik verdeutlichen das Ziel des Buches: Es geht nicht um eine katalogähnliche Beschreibung von Geschossen, sondern um Hintergrundwissen zu deren ballistischem Verhalten, zu den Kerngedanken ihrer Konstruktionen, zu den Einflüssen auf das Treffen, zu den Grundlagen ihrer Wirksamkeit und zu den Problemen der ballistischen Messtechnik. Der Inhalt bleibt damit allgemeingültig und betrifft alle Geschosse, alte und neue. Der Autor Dr. sc. forens. Beat P. Kneubuehl, Diplom-Mathematiker, arbeitete 33 Jahre lang als Leiter der wissenschaftlichen Stabsstelle Ballistik im Erprobungszentrum Ballistik, Waffen und Munition des Schweizer Verteidigungsministeriums. Er entwickelte nicht nur die maßgebenden ballistischen Computerprogramme, sondern war auch sehr oft in leitenden Funktionen bei Versuchen aller Kaliber auf den Schießplätzen anwesend. In verschiedenen Gremien der europäischen Normenorganisation (CEN) und der NATO widmete er sich den Problemen des ballistischen Schutzes und der Wirkung von Geschossen. Nach der Promotion zum Doktor der Forensischen Wissenschaften wurde die kriminalistische Ballistik zu einem weiteren Schwerpunkt seiner Tätigkeit. Von ihm sind im Springer-Verlag bereits die Standardwerke „Wundballistik, Grundlagen und Anwendungen“ und „Ballistik” erschienen.

Die hybride Kriegsführung entwickelt sich zu einer langfristigen strategischen Herausforderung für die NATO und die EU. In diesem Buch werden ihre konzeptionellen Grundlagen, Akteure und Technologien aus einer ganzheitlichen, systemischen Perspektive untersucht. Insbesondere die neuen, disruptiven Technologien haben eine katalytische Wirkung auf die hybriden Methoden und Instrumente. 19 Technologien erweisen sich als besonders relevant. Sie verbessern die Ausgangsbedingungen für hybrides Handeln, erweitern das Arsenal hybrider Akteure und verbessern die Reichweite und Erfolgsaussichten ihrer Aktivitäten.

In den 1970er Jahren konzipierte Ekkehard Krippendorff seinen politökonomischen Ansatz der kritischen Friedensforschung. Seine These lautet, dass Außenpolitik und der Einsatz militärischer Gewalt in der Außenpolitik auf den objektiven Interessen der staatlich verfassten Gesellschaft beruhen, die in den Reproduktionsbedingungen dieser Gesellschaft wurzeln. Leider hat kaum jemand diesen Ansatz im Rahmen einer empirischen Studie konkret angewandt. Dies geschieht in dem vorliegenden Buch. Diskutiert wird unter anderem die Frage, warum die Bundeswehr in Mali ist und inwiweit sie dabei eher Teil des Problems oder Teil der Problemlösung ist.Im Mittelpunkt steht die These, dass die objektiven Interessen Deutschlands, in Deutschland und weltweit, vielfältige ökologische, soziale und politische Probleme in sich bergen, weshalb es notwendig erscheint, die Reproduktionsbedingungen und damit die objektiven Interessen zu verändern

This book demonstrates that the disciplinary boundaries present within international relations approaches to security studies are redundant when examining social media, and inter- and multi-disciplinary analysis is key. A key result of the analysis undertaken is that when examining the social media sphere security scholars need to “expect the unexpected”. This is because social media enables users to subvert, contest and create security narratives with symbols and idioms of their choice which can take into account “traditional” security themes, but also unexpected and under explored themes such as narratives from the local context of the users'towns and cities, and the symbolism of football clubs. The book also explores the complex topography of social media when considering constructions of security. The highly dynamic topography of social media is neither elite dominated and hierarchical as the Copenhagen School conceptualises security speak. However, neither is it completely flat and egalitarian as suggested by the vernacular security studies'non-elite approach. Rather, social media's topography is shifting and dynamic, with individuals gaining influence in security debates in unpredictable ways. In examining social media this book engages with the emancipatory burden of critical security studies. This book argues that it remains unfulfilled on social media and rather presents a “thin” notion of discursive emancipation where social media does provide the ability for previously excluded voices to participate in security debates, even if this does not result in their direct emancipation from power hierarchies and structures offline.

This Open Access book describes the history of the relationship between the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF), the heir to the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN), and the United States Navy (US Navy), with a focus on the individuals who helped build it. Former enemies who fought fiercely on the seas and in the air during the Pacific War, the two navies came to respect each other in action. Soon after the war, when the Cold War turned hot, they began to work together as allies, driven by their respective national interests. With the generous assistance of the US Navy, the JMSDF was established as its counterpart. Over the years, these two navies have gradually built strong ties. Individual officers and sailors on both sides overcame mixed feelings about their erstwhile foes to feel respect for and trust in each other. This was made possible by conducting countless joint exercises and operations at sea. US Navy leaders began to realize that this small maritimeforce, notwithstanding domestic political, constitutional, and legal limitations, does its job well, is reliable, and can be fully trusted. The JMSDF realized that, sharing common interests and values, there was no better navy in the Asia-Pacific region to ally with. Over seventy years of accumulated shared experiences have transformed this into perhaps the most successful navy-to-navy partnership in the world. The US-Japan maritime alliance today is anchored in this history. Numerous admirals, officers, and sailors of the two navies working together have greatly contributed to the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region for the past seven decades. This book is intended for readers interested in the history of US-Japan relations and for naval officers and sailors from the US and other countries. It is the author's sincere desire that they read this book and appreciate the longstanding cooperation between the JMSDF and the US Navy.

Am 4. September 2009 ordnete der deutsche Oberst Georg Klein im Rahmen der ISAF-Mission in Afghanistan einen folgenschweren Luftangriff bei Kundus an, der die grundsätzliche Frage nach der Legitimität des Einsatzes militärischer Gewalt in Krisen- und Kriegssituationen aufgeworfen hat. In diesem essential wird untersucht, wie die Legitimität des Luftangriffes medial dargestellt und dabei auch konkurrierende Identitätskonstruktionen deutscher Außenpolitik verhandelt und offenkundig wurden.

This book ​addresses one of the most profound transformations in international governance: the proliferation of regime complexity. Regime complexes can be found wherever state interests clash. Thus, even in one of the most constitutionalized of institutional environments, the European Union (EU), regime complexity features prominently – especially in European defence cooperation, where states have created competing institutions overlapping in their mandates to organize armaments cooperation or defence planning. The tense relationship between the institutions of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and those of NATO is well-known. Yet inter-institutional conflict is not limited to this dichotomy. It extends to institutions beyond these two frameworks, such as those of the former Western European Union and regional defence cooperation frameworks such as the Nordic Defence Cooperation (NORDEFCO), or OCCAR – a minilateral armaments agency. All these institutions have partially overlapping membership structures and mandates and therefore rival authority claims in the field of European defence. This book uncovers the hidden regularities of the ongoing battle for institutional authority among EU member states.

This book provides a state-of-the-art analysis of India's foreign and security policies, examining e.g. the country's security, economic and trade ties and interactions with Pakistan, China, the United States, Japan, the Middle East and ASEAN. Furthermore, the contributors provide the reader with an overview and analysis of the quality and challenges of India's regional and global trade and investment policies. While in the past India has been a reluctant and not particularly prominent foreign and security policy actor in East and Southeast Asia as well as globally, China's resurgence and its assertive and increasingly aggressive regional security policies have led India's policymakers to reconsider the country's decades-old non-alignment policies and opt for expanding security and defence ties with the United States, Japan and others. The Indian-Chinese border clashes in 2020 and China's unlawful occupation of disputed territories along the Indian-Chinese border in the Himalayas have convinced Delhi's policymakers and the country's security and defence elites that India is well advised to join and contribute to US-led China containment policies. The expansion of India's security and defence ties with Japan over recent years in particular will continue to be instrumental to keeping Beijing's territorial expansionism in Southeast and South Asia in check. This volume analyses India's involvement and engagement in regional and global trade and investment structures and flows in great detail. Written by a team of prolific European and Indian scholars, the book will be of interest to researchers in the fields of international relations and security studies, as well as policymakers at governmental or international organizations.

This book addresses the links between war, state and sovereignty using an interdisciplinary approach. The authors and editors investigate the transformation of the state through the practices of security governance - an effective way to question the evolution of authority and legitimacy of state violence, and the organisation of human societies. This work contributes to the understanding of the transformation of state through the prism of security challenges and provides the means to identify the evolution of their regalian contours, the legal and technical forms of regulating violence, and the legitimisation of public power. This volume shows that the contribution of the social sciences is decisive for understanding the changes of the role and insertion of armed forces in their political, social and professional environment.

Soziale Medien haben die Kommunikation und Interaktion in der heutigen Gesellschaft grundlegend verändert. Sie werden nicht nur von Privatpersonen genutzt, sondern sind auch in Organisationen des öffentlichen Sektors wie den Streitkräften allgegenwärtig. Dieses Buch untersucht die Chancen und Risiken von Social Media im Kontext der Streitkräfte aus einer internationalen, sozialwissenschaftlichen Perspektive. Es erörtert die Auswirkungen sozialer Medien auf den Alltag von Militärangehörigen und analysiert, inwieweit soziale Medien deren Leistung beeinflussen, sei es als Ablenkung oder als Quelle wahrgenommener Wertschätzung. Sie beleuchtet insbesondere die Darstellung von Männlichkeit und Weiblichkeit in militärischen Social-Media-Kanälen, da die Art und Weise, wie das Geschlecht in den sozialen Medien dargestellt wird, Auswirkungen darauf hat, wie sich zukünftige Rekruten und - am anderen Ende des militärischen Karrierespektrums - Veteranen angesprochen fühlen. Das Buch befasst sich auch mit der neuen Form der Folgediskussion, die es den Streitkräften ermöglicht, mit der Bevölkerung zu interagieren. In den sozialen Medien werden die Streitkräfte öffentlich präsentiert, was die Meinung der Öffentlichkeit über sie prägt. Außerdem können die Streitkräfte die Debatten als Instrument zur Beobachtung der Einstellung der Gesellschaft zu ihnen oder zu Ereignissen, die sich auf die Gesellschaft auswirken, nutzen. Umgekehrt können die sozialen Medien den Militärangehörigen eine Stimme verleihen und ihnen ermöglichen, sich öffentlich Gehör zu verschaffen. Da Diskussionen in sozialen Medien nur begrenzt kontrollierbar sind, verändert der Kontext, in dem die Streitkräfte diskutiert werden, ihren Einflussbereich und führt möglicherweise zu einem Kontrollverlust. Ein extremes Beispiel hierfür ist die Nutzung sozialer Medien als Instrument zur strategischen Verbreitung von Fehlinformationen, um die öffentliche Meinung zu beeinflussen und die nationale Sicherheit zu gefährden. Darüber hinaus führt die Nutzung sozialer Medien zur Demoralisierung von Gegnern oder zur Beeinträchtigung ihrer Glaubwürdigkeit dazu, dass soziale Medien als Cyberwaffe betrachtet werden, die Politik und militärische Aktivitäten beeinflusst.

This book investigates the history and role of the United Nations Command (UNC), which is important not only for the Korean Peninsula but also for East Asian security. The UNC has played a crucial role in maintaining peace on the Korean Peninsula divided by South and North Korea for the past 70 years. However, little is known about how the U.S. administration has perceived the role of the UNC and what policies it has implemented. It is known that the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations tried to dismantle the UNC in the 1970s, but eventually decided to reduce it rather than eliminate it. In this context, this study greatly helps us understand the true importance of the UNC by finding out the decisive reason why the U.S. did not remove it. According to the study, past official documents confirmed that the U.S. has recognized the UNC as the basis for maintaining the regime of the armistice on the Korean Peninsula. Historically, no studies have tracked U.S. policy on the UNC through primary data.Currently, the U.S. is implementing a policy to revitalize the UNC, which had been reduced, in order to stabilize the East Asian region. Some say that the U.S. is trying to establish a kind of regional security system centered on the UNC. In any case, the study is crucial to understanding the true role of the UNC, which has recently attracted immense attention. Therefore, this book would be intriguing for experts around the world who are interested in the security in the Korean Peninsula.

This edited volume, the second volume in this collection, provides a comprehensive overview of contemporary debates and issues in Canadian defence policy studies. The contributors examine topics including sexual misconduct and the crisis of defence culture, personnel retention in the CAF, the impacts of climate change, NORAD modernization, policy trade-offs in the wake of the war in Ukraine, defence spending, procurement, as well as the defence policy making process.

Has any war in history gone according to plan? Monarchs, dictators and elected leaders alike have a dismal record on military decision-making, from over-ambitious goals to disregarding intelligence, terrain, or enemy capabilities. This not only wastes the lives of civilians, the enemy and one's own soldiers, but also fails to achieve geopolitical objectives, and usually lays the seeds for more wars down the line. Conflict scholar and former soldier Mike Martin takes the reader through the hard, elegant logic to fighting a conclusive interstate war that solves geopolitical problems, and reduces future conflict. In cool and precise prose, he outlines how to orchestrate military forces, from infantry to information, and from strategy to tactics.

In diesem Buch wird anhand empirischer Untersuchungen die Beziehung zwischen Nationalismus, Militarismus und Männlichkeit dargestellt. Die Ko-Konstitution zwischen diesen drei Faktoren ist anfällig für Veränderungen und behindert die Versöhnung, so der Autor. Am Beispiel von Zypern, einem Land im Konflikt mit der Türkei, zeigt Efthymiou, wie Nationalismus, Militarismus und Männlichkeit nach dem Krieg konstruiert und nach der Öffnung der Binnengrenzen und dem Beitritt zur Europäischen Union neu angepasst wurden. Nationalism, Militarism and Masculinity in Post-Conflict Cyprus (Nationalismus, Militarismus und Männlichkeit in Zypern nach dem Konflikt) stützt sich auf eine umfangreiche Feldforschung mit Soldaten und Offizieren in Kasernen, Politikern wie dem ehemaligen Präsidenten der Republik Zypern, Glafkos Clerides, Führern radikaler rechtsextremer Bewegungen und der griechisch-zyprischen Öffentlichkeit. Das Buch bietet unschätzbare Einblicke in die Anwendung von Nationalismus, Militarismus und Männlichkeit in der Regierungspolitik, einschließlich des zypriotischen Verteidigungsministeriums, und wird für Studierende und Wissenschaftler in den Bereichen Soziologie, Gender Studies, Friedensforschung, Sicherheitsstudien, Politik und internationale Beziehungen sowie für Regierungen und NRO von Interesse sein..

Spätestens seit der ausgerufenen „Zeitenwende“ muss Sicherheitspolitik nicht nur neu, sondern auch anders gedacht werden. Der Dreiklang von Sicherheit, die Frieden schafft und Entwicklung ermöglicht, ist nicht mehr im Sinne von humanitären Interventionen zu denken, sondern in einem unübersichtlichen und mannigfaltigen politischen Umfeld neu zu verorten. Dieses Buch leistet einen Diskussionsbeitrag zu den Herausforderungen, Zielen und Konflikten in diesen interdependenten Politikfeldern. Die unterschiedlichen Perspektiven aus Sicht der Friedens-, Sicherheits- und Entwicklungspolitik werden durch Fallbeispiele illustriert.

Die aktuelle sicherheitspolitische Lage mit neuen Krisen und zwischenstaatlichen Kriegen führt zu hohen Investitionen in die Streitkräfte (u.a. 100 Mrd. Euro Sondervermögen für die Bundeswehr). Damit rückt ein eigentlich altes Thema erneut in den Fokus: Das „Ressourcenmanagement in Militärorganisationen“ ist ein vielschichtiges Thema an der Schnittstelle politisch-ethischer, militärisch-operationeller und ökonomisch-rationaler Disziplinen. Zudem sind von je her situative Bedingungen, zeitliche Dynamik sowie ein hohes Maß an Unsicherheit und Risiko besonders bedeutsam. Dieses essential beschreibt die Grundlagen des Streitkräftemanagement als Ressourcenmanagement in Militärorganisationen. Es bietet damit allen an der Militärökonomik Interessierten einen raschen Zugang zur Problematik und Lösung von Engpässen in Streitkräften.

Machiavelli on War offers a comprehensive interpretation of the philosopher-historian's treatment of war throughout his writings, from poems and memoranda drafted while he was Florence's top official for military matters to his posthumous works, The Prince and Discourses on Livy. Christopher Lynch argues that the issue of war permeates the form and content of each of Machiavelli's works, the substance of his thoughts, and his own activity as a writer, concluding that he was the first great modern philosopher because he was the first modern philosopher of war.Lynch details Machiavelli's understanding of warfare in terms of both actual armed conflict and at the intellectual level of thinkers competing on the field of knowledge and belief. Throughout Machiavelli's works, he focuses on how military commanders'knowledge of human necessities, beginning with their own, enables and requires them to mold soldiers, organizationally and politically, to best deploy them in operations attuned to political context and changing circumstances. Intellectually, leaders must shape minds, their own and others', to reject beliefs that would weaken their purpose; for Machiavelli, this meant overcoming the classical and Christian traditions in favor of a new teaching of human freedom and excellence. As Machiavelli on War makes clear, prevailing both on the battlefield and in the war of ideas demands a single-minded engagement in'reasoning about everything,'beginning with oneself. For Machiavelli, Lynch shows, the successful military commander is not just an excellent leader but also an excellent human being in constant pursuit of the truth about themselves and the world.

Impending technological advances will widen an adversary's attack plane over the next decade. Visualizing what the future will hold, and what new threat vectors could emerge, is a task that traditional planning mechanisms struggle to accomplish given the wide range of potential issues. Understanding and preparing for the future operating environment is the basis of an analytical method known as Threatcasting. It is a method that gives researchers a structured way to envision and plan for risks ten years in the future. Threatcasting uses input from social science, technical research, cultural history, economics, trends, expert interviews, and even a little science fiction to recognize future threats and design potential futures. During this human-centric process, participants brainstorm what actions can be taken to identify, track, disrupt, mitigate, and recover from the possible threats. Specifically, groups explore how to transform the future they desire into reality while avoiding an undesired future. The Threatcasting method also exposes what events could happen that indicate the progression toward an increasingly possible threat landscape. This book begins with an overview of the Threatcasting method with examples and case studies to enhance the academic foundation. Along with end-of-chapter exercises to enhance the reader's understanding of the concepts, there is also a full project where the reader can conduct a mock Threatcasting on the topic of “the next biological public health crisis.” The second half of the book is designed as a practitioner's handbook. It has three separate chapters (based on the general size of the Threatcasting group) that walk the reader through how to apply the knowledge from Part I to conduct an actual Threatcasting activity. This book will be useful for a wide audience (from student to practitioner) and will hopefully promote new dialogues across communities and novel developments in the area.

This book analyses the emergence of the Indian Ocean as security complex and a strategic space of central importance and also looks at its prospective future. As well as US-China rivalry, the India-China rivalry is now the defining factor in the Indian Ocean – irrespective of the strategic asymmetry. This new situation has opened a space for middle-powers, old and new, to intervene. The authors argue that this situation may turn into an additional source of instability and that the creation of an inclusive and comprehensive regional security architecture, as well as the strengthening of regional multilateralism, should be the priority of all stakeholders in the coming decade.

Nach den jüngsten Desastern bewaffneter Machtprojektion wird in diesem Buch unternommen, einen rationalen Diskurs über militärische Krisenintervention wiederzubeleben: im Sinne einer stabilitätsorientierten Sicherheitspolitik. Dabei werden Elemente der Landstreitkräfte auf ihre Eignung hin untersucht.

Die Ankündigung eines 100 Mrd.-Sondervermögens für die Bundeswehr durch Bundeskanzler Scholz richtete den Fokus auf die Sicherheit Deutschlands. Neben Defiziten in den Bereichen Katastrophenschutz, Cybersicherheit und Energieabhängigkeit weisen die deutschen Streitkräfte wegen langjähriger Unterfinanzierung erhebliche Probleme der Einsatzbereitschaft auf. Das Sondervermögen trägt dazu bei, das 2%-Ziel der NATO zu erfüllen. Es bietet die Chance, Kampfkraft und Image der Bundeswehr sowie die Rolle Deutschlands in der NATO zu stärken. Voraussetzung für eine wirksame Umsetzung sind eine signifikante Verbesserung der Prozesse Beschaffung, Personalgewinnung und Infrastruktur bei der Bundeswehr sowie eine nachhaltige Finanzierung auch nach Aufbrauchen des Sondervermögens.

Das Bekenntnis zum Weg der Gewaltfreiheit nimmt in der Kundgebung der EKD-Synode 2019 „Kirche auf dem Weg der Gerechtigkeit und des Friedens“ den ersten Rang unter den Aussagen zum Thema Frieden ein. Aber der kirchliche Diskurs kennt auch eine zweite Option, die unter bestimmten Bedingungen notwendig werden kann: den Gebrauch von „rechtserhaltender Gewalt“, der gerade den Frieden herstellen oder wahren soll. In diesem Spannungsfeld stehen die kirchliche Militärseelsorge und Soldat•innen mit kirchlicher Bindung. Die verschiedenen Voten und deren Grundlegungen und Konsequenzen werden in diesem Band diskutiert.

L'histoire nous enseigne que, dès lors que le capitalisme ne trouve plus dans les forces économiques la possibilité de se valoriser, il tente toujours de surmonter cet obstacle par la force des armes, autrement dit par l'arme de la force: le conflit armé interétatique et la guerre sociale qu'il livre au prolétariat par la paupérisation et la famine. La guerre entre l'Ukraine et la Russie s'inscrit dans un conflit plus ample qui oppose, au vrai, la première puissance américaine à son concurrent économique actuel, la Chine, engagée soyeusement sur la route du leadership mondial. Dans cette période marquée par l'exacerbation des tensions commerciales et l'escalade guerrière, la militarisation de la société et la caporalisation des mentalités, l'Alliance des pays qui parvient à briser la résistance de « sa » classe ouvrière et à soudoyer sa petite bourgeoisie paupérisée pour s'assurer de sa fidélité patriotique et de son enrôlement militaire, triomphera de ses concurrents. Et se positionnera ainsi en nouveau leadership de la nouvelle refonte mondiale capitaliste despotique. À moins que le prolétariat mondial, dans un salutaire sursaut de combativité historique, parvienne à déjouer l'agenda socialement régressif -autant policièrement répressif que militairement agressif -du grand capital, par une transformation sociale des rapports de production.

This book explores and analyzes developments in the military institution, military engagements as well as the larger security environment of (including non-war violence and maritime regions linking to) the Portuguese Empire in India. These developments occurred under the onslaught of the early modern globalization. The research shows that far from being dilapidated or archaic, the Portuguese colonial military there kept up with some developments in technology and organization in a competitive environment. Although the colonial military was not the most important reason in accounting for the survival of the Portuguese Estado da Índia, nor was the military profession the most lucrative occupation, the Portuguese experience gave indication of how a colonial state and society was able to survive against coalescing threats from the position of weakness. Located in the period and geographical region of the wax and waning of the Mughal and Maratha empires, Portuguese India was not necessarilya more violent place than the surrounding territories although resistance to and uprising against the Portuguese was usually underestimated. Beginning from the attempt at political and military centralization (and standardization) in the eighteenth century, the abolition of the army of the Estado da Índia in the nineteenth marked nominally the end of an era that may have a reverberation on the pacifist perception of Goa today.

This book examines the development of nuclear propulsion in the Royal Navy from the first proposal in 1946 to the start-up of the last core improvement for the first submarine reactor power plant PWR 1 in December 1974. Drawing from unreleased records and archives, the book answers questions around three main themes. Political: what problems were encountered in transferring nuclear knowledge from the USA to the UK in the post-war period, and how much support was there for the development of nuclear propulsion? Military: why was there a requirement to develop nuclear propulsion, and in particular, why submarines? Technical: were the problems associated with nuclear energy fully appreciated, and did the UK have the technical and engineering capability to develop nuclear propulsion? Aside from the political considerations and military motives for developing nuclear propulsion in the Royal Navy, the author focuses on the technical problems that had to be overcome by all participants in theRoyal Navy's development of nuclear propulsion, adding significantly to naval historiography. Providing a critical analysis of the political, technological, operational and industrial issues of introducing nuclear propulsion into the Royal Navy, the author situates his research in the context of the evolving Cold War, changing Anglo-American relations, the end of Empire and the relative decline of British power.

World War II was a media war. President Franklin D. Roosevelt used the press to a great extent, of course, but as the war progressed, the media also came to influence commanders'decisions on the battlefield. Rescuing General Douglas MacArthur from the Philippines in deference to public opinion forced the Allies to divide the Pacific War between two competing theaters. Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Omar Bradley's concern over US public opinion convinced President Dwight D. Eisenhower to include Americans in the final assault against Axis forces in Tunisia. General George S. Patton Jr. raced across Sicily to gain media attention and British respect. General Mark Clark's hunger for publicity and the glory of capturing Rome allowed an entire German army to escape destruction. Negative media pressure and the fear of V-1 bombs damaging British morale provided the impetus for the breakout of Normandy and the unsuccessful attempt to liberate the Netherlands in the fall of 1944. British general Bernard Montgomery's remarks to the press during the Battle of the Bulge almost caused him to lose his command and created tremendous ill feelings among the Allies. Soon afterward, Eisenhower was forced to hold the dangerously exposed city of Strasbourg because of French public opinion. By V-E Day, even Eisenhower was attempting to get more publicity for American, as opposed to Allied, units.The Media Offensive offers a new way to understand military-media relations during World War II. The press and public opinion shaped not only how the conflict was seen but also how it was fought. Alexander Lovelace demonstrates that the US military repeatedly discovered that the best effects resulted from accurate news stories. Truthful news reporting—defined as news reporting that accurately depicts the events it describes—could not be created by the military or even the media but could only emerge through a free press searching for it.Lovelace recasts World War II in a new and unique fashion by placing media and public opinion at the center of battlefield decision-making. Unlike past scholarship on the media during World War II that focused on censorship, propaganda, or the adventure stories of war correspondents, The Media Offensive takes the historiography of war reporting in a new direction. In what could be called “the new history of war reporting,” the focus is switched from how the military controlled reporters to how military decisions were shaped by the press.

This book focuses on the connection between Brazil and Antarctica, two regions that can be seen as distant and contrasting, but are physically, culturally and politically associated. Relying on archival material and previous literature, the book offers a thorough account of Brazil's involvement with one of the most significant regions in the global environment. The author explores the place of Antarctica in geopolitical works and in the first initiatives involving Brazil and the continent, from the rise of geopolitical thought in Brazil in the 1930s up to the present day. He argues that the connection between Brazil and Antarctica is not without its difficulties, but it has been structured in many enduring ways. The book covers causes for the delay and eventual adoption of a now active foreign policy regarding the region, the policy's early performance in Antarctica, its evolution as a consequence of domestic and international changes, the increasing interest in the environment, andfurther recent developments.

Using examples from a wide variety of conflicts, Lawrence Freedman shows that successful military command depends on the ability not only to use armed forces effectively but also to understand the political context in which they are operating. Command in war is about forging effective strategies and implementing them, making sure that orders are appropriate, well-communicated, and then obeyed. But it is also an intensely political process. This is largely because how wars are fought depends to a large extent on how their aims are set. It is also because commanders in one realm must possess the ability to work with other command structures, including those of other branches of the armed forces and allies. In Command, Lawrence Freedman explores the importance of political as well as operational considerations in command with a series of eleven vivid case studies, all taken from the period after 1945. Over this period, the risks of nuclear escalation led to a shift away from great power confrontations and towards civil wars, and advances in communication technologies made it easier for higher-level commanders to direct their subordinates. Freedman covers defeats as well as victories. Pakistani generals tried to avoid surrender as they were losing the eastern part of their country to India in 1971. Iraq's Saddam Hussein turned his defeats into triumphant narratives of victory. Osama bin Laden escaped the Americans in Afghanistan in 2001. The UK struggled as a junior partner to the US in Iraq after 2003. We come across insubordinate generals, such as Israel's Arik Sharon, and those in the French army in Algeria, so frustrated with their political leadership that they twice tried to change it. At the other end of the scale, Che Guevara in Congo in 1966 and Igor Girkin in Ukraine in 2014 both tried to spark local wars to suit their grandiose objectives. Freedman ends the book with a meditation on the future of command in a world that is becoming increasingly reliant on technologies like artificial intelligence. A wide-ranging and insightful history of the changing nature of command in the postwar era, this will stand as a definitive account of a foundational concept in both military affairs and politics.

Central to Niccolò Machiavelli's writing is the argument that a successful state is one that prefers to lose with its own arms (arma propriis) than to win with the arms of others (arma alienis). This book sheds light on Machiavelli's critiques of military force and provides an important reinterpretation of his military theory. Sean Erwin argues that the distinction between arma propriis and arma alienis poses a central problem to Machiavelli's case for why modern political institutions offer modes of political existence that ancient ones did not. Starting from the influence of Lucretius and Aelianus Tacticus on the Dell'arte della guerra, Erwin examines Machiavelli's criticism of mercenary, auxiliary, and mixed forces. Giving due consideration to an overlooked conceptual distinction in Machiavelli studies, this book is a valuable and original contribution to the field.

Einführend wird kurz das Entstehen der Taliban geschildert sowie ihre Schreckensherrschaft, ihr „Steinzeit-Kalifat“, illustriert. Ein weiteres Hauptkapitel beleuchtet die nach 20 Jahren gescheiterte westliche nation building-Mission in Afghanistan. Dabei wird die counterinsurgency- und nation building-Strategie der westlichen Staaten in Afghanistan von 2001 bis 2021 analysiert. Der Opiumanbau und der Drogenhandel wurden zum strategisch entscheidenden Vorteil der Taliban im Kleinen Krieg gegen die westliche Koalition und die afghanischen Sicherheitskräfte. Abschließend werden die Gegenwart und die Zukunft, Afghanistan unter der Herrschaft der Taliban, thematisiert.