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Catholics and Political Violence in the Twentieth Century presents a historical reconstruction of the ways in which Catholics have justified the recourse to political violence during the twentieth century, a period marked by major wars, nationalisms, decolonization, ideological clashes, and episodes of genocide. Legitimation processes are particularly complex when this violence is not endorsed by the state, and perhaps used against it. Depending on perspective, the protagonists of this radical form of collective action may be seen as ‘terrorists'or ‘freedom fighters'.Written by a leading historian of contemporary Catholicism, this book examines a series of case studies from different parts of the world, selected because of the central role played by the Catholic religion. They range from Northern Ireland to the Basque Country, from the Philippines to Colombia, and from Mexico to Rwanda. It highlights how theological sources, paradigms of martyrdom, and symbols of the Christian tradition have provided a catalogue of reasons to give moral value to violence and promote it in the name of God.By looking at the history of Catholicism in global terms and adopting a transnational perspective, Catholics and Political Violence in the Twentieth Century sheds a critical light on the themes that are crucial to understanding the relationship between religion and violence. It will appeal to scholars and students working and studying in the fields of Modern and Contemporary History, Religious Studies, Terrorism Studies, Cultural and Global Studies, Intellectual History, and the History of Political Thought.

Terrortimes, Terrorscapes: Continuities of Space, Time, and Memory in Twentieth-Century War and Genocide investigates interconnections between space and violence throughout the twentieth century, and how such connections informed collective memory. The interdisciplinary volume shows how entangled notions of time and space amplified by memory narratives led to continuities of violence across different conflicts creating “terrortimes” and “terrorscapes” in their wake. The volume examines such continuities of violence with the help of an analytical framework built around different themes. Its first part, spatial and temporal continuities of violence, looks at contested spaces and ideas of national, ethnic, or religious homogeneity that are often at the heart of prolonged conflicts. The second part, on states and actors, addresses the role of states as enablers of violence, asymmetric power dynamics, and the connection between imperialism and genocide in Africa. Imagination and emotion—the focus of the third part—explores utopian visions and their limits that instigate or hinder, and the mobilization of emotion through propaganda. Finally, the fourth part shows how the recollection of the past sometimes triggers new terrortimes. Departing from an understanding of violence limited to certain areas and time frames, this volume describes continuities of violence as overlapping fabrics woven together from notions of space, time, and memory.

«Chi oggi, venuto da chissà dove, d'estate prende il sole a capo Promontore, al vertice del triangolo istriano, non immagina che neanche settant'anni prima dalla terra alle sue spalle metà della popolazione, quella italiana, ha dovuto prendere la via dell'esilio. Chi naviga fra i mille scogli della Dalmazia non sa che l'isola all'orizzonte, Arbe/Rab, ha ospitato durante la seconda guerra mondiale un campo di concentramento».La'stagione delle fiamme'e la'stagione delle stragi'si succedono al confine orientale nel racconto di un grande storico. Le terre dell'Adriatico orientale sono state uno dei laboratori della violenza politica del ʼ900: scontri di piazza, incendi, ribellioni militari come quella di D'Annunzio, squadrismo, conati rivoluzionari, stato di polizia, persecuzione delle minoranze, terrorismo, condanne del tribunale speciale fascista, pogrom antiebraici, lotta partigiana, guerra ai civili, stragi, deportazioni, fabbriche della morte come la Risiera di San Sabba, foibe, sradicamento di intere comunità nazionali. Queste esplosioni di violenza sono state spesso studiate con un'ottica parziale, e quasi sempre all'interno di una storia nazionale ben definita – prevalentemente quella italiana o quella jugoslava (slovena e croata) –, scelta questa che non può che originare incomprensioni e deformazioni interpretative. Infatti, è solo applicando contemporaneamente punti di vista diversi che si può sperare di comprendere le dinamiche di un territorio plurale come quello dell'Adriatico orientale, che nel corso del ʼ900 oscillò fra diverse appartenenze statuali. Inoltre, le versioni offerte dalle singole storiografie nazionali non fanno che rafforzare le memorie già a suo tempo divise e rimaste tali generazione dopo generazione. Sono maturi i tempi per tentare di ricostruire una panoramica complessiva delle logiche della violenza che hanno avvelenato – non solo al confine orientale – l'intero Novecento.

This book provides a comparative and transnational examination of the complex and multifaceted experiences of anti-labour mobilisation, from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s. It retraces the formation of an extensive market for corporate policing, privately contracted security and yellow unionism, as well as processes of professionalisation in strikebreaking activities, labour espionage and surveillance. It reconstructs the diverse spectrum of right-wing patriotic leagues and vigilante corps which, in support or in competition with law enforcement agencies, sought to counter the dual dangers of industrial militancy and revolutionary situations. Although considerable research has been done on the rise of socialist parties and trade unions the repressive policies of their opponents have been generally left unexamined. This book fills this gap by reconstructing the methods and strategies used by state authorities and employers to counter outbreaks of labour militancy on a global scale. It adopts a long-term chronology that sheds light on the shocks and strains that marked industrial societies during their turbulent transition into mass politics from the bitter social conflicts of the pre-war period, through the epochal tremors of war and revolution, and the violent spasms of the 1920s and 1930s. Offering a new angle of vision to examine the violent transition to mass politics in industrial societies, this is of great interest to scholars of policing, unionism and striking in the modern era. The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/e/9780429354243, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.

This new edition provides analysis of the origin, nature, and history of armed conflicts around the world, focusing on conflicts in Afghanistan, Myanmar, Yemen, Syria, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Syria, and Venezuela, among others. Also offers detailed coverage on volatile regions, like North Korea, Russia, and the U.S./Saudi/Iran relationship. Includes an annotated Further Reading section at the end of each country essay, plus sidebars and photos.

This title was first published in 2001. An investigation of the new wave of militant political activity emerging across Europe. The book examines the role of emotions in militant activity, the way in which the body is implicated in militant political actions, and the concept of media modernity as a precondition for the contemporary politics of militancy.

It was a year of seismic social and political change. With the wildfire of uprisings and revolutions that shook governments and halted economies in 1968, the world would never be the same again. Restless students, workers, women, and national liberation movements arose as a fierce global community with radically democratic instincts that challenged war, capitalism, colonialism, and patriarchy with unprecedented audacity. Fast forward fifty years and 1968 has become a powerful myth that lingers in our memory. Released for the fiftieth anniversary of that momentous year, this second edition of Philipp Gassert's and Martin Klimke's seminal 1968 presents an extremely wide ranging survey across the world. Short chapters, written by local eye-witnesses and historical experts, cover the tectonic events in thirty-nine countries across the Americas, Europe, Asia, Australia, Africa, and the Middle East to give a truly global view. Included are forty photographs throughout the book that illustrate the drama of events described in each chapter. This edition also has the transcript of a panel discussion organized for the fortieth anniversary of 1968 with eyewitnesses Norman Birnbaum, Patty Lee Parmalee, and Tom Hayden and moderated by the book's editors. Visually engaging and comprehensive, this new edition is an extremely accessible introduction to a vital moment of global activism in humanity's history, perfect for a high school or early university textbook, a resource for the general reader, or a starting point for researchers.

This book focuses on the current, chaotic world stage, which is characterized by new forms of global violence and new types of actors, such as terrorist networks. Based on interdisciplinary analysis combining political science and psychoanalysis, history and political philosophy, it delves down to the deepest roots of this process of the globalization of non-state violence and offers a new framework for understanding it. The first part of the book addresses the construction of the State and the process of civilization, while the second explains why this process is now being bypassed by processes of brutalization in the form of communitarianism and extreme hate, as well as series of mass murders on a widespread basis.

L'émergence des États au sortir du Moyen Âge a progressivement conduit à une réduction des violences privées. Ce tournant civilisationnel s'est traduit par un refoulement de la pulsion de mort qui a pris la forme d'un monopole de l'État sur les guerres et d'une pacification diplomatique. Mais, désormais, avec la mondialisation des violences non-étatiques et des communautarismes, les sociétés doivent faire face à la brutalisation du monde, caractérisée par des affrontements identitaires, une destruction du lien social et un affaiblissement des solidarités.

Leading figures and rising stars in the field present the first contribution explaining the transnational nature of the revolutionary violence of the New Left. Focusing on the processes of dissemination of ideologies and mobilization of ideas and repertoires of action among the revolutionary organizations of the New Left in Latin America, Europe, and the United States, this book contributes to our understanding of the dynamics of the New Left wave and, at the same time, helps explain the'why'of the emergence of very similar armed leftist groups in vastly different geographical and political contexts.

Developing a knowledge of the Spanish-Italian connection between right-wing extremist groups is crucial to any detailed understanding of the history of fascism. Transnational Fascism in the Twentieth Century allows us to consider the global fascist network that built up over the course of the 20th century by exploring one of the significant links that existed within that network. It distinguishes and analyses the relationship between the fascists of Spain and Italy at three interrelated levels - that of the individual, political organisations and the state - whilst examining the world relations and contacts of both fascist factions, from Buenos Aires to Washington and Berlin to Montevideo, in what is a genuinely transnational history of the fascist movement. Incorporating research carried out in archives around the world, this book delivers key insights to further the historical study of right-wing political violence in modern Europe.

Kollektive Gewalt ist Gewalt im Wir-­Modus. Thema dieses Bandes sind solche Phänomene kollektiver Gewalt, die sich spontan und ungeplant ereignen. Die Frage lautet, wie'ganz normale'Männer und auch Frauen in Gruppen und Menschen­mengen dazu kommen, gemeinsam Gewalt auszuüben, die sie zuvor als illegitim und unvereinbar mit ihrem Selbstverständnis wahrgenommen haben. Diese Prozesse zu untersuchen, haben sich Gewaltforscher/innen aus Soziologie, Geschichte, Ethnologie, Psychologie und Philosophie zur Aufgabe gemacht. Sie ergründen, in welcher Weise kollektive Erlebnisse Gewaltverläufe initiieren, welche gruppenbedingten Erfahrungen Gewalt zu einer selbstverständlichen oder gar'attraktiven'Handlungsoption machen, ob es typische (Verlaufs-­)Formen von nicht­ organisierter Gewalt gibt und wie sich kollektive Gewaltroutinen einspielen. Das Spektrum der behandelten Phänomene reicht dabei von unblutigen Tumulten in einem Theater über Protestgewalt, Lynchmobs und Kriegsgräuel bis hin zu der Entstehung von Volksmilizen und der Radikalisierung von Untergrundorganisationen. In einer Welt, in der Gewalt in weiten Teilen zwar grundsätzlich verurteilt wird, sie aber gleichzeitig omnipräsent zu sein scheint, bietet der vorliegende multi-perspektivische Ansatz unter Einbeziehung sowohl der Ursachen als auch der Phänomenologie unterschiedlichster Gewaltereignisse einen Erklärungsansatz wie auch aktuelle Orientierung.

The year “1968” marked the climax of protests that simultaneously captured most industrialized Western countries. The protesters challenged the institutions of Western democracies, confronting powerful, established parties and groups with an opposing force and public presence that negated tra­ditional structures of institutional authority and criticized the basic assump­tions of the post-war order. Exploring the effects the protest movement of 1968 had on the political, social, and symbolic order of the societies they called into question, this volume focuses on the consequences and echoes of 1968 from different perspectives, including history, sociology, and linguistics.

The significant anarchist, black, and socialist world-movements that emerged in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth adapted discourses of sentiment and sensation and used the era's new forms of visual culture to move people to participate in projects of social, political, and economic transformation. Drawing attention to the vast archive of images and texts created by radicals prior to the 1930s, Shelley Streeby analyzes representations of violence and of abuses of state power in response to the Haymarket police riot, of the trial and execution of the Chicago anarchists, and of the mistreatment and imprisonment of Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón and other members of the Partido Liberal Mexicano. She considers radicals'reactions to and depictions of U.S. imperialism, state violence against the Yaqui Indians in the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, the failure of the United States to enact laws against lynching, and the harsh repression of radicals that accelerated after the United States entered the First World War. By focusing on the adaptation and critique of sentiment, sensation, and visual culture by radical world-movements in the period between the Haymarket riots of 1886 and the deportation of Marcus Garvey in 1927, Streeby sheds new light on the ways that these movements reached across national boundaries, criticized state power, and envisioned alternative worlds.

In this monumental new book, award-winning author Mark Kurlansky has written his most ambitious work to date: a singular and ultimately definitive look at a pivotal moment in history. With 1968, Mark Kurlansky brings to teeming life the cultural and political history of that world-changing year of social upheaval. People think of it as the year of sex, drugs, and rock and roll. Yet it was also the year of the Martin Luther King Jr. and Bobby Kennedy assassinations; the riots at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago; Prague Spring; the antiwar movement and the Tet Offensive; Black Power; the generation gap, avant-garde theater, the birth of the women's movement, and the beginning of the end for the Soviet Union. From New York, Miami, Berkeley, and Chicago to Paris, Prague, Rome, Berlin, Warsaw, Tokyo, and Mexico City, spontaneous uprisings occurred simultaneously around the globe. Everything was disrupted. In the Middle East, Yasir Arafat's guerilla organization rose to prominence... both the Cannes Film Festival and the Venice Biennale were forced to shut down by protesters... the Kentucky Derby winner was stripped of the crown for drug use... the Olympics were a disaster, with the Mexican government having massacred hundreds of students protesting police brutality there... and the Miss America pageant was stormed by feminists carrying banners that introduced to the television-watching public the phrase “women's liberation.” Kurlansky shows how the coming of live television made 1968 the first global year. It was the year that an amazed world watched the first live telecast from outer space, and that TV news expanded to half an hour. For the first time, Americans watched that day's battle–the Vietnam War's Tet Offensive–on the evening news. Television also shocked the world with seventeen minutes of police clubbing demonstrators at the Chicago convention, live film of unarmed students facing Soviet tanks in Czechoslovakia, and a war of starvation in Biafra. The impact was huge, not only on the antiwar movement, but also on the medium itself. The fact that one now needed television to make things happen was a cultural revelation with enormous consequences. Thoroughly researched and engagingly written–full of telling anecdotes, penetrating analysis, and the author's trademark incisive wit–1968 is the most important book yet of Kurlansky's noteworthy career.