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The 16th forum of the World Association for Political Economy took place in Pingtan, Fujian province, China, on September 25–27, 2023. The theme was “Chinese Modernization and the Prospects of World Modernization.” Experts and scholars from over 20 countries and regions focused on the theme, discussing methods of political economy and theories of modernization research, Chinese modernization and global political and economic structures, the practice of Chinese modernization and the innovation and development of mesoeconomics, research on the political economy of socialism with Chinese characteristics, comparisons of Chinese modernization and capitalist modernization, ecological civilization and the practical path of Chinese modernization, the basic principles of Marxist economics, and the special characteristics of Chinese modernization. The forum has deepened the knowledge and understanding of scholars about Chinese modernization and global modernization, while also contributing wisdom to support people all over the world in pursuing an independent modernization path and promoting the modernization process.

According to the general consensus in academia, Ricardo’s theory of international trade embodies the theory of comparative advantage. The principle of comparative advantage he proposed, based on the model of physical trade and employing comparative cost analysis, holds that comparative advantage rather than absolute advantage forms the basis of the international division of labor and of international trade, and is thus the negation of Smith’s theory of absolute advantage. However, a complete examination of Ricardo’s theory of international trade shows that the comparative advantage determined by Ricardo on the basis of comparative cost analysis is precisely the absolute advantage of intra-sector competition across countries in physical trade. Moreover, Ricardo also established a monetary model compatible with his understanding of physical trade. This monetary model, which has generally been ignored by academics, and especially by those adhering to the mainstream, i.e., the neoclassical theory of comparative advantage, is in line with the principle of absolute advantage. In particular, Ricardo emphasized the decisive role of exogenous technological progress in altering positions of advantage. The present analysis, however, shows equally that what the neoclassical theory of comparative advantage actually proves is still absolute advantage.

In this article, the “mechanism” of unequal exchange, on the basis of Marx’s analysis and Emmanuel’s seminal contribution to the issue, is investigated. According to the analysis, the deeper cause of unequal exchange lies in the established differences in the labor skills between more and less advanced countries. The analysis reveals that behind the Ricardian “comparative advantage,” unequal exchange is hidden at the expense of the less advanced countries of lower wages. On the basis of the theoretical framework of the study, an empirical investigation of unequal exchange within the 27 countries of the European Union (EU27) is developed. According to the findings of this study, there is an economic pyramid of value extraction (unequal exchange) within the EU27. At the top of this, there are countries that extract value from other EU27 countries in the context of intra-EU27 trade and at the same time exhibit monetary surpluses in their trade balance. At the bottom of the economic pyramid, there are countries that experience value extraction from other EU27 countries in the context of intra-EU27 trade while they may run monetary surpluses or deficits in their trade balance.

Neoliberalism—in the form of privatization, deregulation, and the creation of new spatial zones and legal arrangements of land ownership—is promoted by the state to ensure an investment climate for capital accumulation. Neoliberalism uniquely combines economic deregulation and state rollback with the rollout of state strategies that ensure surplus and rentier extraction. Foreign aid has typically been regarded as a means of ensuring economic growth and development provided by the donor state. Recently, there has been an interest in the role of the private sector in development studies. Korean foreign aid, based on the new village movement development model now being used in Uganda, represents a new phase of neoliberalism in Uganda and East Africa. The new village movement is a state-driven attempt to create new neoliberal subjects and identities to prepare for future neoliberal capital accumulation in a middle-income context. Aid-recipient states such as Uganda are using Korean official development assistance to legitimate a specific rollout of neoliberal state regulations. This marks a shift from the previous disciplinary neoliberalism to the preparation of selected populations as marketable neoliberal subjects under the guise of authentic culture, resilience, and productivity.

Whether developed or less developed, all countries need skilled mental labor (SML) to use technologies effectively and to attain economic growth and development. Without appropriate SML, no country can make the best use of its firms and institutions. Time and investment are required for an individual to become a skilled mental laborer, but these are not sufficient. The training must be at a level where contemporary technologies can be used effectively, so that the highest benefit can be given to society and companies. The most disturbing aspect of the issue is that although there are very few skilled mental laborers who are educated and equipped with modern qualifications, they generally migrate to more developed and richer countries to achieve better living conditions. Developed countries have found an excuse for this kind of migration by saying “We need skilled mental laborers.” The pertinent critical questions are as follows. While it is acknowledged that developed countries require SML, what about less developed countries? Do they not also have a need for SML? The crucial and vital question is which countries have a greater need for SML, developed countries or less developed countries?

Bu makale, Türkiye’de kentli “yeni nesil” gıda kooperatiflerinin nasıl bir alternatif kamusal alan ve örgütlenme/siyaset rasyonalitesi inşa etmeye çalıştığını ve bu bağlamda halkların gıda egemenliğini örmede nasıl bir rolleri olduğunu ele almaktadır. Bu tartışmaları 2018-2019 döneminde ve 2024’te gerçekleştirilen on beş derinlemesine görüşme ve katılımcı gözleme dayanan saha çalışmalarının ışığında yapmaktadır. Yatay ve katılımcı bir alternatif örgütlenme modeli ile gıda egemenliği hareketinde kendini konumlandıran Kadıköy Kooperatifi 2018-2020 yıllarında gıdayı vesile edinerek alternatif kamusal alan açmaya çalışan alandaki öncü aktörlerden biridir. Bu sebeple, bu makale Kadıköy Kooperatifi deneyimine odaklanmakta ve bu örnekten yola çıkarak son yıllarda Türkiye’deki siyasi, ekonomik ve toplumsal dinamiklerin bu kooperatifleri ideallerine giden yolda nasıl etkilediğini irdelemektedir. Bu kooperatiflerin yurttaşları gıda siyasetine dahil etme çabalarını ve mevcut işleyişlerini kıyaslamalı bir perspektifle ortaya koymakta, bu örgütlenmelerin varlığını ve simgesel önemini katılımcılarının sözlerine kulak vererek tartışmaktadır. 2020 sonrasında bu kooperatiflere olan ilginin azalması ve bu örgütlenmelerin seyrine dair sosyolojik analizlerin yetersiz olması sebebiyle bu makale alana özgün bir katkı sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.

At the beginning of the 2000s, the increased salience of the concept of human security was a welcome development both in academic and policy circles. Problematizing the state's central role as the principal object of security allowed human beings' security needs and concerns to be put in front and center, at least in theory, if not necessarily in practice. The increasing traction the concept got also allowed several non-traditional security threats, such as environment, health and migration, to be approached through security lenses and put on security agendas. Despite the burgeoning literature and the notable frequency at which the concept of human security got incorporated into policy discussions, it has lost, at least partially, its analytical traction and policy saliency. The lack of a clear definition as well as vague and tactical use of the concept by policymakers have raised concerns about the human security concept turning into an empty signifier. While the human security concept was welcome by some feminist approaches, it is also criticized by others. This article aims to discuss the human security concept through different feminist perspectives and understand its adaptability in the field based on a comparative interpretive analysis of feminist foreign policy initiatives by Sweden, Canada, Mexico, France, Germany, Spain, Chile and Luxembourg. To realize this aim, we analyze the conceptualization and implementation of feminist foreign policies and how they put the human security approach into practice. We seek to problematize how feminist foreign policies tackle the ambiguities and limitations within the human security framework, and to what degree these policies confront or maintain current power dynamics and state-centered security models. We argue that feminist foreign policies do highlight the problems related to gender equality and contribute to their solutions, but do not challenge patriarchy and the power relations behind it. As such, while they contribute to better implementation of human security as a guiding principle for foreign policy, conventional foreign policy concerns limit the change they can create on the ground.

Bu çalışma, Türkiye’de 2011, 2015 ve 2018 genel seçimlerinden sonra yapılan seçim sonrası anketlerinden yararlanarak seçmenlerin duygusal kutuplaşma düzeylerini ve bu kutuplaşmanın oy kullanma yolu ile siyasi katılıma etkilerini incelemektedir. İki partili sistemlerde yaygın olarak gözlemlenen ve araştırılan duygusal kutuplaşma, son yıllarda çok partili sistemlerde de görülmeye başlanmıştır. Duygusal kutuplaşma, seçmenlerin yakın hissettiği siyasi kurum ve kişilerin yanında, uzak hissettiği hatta hiç hoşlanmadığı karşı grupların varlığında ortaya çıkan, birey seviyesinde bir kutuplaşmadır. Partizan duygular taşıyan seçmenler bir partiye, lidere veya parti destekçilerine yakınlık hissederken, karşıt gruplara uzaklık ve hoşnutsuzluk duyabilmektedir. Hem çok ülkeli çalışmalarda raporlanan yüksek duygusal kutuplaşma skorları hem de seçimlere katılımın yüksek oranları, Türkiye’de iki kavramın etkileşimine dair çeşitli soruları barındırmaktadır. Çalışmanın bulgularına göre, Türkiye’de duygusal kutuplaşma seviyesi ve oy kullanma arasında, pozitif ve istatistiki olarak anlamlı bir ilişki bulunmaktadır. Duygusal kutuplaşan seçmenler, politik etkililik konusunda kime oy verdiğini daha çok önemsemekte ve bu seçmenler için seçim günü oy kullanmak, demokrasiye katılmanın etkili bir yolu olarak kendini göstermektedir.

This article questions and analyses the supranational aspirations of the European Union (EU) over its intergovernmental policies. It addresses first nationalism followed by neo-functionalism, supranationalism, and intergovernmentalism; the dominant theories in European integration. The purpose of the study is to reflect the EU’s supranational limitations. Our main research question is to determine whether there is a new form of Europeanism across Europe. The study shows the rising nationalism across Europe, through the 2019 and 2024 European Parliament (EP) elections, and the growing Euroscepticism through public opinion surveys. Moreover, a “policy analysis” is conducted through the EP resolutions between 1999 and 2024 and in European laws through Eur-lex, to reflect the number of intergovernmental operations. The overall findings indicate that many EU countries have ambiguous positions and altered views on the EU, between “Europhoria” and “Europhobia”. The study suggests a new form of Europeanism is growing, between Pro-Europeanism and Anti-Europeanism: “Adapted-Europeanism”. This new typology is introduced to refer to countries asking for less but more adapted integrational policies.

This article examines China’s increasing investments in Kazakhstan amid its declining soft power and growing public dissent. Focusing on Kazakhstan's strategic position within the Belt and Road Initiative, it analyzes how Chinese economic influence persists despite widespread protests and negative public opinion. Using a qualitative approach, the study synthesizes academic literature, policy analyses, news reports, and firsthand accounts to understand local views on Chinese influence. Findings show that while China’s economic power supports continued investment, the lack of soft power presents long-term risks. Without efforts to improve its image and build trust, China’s reliance on hard power may fuel anti-China sentiments, potentially leading to organized resistance and policy changes in Kazakhstan. The study emphasizes that China must incorporate soft power elements into its foreign policy to sustain influence in Kazakhstan and across Central Asia.

Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de gıdanın ekonomi politiği incelenmekte ve tarıma ilişkin uygulanan politikaların gıda alanında hem üretim ve hem de tüketimde nasıl bir dönüşüme yol açtığı ele alınmaktadır. Bu çerçevede Türkiye’de yaşanan gıda krizinin arka planındaki nedenler incelenerek ve farklı uygulamalar tartışılarak dönüşümün yönünün değiştirilmesi için neler yapılabileceği sorgulanmaktadır. Küçük tarım işletmelilerini (küçük çiftçiler) merkeze alan çalışmanın birinci bölümünde, Türkiye’de farklı ekonomik politikaların izlendiği dönemlerde, küçük çiftçilerin tarım sektörü içerisinde konumlarının nasıl değiştiği ve bu değişimin tarımda üretim ilişkilerine, üretim-tüketim ağına yansımaları incelenmektedir. İkinci bölümdeyse, giderek tarımın çeperine itilen fakat sağlıklı bir tarım sektörünün oluşmasında önemli bir yeri olan küçük çiftçilerin sisteme tekrar kazandırılmaları için neler yapılabileceği örneklerle tartışılmaktadır. Bu bağlamda, küçük çiftçiliği yeniden tarımda konumlandırmayı amaçlayan ve bu yolda Türkiye’de ve dünyada güçlü örnekler deneyimlenmesine alan açan Gıda Egemenliği (Food Sovereignty) hareketi ve bu hareketten kaynaklanan alternatif tüketici oluşumları Çeşitlilik Ekonomileri (Diverse Economies) perspektifinden ele alınmaktadır.

I. Petro’dan miras kalan büyük güç olma ideali, Rus dış politikasının esasını oluşturmaktadır. Ülkede rejimler değişse de Rus yönetimlerinin büyük güç olma ideali hiç değişmemektedir. Putin’in işbaşına gelmesiyle Rusya, ülke içinde ve yakın çevresinde gücünü pekiştirdikten sonra büyük güç olma idealine geri dönmüştür. Bu dönüşte, konjonktürel gelişmelerin yanında NATO’nun doğuya genişlemesinin etkisi büyüktür. Rusya’nın tepki olarak Gürcistan ve Ukrayna’ya müdahalelerinin etkileri devam etmektedir. Özellikle Mart 2014’te Kırım’ı ilhakının ardından Batı’nın siyasi ve ekonomik yaptırımlarından kurtulmak amacıyla başlattığı girişimleri, Rusya’nın Afrika’ya yönelişiyle sonuçlanmıştır. Son olarak 24 Şubat 2022’de Ukrayna’yı müdahale kararının bu yönelişi hızlandırdığı söylenebilir. Bu dönemde Afrika’daki jeopolitik ortamın dengeleyici bir güce ihtiyaç duyması, Rusya’ya avantaj sağlamıştır. Batı’dan (ABD ve AB) sonra Çin için de bölgede sömürgeci algısının güçlenmeye başlamasıyla, Rusya’nın bu avantajdan yararlanması, gücüne, bölgede takip edeceği stratejiye ve dış politika vasıtalarının etkinliğine bağlıdır. Rusya’nın bölge ülkelerinin siyasi, ekonomik ve güvenlik sorunlarının çözümüne yardımcı olması, kıtadaki ilişkilerinin gelişmesinde belirleyici olacaktır. Bu yöndeki beklentileri bilerek hareket etmesi, diğer büyük güçlerle rekabetinde kazanan tarafta olmasını sağlayacaktır. Rekabette istediği sonuçları elde etmesi ise, büyük güç hayalinin gerçekleşmesiyle sonuçlanabilecektir. Bu genel esaslar çerçevesinde çalışmanın amacı, Rusya’nın bu konudaki niyetiyle kapasitesi arasındaki uyumun ortaya konulması ve bölgede yaratacağı etkinin belirlenmesidir.

Der Beitrag unternimmt eine Reflexion jener psychosozialen Mechanismen, mit deren Hilfe ein Begriff von Propaganda für die Rechtsextremismusforschung gerahmt werden kann. Um einen solchen Propagandabegriff formulieren zu können, werden grundlegende Überlegungen ausgewählter Kritischer Theoretiker zu Propaganda und Agitation diskutiert. Dabei wird vorgeschlagen, dass Propaganda der extremen Rechten in Abgrenzung zu anderen politischen Mobilisierungsformen als eine regressiv wirkende Sozialisationsagentur verstanden werden kann. Um die Relevanz der dargelegten Überlegungen zu verdeutlichen, analysiert der Autor einen Ausschnitt einer politischen Rede von Björn Höcke (AfD), anhand der die doppelbödige Wirkungsweise extrem rechter Propaganda ausgearbeitet wird. So tritt in Höckes Ansprache gegen die deutsche Asylpolitik beispielhaft die ambivalente Adressierung extrem rechter Propaganda hervor, die ihrem Publikum einerseits narzisstische Aufwertung verspricht, dieses anderseits aber auch beständig klein macht und kränkt. Im Rahmen eines solchen doppelbödigen Erlebnisangebots jedoch, so wird zu zeigen versucht, macht extrem rechte Propaganda rechtsextreme Ideologiefragmente emotional attraktiv, insofern sie diese als verheißungsvolle Lösung für jene Konflikte und Beschädigungen darbietet, die extrem rechte Propaganda wiederum manipulativ verstärkt.

Der Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, welche psychosoziale Rolle die Bezüge zu „1989“, die damit verwobenen apokalyptischen Narrative und Verschwörungsideen auf den Corona- und den nachfolgenden Protesten spielen. Grundlage bildet eine tiefenhermeneutische Fallanalyse. Es zeigt sich, dass die kollektiven Narrative auf den ostsächsischen Protesten einerseits ermöglichen, Aggression kompromisshaft auszuagieren und andererseits dazu beitragen, Ohnmacht, Schwäche und Schuldgefühle abzuwehren. Dass das ideologische Angebot, die Ereignisse um den Gesellschaftszusammenbruch wieder dauerhaft in die Gegenwart zu holen, auf derart fruchtbaren Boden stößt, wird mit der jüngeren deutschdeutschen Geschichte als ambivalenten Erfahrungsraum in Verbindung gebracht. Während über das Geschehen gesprochen werden kann, ist die emotionale Relevanz sowohl gesellschaftlich als auch individuell unzureichend verarbeitet.

Rechtsextreme, rassistische und antisemitische Einstellungen sind derzeit in Jugendmilieus weit verbreitet. In der Post-Migrationsgesellschaft gewinnen türkisch rechtsextreme Bewegungen, wie die Ülkücü-Bewegung (auch bekannt als Graue Wölfe), an Einfluss und begeistern türkeistämmige Jugendliche für ultra-nationalistische Mobilisierungen. Diese Entwicklung schafft einen Nährboden für Gewalt, Hass und Demokratiefeindlichkeit unter jungen Menschen. Im November 2020 beschloss der Deutsche Bundestag einen parteiübergreifenden Antrag unter dem Motto „Nationalismus und Rassismus die Stirn bieten – Einfluss der Ülkücü-Bewegung zurückdrängen“, um auf die Gefahr des „türkischen Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland“ aufmerksam zu machen. Der Antrag forderte eine konsequente Bekämpfung aller Formen von Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland und die Prüfung eines Verbots der Ülkücü-Bewegung. Diese Entwicklungen stellen die politische Bildung und Soziale Arbeit vor die Herausforderung, neue Strategien zur Radikalisierungsprävention zu entwickeln. Diese Strategien müssen zwingend eine rassismuskritische Perspektive einnehmen.

Die letzten 10 Jahre der Europäischen Union sind geprägt durch zahlreiche Krisen, die sich derart gegenseitig verstärkt haben, dass die Existenz der EU selbst infrage steht. Zentraler Bestandteil der Bearbeitung der Krisen sind daher Debatten um die Zukunft der EU respektive Europas. Gleichzeitig haben weite Teile der extremen Rechten ihre Europa-Imaginationen vor dem Hintergrund dieser Krisen aktualisiert. Ein zentrales Motiv ist dabei die Entgegensetzung eines ‚wahren Europas‘ gegen die EU. Der Beitrag analysiert die inhaltlichen Dimensionen und politisch-strategischen Implikationen dieses Motivs und situiert sie in der Krise der EU. Extrem rechte Imaginationen von Europa sind Teil der Versuche, autoritäre Veränderungen der institutionellen Struktur der EU zu erreichen. Vor dem Hintergrund hegemonietheoretischer, wissenspolitologischer und ideologiekritischer Überlegungen werden Aussagen extrem rechter Akteur*innen zu Europa untersucht und in Kategorien eingeteilt. Diese einzelnen ideologischen Versatzstücke verstehe ich als Elemente einer großen Diskursformation, die spezifische strategische Implikationen aufweisen.

Populistische und extremistische Akteur:innen gewinnen unabhängig von ihrer ideologischen Verortung stetig an Popularität. Digitale Medien spielen dabei eine zentrale Rolle. Obwohl in Medienberichten spekuliert wird, dass das von Populist:innen geschaffene einfache Weltbild zu extremeren Positionen beiträgt, gibt es bisher keine Untersuchungen dazu, inwiefern Extremist:innen in ihren Mitteilungen auf populistische Kommunikationsmuster zurückgreifen. Außerdem gibt es keine Studie, welche unterschiedliche Ideologien diesbezüglich gegenüberstellt. Die vorliegende Studie schließt diese Lücke und präsentiert eine quantitative Inhaltsanalyse von N=51 extremistischen YouTube-Videos (n=25 rechtsextremistisch, n=26 islamistisch extremistisch). Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass 30 Prozent der Videos die drei zentralen Elemente des Populismus aufweisen (Volkszentrismus, Anti-Elitismus und Wiederherstellung der Souveränität). Zudem unterscheiden sich rechtsextremistische und islamistische Videos nur geringfügig hinsichtlich der verwendeten populistischen Kommunikationsmuster.

Aus erziehungswissenschaftlicher Perspektive befasst sich der Beitrag mit Gesellschaftsentwürfen der Neuen Rechten auf Basis ihrer divergierenden sozial- und wirtschaftspolitischen Konzeptionen. Beispielhaft für den völkischen Neoliberalismus wird das Buch „Alternative Politik“ (2017) von Felix Menzel herangezogen und auf Vorstellungen von Erziehung und Familie sowie geschlechterordnenden Implikationen untersucht. Dem gegenüber wird das Buch „Solidarischer Patriotismus“ (2021) von Benedikt Kaiser als Vertreter des völkischen Antikapitalismus einer kritischen Betrachtung unterzogen. Es zeigt sich, dass beiden Entwürfen völkische Familien- und Geschlechterbilder zugrunde liegen. Aufgrund der zentralen Rolle, die die Familie als Gegenhalt zur wirtschaftlichen Konkurrenzlogik im völkischen Neoliberalismus spielt, kommt dieser in Menzels Ausführungen eine vergleichsweise prominente Position zu. Auf der anderen Seite speist sich Kaisers Entwurf aus einem rassistisch-exklusiven Solidaritätspostulat, dem vor dem Hintergrund gesellschaftlicher Individualisierungstendenzen eine gewisse Verfänglichkeit zukommt. Der Beitrag schließt mit dem Appell an die Erziehungswissenschaft, einem solchen neurechten Vorstoß ein inklusives Solidaritätsangebot entgegenzustellen.

Objective/context: This article analyzes the affiliation of cabinet members in four post-transition governments in Mexico. The main goal is to contribute to the study of the role of parties in the dynamics of government formation. Methodology: The article is based on the description of an original database regarding the trajectory and partisan links of 148 secretaries of state in Mexico between 2000 and 2024. Conclusions: Our analysis shows that although alternation and divided government increased the incentives to appoint ministers with a political-partisan background, each president shaped their cabinet according to political circumstances and professional and political networks. Originality: A new proposal for categorizing the partisan profiles of ministers and their relationship with the type of cabinet appointment is tested by applying a partisanship index in ministries.

Objective/Context: The article analyzes the partisan nature of ministers in Uruguay (96 % of the total) during the period 1985–2024, based on the institutional and political constraints of cabinet appointments. Given that the president has moderate legislative powers, nominations are used to build majorities capable of approving government initiatives and preventing the opposition from censuring ministers in Parliament. As the political system operates based on the logic of the party government model, the article explores the consequences of its application by analyzing the behavior of the ruling party’s caucus in a sample of ministerial interpellations conducted in Parliament. Methodology: The research is a case study based on statistical analysis of original data. The main hypothesis considers four independent variables (size of the president’s legislative contingent, party cohesion, type of government, and evolution of the government period) and a series of control variables. Conclusions: The study confirms that Uruguayan presidents make strategic use of ministerial appointments, based on the assumption that the relationship between powers functions as a typical party government model, similar to that observed in parliamentary regimes. Presidents appoint high-ranking partisan ministers when they have support in Parliament and the party is strongly cohesive. They appoint mid- and low-ranking partisan ministers when the president forms coalitions and when the party is less cohesive. Finally, they prefer new or discreet partisan ministers when the president loses his coalition or during the last years of the mandate. Originality: It analyzes the appointment of ministers in Uruguay under a presidential system that, despite not having excessive legislative powers, resembles the typical party government model of parliamentary regimes.

Objective/context: This study analyzes the partisan connections of individuals who attain ministerial positions in the Dominican Republic, identifying the influence of political parties, economic elites, and technical profiles in the formation of presidential cabinets. Methodology: Following the typology proposed by Camerlo and Castaldo, we categorize the partisan profiles of the governments of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) from 2016 to 2020, and the Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) from 2020 to 2024. This aims to characterize their internal variation in scenarios of low formal institutionalization that are not captured by traditional dichotomous classifications. Conclusions: The heterogeneity in the influence of party leadership illustrates how Dominican parties diverge from the party government model. The predominance of non-partisan profiles in the core planning ministries, along with the presence of politician-businessmen in the rest of the portfolios, highlights the risk of political capture in this country. Originality: These results call into question the influence of the party as the center of power in dominant presidentialism.

Objective/context: This article analyzes the partisan profiles of cabinets in Panama from the transition to democracy to the present day. Methodology: Using an original methodological approach, a case study is conducted to empirically measure the degree of partisanship among the ministers who have served in Panamanian cabinets since the democratic transition. Conclusions: The data reveal that Panama is a case of cabinet partisanship, despite the growing presence of independent ministers. The most prominent party members are rewarded with positions in the government and leadership of the most significant ministries. Originality: This work provides empirical evidence, based on a database compiled by the author, about the differences in party affiliation among various ministers. While some are strong figures within the party, others are newcomers. It offers previously unexplored data on a case study that has been scarcely addressed in the literature.

Objective/context: Based on a definition consistent with the party government model, this article proposes a flexible typology to categorize and classify variants of partisanship in Latin American coalition presidential systems. Methodology: We advance a measurement strategy that, based on the assumptions of governmental partisanship, allows representing the individual-organizational link of cabinet members as committed, eventually consolidated, and hierarchical. This typology enables to measure the concept of governmental partisanship nominally, ordinally, and dichotomously. Conclusions: The measurement strategy makes it possible to observe a significant range of partisanship variation in Latin American coalition presidential systems. Additionally, it provides insights into how presidents decide on the composition of their cabinet. Originality: We propose an innovative approach to categorize and classify variants of partisanship in government.

Objective/context: Party recruitment is a crucial governance tool in contemporary democracies. Presidential and parliamentary heads of government distribute ministerial portfolios to party members in exchange for essential political resources, such as legislative support. This article explores the relationship between government formation and political parties, with parties that are not very institutionalized. In particular, it examines the extent to which arguments about presidential cabinet formation hold up when the hierarchical level of party ministers is considered. Methodology: This statistical study uses a generalized linear model (GLM) with a binomial distribution and a logit link function with robust standard errors. It aims to carry out causality exploration to test the original indicators of the proposed dependent variables. Conclusions: Hierarchy and partisan powers are relevant factors to complement existing explanations of ministerial recruitment strategies. Originality: Comparative research on government formation and its connection to political parties has made significant progress, focusing on the distinction between ministers affiliated and not affiliated with a party. However, this dichotomous approach neglects consideration of the hierarchical position within the party structure, a fundamental aspect of the governing party model underlying parliamentary democracies. This article presents a trichotomous measure that considers the hierarchical level of ministers.

Objective/context: By developing an empirical study on the Colombian case, this article tests a flexible typology to identify the variants of partisanship of 196 ministers, grouped in 91 different cabinets, during six governments between 1998 and 2022. The paper also explores the factors associated with the strategic decision made by a president regarding the degree of partisanship of their cabinet. Methodology: For the former, we classified different variants of partisanship based on a biographical log, which grades the partisan experience of the ministers at the time of appointment. For the latter, we estimated a linear regression model, taking the aggregate index of cabinet partisanship as the dependent variable. Conclusions: A better identification of the ministers who are considered partisan allows for finding a statistically significant correlation between the president’s image and the cabinet’s degree of partisanship. Originality: We used an original database containing information on 196 ministers.

Theoretical research indicates that foreign interference, and even allegations thereof, cause long-term negative effects: they erode trust, damaging the bilateral relationship, and lead to a greater polarization of the political system and society due to the securitization of the relationship with the presumed interferer. The article examines the case of how the Australian government and society have reacted to the perceived attempts of interference by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It tests theoretical hypotheses by answering the question of what are the implications of the above-mentioned issue for Australia - China relations and Australia’s politics. The study has identified that the rhetoric about foreign interference by the PRC into Australia’s internal affairs has been publicly attributed to a complex of attempts at unwanted influence not only in politics but also in other domains such as society, economics, education and mass media. This issue served as a critical juncture in initiating a downward trend in bilateral relations by significantly eroding Australia’s trust in China and public opinion about it as well as by prompting the Australian government to reassess its policy vis-à-vis the PRC against the background of challenging geopolitical landscape of the Asia-Pacific. The securitization of cross-border links with China has become a notable phenomenon. As a result of these events as well as other foreign policy factors, Australia - China relations deteriorated significantly. The Australian government promptly took a hard stance against the perceived foreign interference, becoming the first to adopt a special legislation to combat it. This issue was instrumentalized in political competition, especially by the Liberal Party of Australia. However, there has been no polarization of the Australian political system and society. The result has been a broad public and bipartisan consensus on the need for a greater transparency and public scrutiny over the links with China, as well as the establishment of an effective system to counter foreign interference. The Australian case demonstrates that the instrumentalization of the interference issue may lead not to a polarization but, on the contrary, to a domestic consensus over standing up to a perceived threat.

Using the example of the Far Eastern Federal District, the article examines the role of Confucius Institutes, educational institutions that China has established in various countries since 2004 to teach Chinese language and culture. The relevance of the research is linked to the growing criticism of the dual function of these organizations. On the one hand, these Institutes are considered as a soft power instrument capable of creating China’s positive image and increasing its global influence through cultural and educational contacts. On the other hand, there are cases of Confucius Institutes acquiring hard power functions, allowing China to implement its strategic goals in other areas unrelated to education and culture. This has prompted reproaches from partner countries. These moments are especially relevant in the Russian Far East, given its close proximity to China, the considerable length of the Russian-Chinese border, and the critical demographic situation in the Russian Far East. The goal of the research is to identify whether regional factors support the criticism leveled at the Confucius Institutes and, subsequently, to propose measures to mitigate China’s hard power influence in the region. By analyzing the Institutes’ activities in the Russian Far East, the authors reveal three main aspects confirming their hard power functioning. The Confucius Institutes promote China’s ‘peaceful’ expansion; they increase the internationalization of Chinese education and contribute to the development of national culture. The authors conclude that when analyzing the pros and cons of Confucius Institutes, it is important to take into account the economic and political situation in the region where they operate. Otherwise, they risk being accused of serving as a Trojan horse. The article is based on recent Russian and Chinese sources, including academic writings and mass media publications, as well as the authors’ empirical research.

The article examines the conceptual foundations of China’s geoeconomic strategy and the features of its implementation in the context of the “awakening” of the Global South. The author employs a geoeconomic approach, which is used to examine various spatial economic-political phenomena, such as global economic projects, regional integration structures, economic and technological partnerships at various levels. The article identifies the key goals and objectives of China’s geoeconomic strategy in the context of the development of US-Chinese rivalry and increased international competition. It also provides an analysis of various aspects of China’s geoeconomic strategy, including diplomatic, trade and economic, financial, energy, resource, transport and logistics, scientific and technological, and digital. The study examines the Chinese interpretation of the concept of the “Global South,” with a particular focus on the positions of key states of the Global South in China’s geoeconomic strategy. It also analyzes China’s foreign policy approaches to developing interaction with key states of the Global South, including Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Türkiye, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Brazil. The topical issues of connecting Chinese economic projects with the national interests and international initiatives of key states of the Global South are considered. The article analyzes China’s strategic approaches to the development of non-Western-centric multilateral international associations, in which the People’s Republic of China (PRC) plays one of the leading roles (for example, BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization). At the same time, China’s initiatives to enhance engagement with regional and global international associations of states of the Global South and groups of countries are being explored. As a result of the study opportunities and limitations for China’s implementation of its geoeconomic strategy at the present stage are identified. The author concludes that the People’s Republic of China is seeking to intensify a new phase of globalization to address the long-term challenges facing its national development. As part of this phase of globalization, the economic potential of states in the Global South should be unlocked through their involvement in sustainable supply chains oriented towards China.

For several decades, the issue of human rights has been an instrument of Western pressure on China, and also serves as a pretext for foreign policy decisions (such as the imposition of sanctions). As part of its discursive policy, China has recently shifted from a defensive to an offensive position, including on the issue of human rights. This dynamic is considered in this study using the example of three issues that have been most actively discussed in Western discourse in recent years - Hong Kong, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and methods of combating COVID-19. The relevant discourse of China not only defended the right to its own development model, but also highlighted the shortcomings of Western systems. This discursive practice corresponds to the fundamental differences in the understanding of human rights in China and Europe, which are shown in the analysis of the provisions of the second chapter of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Constitution, the Charter of the European Union on Human Rights, and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Despite the fact that European politicians see themselves as the main proponents of democratic rights and freedoms in the world, sociological surveys show a low level of satisfaction of respondents in the United Kingdom (UK), Germany, France and Italy with how the principles of democracy are respected in their own countries, against the backdrop of deep dissatisfaction with their economic situation. Moreover, in many ways, Europe’s position does not seem to be principled, but opportunistic, since China’s position on the topics mentioned above has not changed, but now European criticism has practically switched to the “Taiwan issue.”

China is the single largest state-based international actor that is a major threat to the continued hegemony of the United States’ unipolar order. As such, a campaign of obstructive foreign policy is being waged against China through the obstructive marketing of China as a sinister threat and unreliable actor against the ‘rules-based order.’ By attempting to undermine China’s soft power potential, it is hoped that China’s global rise can be constrained and contained. Drawing on an integrative type of literature review, this article examines attempts at ‘knowledge production’ through geopolitically subjective interpretations and representations by the U.S. and its allies of the modern type of geopolitically-influenced international conflicts - hybrid warfare. In the English language imagination, hybrid warfare is a politically charged and loaded term that assumes ill intent by the user upon the intended victim. According to the research estimates by foreign experts, the current foreign policy of international activities by China displays a hybrid character. The country is publicly accused of carrying out operations in the economic, cybernetic, geographical, geopolitical, psychological, information and ideological spaces. Currently, the notion of “Chinese hybrid warfare” is starting to become an increasingly popular mass communicated trope. However, the aggravation of Sino-American relations against the backdrop of the South China Sea, the Taiwan issue and the Russian special military operation gives us an opportunity to predict that China will increasingly be projected as an increasingly dangerous source of hybrid threat in the Western-centric discourse to contain its global rise and by default to try to preserve US global hegemony through a negative information campaign.

Since the early 2000s, China has been putting consistent efforts to push its way into the Arctic and secure a position as an equal participant in international political and economic processes in the region. The relevance of this research lies in the crucial importance of the Arctic for the Russian Federation and, consequently, the necessity of developing a balanced foreign policy approach based on an objective assessment of the strategies of major “players” in the region, including China, which is gradually expanding its presence in the Far North. Despite the considerable number of studies conducted by Russian and foreign scientists on various aspects of China’s Arctic policy, the long-term goals of Beijing in the Arctic in the context of its strategy to transform the global governance system remain insufficiently researched. This study aims to identify the key drivers of China’s Arctic policy and to assess the way the implementation of China’s approaches to the core issues of the future development of the region could pose a threat to Russia’s interests. The study is based on the theory of offensive realism, which allows to justify the high degree of competition between the world powers in the geopolitical space of the Arctic and to explain the significant offensive potential of China’s foreign policy, including its northern dimension. The author employed a combination of institutional, logical, and expert assessment methods. The cornerstone of the methodological framework of the research is the systematic approach, through which the Arctic policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is analyzed in a variety of its components with respect to the changing international environment, as well as in the broader context of Beijing’s global foreign policy strategy. Based on the analysis of China’s Arctic policy over the past decades, the author identifies the risks associated with the increased involvement of Chinese capital in the infrastructure projects in the High North and the integration of Russia’s northern logistic route into China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to transform the global economic system and the structure of international relations to China’s advantage.

In this study, the author examines the foreign policy of Y.V. Andropov and assesses the impact of his personal position on the Soviet-US and Sino-Soviet relations during his tenure as the leader of the Soviet Union. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity, and reliance on sources. It is proved that Y.V. Andropov adopted the foreign policy of the USSR from the position of the “hawks” in the Soviet leadership, which were represented by D.F. Ustinov. According to such a position, foreign policy should be absolutely subordinated to the interests of national security, which can only be guaranteed by the superiority of both nuclear and conventional forces over potential adversaries. Military power should be at the forefront of foreign policy decisions. Therefore, no matter on the issue of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) in Europe, or on the issue of the armed forces on the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolian borders, regardless of the objective changes in the situation, Y.V. Andropov always maintained a tough position. Author proves that the Soviet leader persistently rejected the reasonable proposals of diplomats and was unwilling to make any concessions that contradicted the ideas of military supremacy. This primarily concerned the issue of the INF deployment on the territory of Eastern Europe, which was a key topic of discussion at the Geneva negotiations. As a result, the Soviet Union could not avoid being drawn into the new round of the arms race provoked by the U.S. President Ronald Reagan, one of the results of which was the deployment of the American INF in Western Europe. In the East, he missed the opportunity to improve relations with China, which had begun to reorient itself away from confrontation with the USSR to building a balance in relations with the United States and the Soviet Union and continued a pointless confrontation with it. The foreign policy heritage that Y.V. Andropov left to his successors was an isolated and tense external environment in which there was few freedom of action. In addition, the growth of military expenditures caused by his tough line on foreign affairs aggravated the stagnation and crisis in the social-economic development of the USSR.

The study dedicates to the genetic problems of geopolitical doctrines associated with the attribution of institutional attributes to space. It analyses the ontological foundations of geopolitics and the possibilities of its effective use. The work demonstrates that the apparent instrumentality of the geopolitical method of research is based on myths taken on faith, that is, it lies outside the boundaries of scientific knowledge. Panideas, thalassocracy and tellurocracy, the concepts of Heartland and Rimland, etc., are used as basic mythologemes. The use of geopolitical argumentation in practical politics only serves as a cover for specific foreign policy actions. And that is why the study of geopolitics is of special interest to science. The article examines the category of additional space, which sometimes complements the concept of imaginary space and subsequently forms an important part of geopolitical theories. Examples of geopolitical constructs that have emerged in the Middle East, the Indo-Pacific and the South Atlantic are used to explore both their connection to classical geopolitics and the specificity of their own concepts. From this perspective, the Sinocentric concept of the world “Community of Common Destiny,” the geopolitical aspect of the Indian concept of Hindutva, Iranian and Turkish constructs based on panideas, the South African concept of the “Island of Africa,” the Japanese geopolitical projects of the “Great Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” and the “Security Diamond,” axial constructs of Brazilian and Indonesian geopoliticians. The methodological basis of the study is critical analysis, which means correlating the methodological basis of geopolitics with specific concepts and doctrines. As a result, the author concludes that the spread of geopolitical ideas formed in Western countries outside the Old World has only expanded and diversified the scope of their application, without bringing something new to them. In general, geopolitical constructs based on imaginary spaces, despite a certain demand in the world of science and politics, do not give an acceptable effect in both areas.

This study examines the importance of Myanmar for the formation of a Sino-centric macro-region through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The authors rely on the transit of power theory that helps to analyze systemic imperatives and internal characteristics of China’s foreign policy. The authors applied the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliability. In the first part of the work, the Chinese Belt and Road initiative is studied as a geostrategic tool of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The authors consider the features of its development and the strategic results of its implementation. In particular, the article emphasizes that this initiative is aimed at the formation of a Sino-centric macro-regional space. Based on this, the role of Myanmar is characterized as essential. The geographical location of this state allows China to gain access to the Indian Ocean, a transit region for energy resources, as well as to overcome one of the strategic vulnerabilities of its geopolitical position - the ‘Malacca dilemma.’ Moreover, as a border state, Myanmar is an indispensable link in the implementation of land and gas energy transport corridors of macro-regional importance. Finally, in the context of strategic competition between the United States and China, the importance of ensuring stability in critical proximity to the PRC’s state borders is growing, especially in the absence of a stable internal state situation in Myanmar. Among the additional factors, the authors highlight the importance of the mood of state and local elites for the development of this initiative. In this regard, the analysis of China’s reaction to the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021 was particularly indicative that Myanmar is of key importance because of its strategic location between China and the Indian Ocean, as well as its resource potential.

Zhao Tingyang is Professor of Philosophy at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Senior Research Fellow at the Berggruen Institute (USA). The research interests of Professor Zhao Tingyang include ontology, political philosophy, and the philosophy of history. His works on Tianxia theory have been translated into many languages, including German (Alles Unter dem Himmel, Suhrkamp, Germany), English (All-under-Heaven: The Tianxia System for a Possible World Order, University of California, USA; Redefining a Philosophy for World Governance, Palgrave Macmillan, UK), French (Tianxia tout sous un Meme Ciel, Cerf, France), Spanish (Tianxia: una filosofia para la gobernanza global, Herder, Spain), Italian (Tutto Sotto il Cielo, Ubalddini, Italy), and Polish (Nowa Filozofia ladu Swiatowego, Time Marszalek, Poland). In his interview, Zhao Tingyang reveals the details of his “Tianxia” concept, the essence of which is to establish a system of coexistence of peoples and states based on a renewed understanding of politics as “the art of transition from hostility to hospitality.” In such a system, as Professor Zhao Tingyang notes, the hegemony of one power over others is excluded, the risks of conflicts and large-scale crises are minimized, but opportunities are created for the development of all states on the principles of equality, rationality and improvement.

The sharp deterioration between Russia and the West that began in February 2022 has posed a serious challenge to the advancement of Arctic cooperation, which has become increasingly intense, fruitful, and, to a large extent, mutually beneficial for its participants over the past several decades. China, which has demonstrated to the world that it has ambitions in the region, is facing difficult challenges. In this regard, some research questions about Beijing’s Arctic strategy need to be addressed. Will the strengthening of cooperation with Russia harm the building of interaction with the other Arctic states? To what extent will the security crisis and the gradual transformation of the established system of international cooperation in the Arctic affect China’s plans to integrate the region into its global strategic projects? What role can China play in the future Arctic governance system? The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the changes currently taking place in China’s Arctic policy. The methodological foundation of the study is the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O. Wæver. It has been determined that the policy of building an Arctic identity, one of the key components of which is the securitization of the climate discourse, is meeting increasing resistance from Western countries. In the context of the current crisis, Beijing is also forced to balance its bilateral relations with Russia and the states of Northern Europe. The erosion of the existing international Arctic cooperation framework is highly undesirable for China, as it allowed Beijing to legitimately take a limited role in the governance of the region, as opposed to the regulatory regimes of total domination of the Arctic states (sectoral approach). However, at the doctrinal level, there has been a shift in the focus in China’s Arctic policy toward a more global vision of the region’s development. The foreign policy shift has been driven by a number of external factors, including the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic and the intensifying Sino-American strategic confrontation.

The study examines the nature of the bilateral cooperation between Cambodia and Russia within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The authors employ the neorealist theory, which allows explaining the foreign policy of states by the desire to ensure their national interests. The principles of historicism and scientific objectivity are used, which allowed establishing how Cambodia and Russia build bilateral relations, relying on such an authoritative regional organization as ASEAN. The most interesting aspect of relations is the political one, since in the modern realities of globalization, in addition to the military and economic aspects of bilateral interaction between states claiming a significant role in the system of international relations, it is the political aspect that is of particular importance due to the need to create a new model of global governance. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of cooperation between Russia and Cambodia in the development of the international regime under the leadership of ASEAN, which is the core of regional integration processes. To achieve this goal, the authors analyze the evolution of relations between Russia and ASEAN from their inception to giving them the status of a strategic partnership in the context of Russia’s turn to the East. The authors then focus on the dynamics of Cambodia’s participation in ASEAN in the context of the national interests that this state seeks to implement in its foreign policy. In the final part, it was established how the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Cambodia interact on the ASEAN platform. The authors emphasize the large-scale structure of cooperation between Russia and ASEAN. Based on the results of the analysis of the development of the bilateral dialogue, it was revealed that Cambodia’s accession to ASEAN became an impetus for the formation of mechanisms of bilateral cooperation, which was often carried out “on the sidelines” of the Association’s events. ASEAN’s core values have influenced Cambodia’s foreign policy, contributing to strengthening its cooperation with Russia at the present stage.

Cosmopolitanism – the view that moral concern, and consequently moral duties, are not limited by borders – seems to justify colonialism with a ‘civilizing’ mission, because it supports the enforcement of moral norms universally, with no distinctions between territories, and settler colonialism, because it promotes ideas like common ownership of the Earth and open borders. I argue that existing attempts to defend cosmopolitanism from this worry fail, and that instead the cosmopolitan should embrace a cosmopolitan instrumentalist defence. According to cosmopolitan instrumentalism, colonialism is wrong (when it is wrong) for instrumental reasons: it has all sorts of terrible effects. There is nothing per se wrong with colonialism itself, so cosmopolitanism need not worry about licencing it in principle. There is much that is wrong with colonialism in practice, so cosmopolitanism can easily condemn colonialism as egregiously wrong, although it cannot condemn it as per se or necessarily wrong.

The Portuguese elections occurred this March, and the left’s decline has accompanied the far-right’s growth, as in previous elections. Explanations for such phenomena are often carried out using quantitative and qualitative methods. Philosophical conceptual analysis, in contrast, is frequently dismissed as a method for analysing political change. In this paper, I will show how, by using conceptual analysis, it is possible to assist in explaining voting behaviour from the left on the far-right party Chega in Portugal. This methodology resembles philosophers and political theorists using concepts like ‘class’ and ‘authoritarianism’ to assist in explaining socio-political changes. I will use concepts, such as ‘complex ideology’ and ‘anti-power/anti-system politics’, which have helpful explanatory power to the phenomenon I address. Particularly, I argue that the right-wing party Chega can attract voters from the left because of its anti-system ideology, an ideological characteristic of left voters in Portugal. Thus, I argue that the rise of the far-right partly relates to the changing politics of some smaller left parties with parliamentary representation. These political changes within these parties create a space for specific anti-system ideologies that the far-right, in the case of Portugal, can fill.

Shmuel Nili’s Philosophizing The Indefensible – Strategic Political Theory represents a sophisticated response to the widespread support of political positions that seem unreasonable from the perspective of liberal political morality. Nili takes seriously extreme right-wing, pro-life, pro-business, and climate change-sceptic positions that other liberal theorists seem to prefer sweeping under the carpet when turning towards yet another puzzle of liberalism. This is a refreshing move, which Nili pursues masterfully through the critical analysis of such seemingly indefensible positions in painstaking detail. That said, readers who are intrigued by the political philosophical methods of Charles Larmore and the late John Rawls, who accept the fact of reasonable moral disagreement and focus primarily on the question of political legitimacy, may sometimes find that Nili’s argumentations are somewhat moralistic.

The integration of smart technologies, from data mining to Artificial Intelligence, has revolutionized the way financial institutions manage and use information. This progress has driven the development of hybrid artificial intelligence solutions, which fuse neural networks, fuzzy logic, genetic algorithms and intelligent agents, improving efficiency and accuracy in finance. Key application areas include implementing machine learning for personalized financial services, using artificial intelligence to improve credit risk assessments, and automating operations for greater efficiency. This study aims to analyze the implementation of hybrid artificial intelligence in the banking sector. The findings suggest that machine learning significantly personalizes services, increasing customer satisfaction and retention. Artificial intelligence has refined credit risk assessment, reducing errors and improving accuracy, while AI-enabled automation has streamlined operations. In addition, artificial intelligence helps analyze trends and innovate products. The combination of traditional and data-driven artificial intelligence techniques was identified as offering significant competitive advantages for financial institutions.

This study aims to describe and analyze scientific production in relation to dynamic teams. Through bibliometric analysis, this article explores the most studied topics, the relationships between authors and their citations. The results show that the interest of researchers, according to the number of citations, is directed towards the fields of Psychology, Business and Organizational Behavior. Likewise, a certain dispersion is observed in the topics studied and there is a lack of consensus on the concept of a dynamic team. In conclusion, the present study provides an overview of how the literature in this scientific field has developed. Future research can be directed to the study of dynamic teams in different contexts, which could deepen the analysis for a definition of the concept of dynamic team and benefit from the multidisciplinary nature of the field, as well as facilitate the transfer of ideas between different fields.

Learning approaches and academic experiences are constructs of utmost relevance in the student's educational process. With the purpose of building a solid theoretical corpus, this study is carried out, the objective of which is to analyze the association that exists between these variables to understand the difficulties in learning in the university environment. The design was a basic associative type, collecting data from 472 university students of both sexes, using two instruments: the revised study processes questionnaire (R-CPE-2F), and the academic experiences questionnaire (QVA-R). The results show that these variables have a direct relationship (r=0.486) with a significance level of 0.000. It has also been shown that the deep approach has a greater relationship with attitudes towards study and the professional project, while the superficial approach has a greater relationship with personal well-being and interpersonal relationships. It is concluded that the experiences experienced by students as part of their process of adaptation to academic life are complex, but at the same time, they are important predictors in the adoption of preferences, ways and personal perspectives to learn, constituting an important finding. to promote deep learning approaches and improve the academic quality of future professionals.

El presente artículo identifica los sectores económicos de la provincia de Tungurahua-Ecuador, con el fin de que los actores del territorio tomen decisiones óptimas de inversión pública y privada y así se dinamice la economía de esta provincia. Es así como, a partir de la estimación de la Matriz, insumo producto provincial y utilizando un enfoque indirecto conocido como Método RAS, se procede a la priorización de los sectores clave en la economía de Tungurahua aplicando el método cuantitativo, denominado Método de Rasmussen; y el método cualitativo, conocido como análisis de percepción. Los resultados obtenidos mediante el Método de Rasmussen, mostraron que los sectores clave en la economía de Tungurahua-Ecuador son cría de animales; fabricación de productos textiles y prendas de vestir; fabricación de cuero y artículos de cuero; fabricación de papel y producto de papel; fabricación de metales comunes y de productos derivados del metal; suministro de electricidad y agua; y actividades inmobiliarias. Se concluye que la priorización de sectores económicos claves locales no están del todo vinculados al direccionamiento estratégico para el cambio de la matriz productiva nacional, denotándose la debilidad en la articulación de los sectores económicos de Tungurahua-Ecuador con vistas a fortalecer el sistema productivo local.

La apertura comercial de México a través de acuerdos y/o tratados de libre comercio han incrementado los estudios de las relaciones comerciales. El objetivo del presente estudio fue analizar la integración comercial y el intercambio comercial de la industria eléctrica – electrónica de México durante el período 2001 – 2022. Por consiguiente, para la integración comercial se seleccionaron cinco acuerdos y/o tratados de libre comercio con los que México elimina de manera inmediata o progresiva aranceles aduaneros en las partidas arancelarias del Capítulo: 85 - Maquinaria eléctrica y electrónica. En cuanto al intercambio comercial, se utilizaron el índice Grubel-Lloyd, el índice de ventaja comparativa revelada y el índice de complejidad del producto. De tal forma que se estimó un modelo de panel de datos por país y partida arancelaria para inferir la relación del intercambio comercial. Los resultados por país y partida arancelaria de maquinaria eléctrica y electrónica revelan que en el período 2001 – 2022, el comercio es principalmente intraindustrial, con una ventaja comparativa y con menor nivel de complejidad del producto. Se concluye que las partidas arancelarias de maquinaria eléctrica y electrónica de los países que integran los acuerdos y/o tratados de libre comercio, predomina un comercio intraindustrial.

El artículo contribuye a estudios sobre inclusión financiera al profundizar desde el enfoque tradicional y analizar el acceso a crédito y servicios financieros de mujeres jefas de hogar en México, tema fundamental para su autonomía económica. El objetivo principal fue establecer los factores determinantes del acceso al crédito a nivel nacional durante 2021, utilizando un modelo logístico. Se recurre a una sólida revisión literaria; se identifican las principales barreras y propuestas para promover la inclusión financiera. Se emplean los microdatos de Encuesta Nacional de Inclusión Financiera del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía- México. Se evidencia un impacto positivo de la educación y el ingreso en la probabilidad de obtener crédito; mientras que existe una relación inversa con el ahorro y la estabilidad del ingreso. En este sentido, se estima el efecto de recibir un apoyo gubernamental, aunque no con un nivel de significancia estadística aceptable. Los resultados enriquecen la literatura existente y subrayan la importancia de estos factores y posibles ampliaciones en futuras investigaciones, así como en el diseño de políticas efectivas de inclusión financiera. En conclusión, se ofrece una visión integral de los desafíos y oportunidades, así como la necesidad de programas financieros sobre crédito e inclusión financiera.

La siguiente propuesta busca innovar en la realización de un cuestionario de orientación vocacional para el inicio de la vida universitaria. Este instrumento se basa en las inteligencias múltiples planteadas por Howard Gardner y está dirigido a estudiantes de educación media. Se consideran las habilidades e intereses del estudiante como fundamento para el actuar eficaz en una profesión, lo que permite una mejor elección vocacional y el inicio seguro para una carrera profesional. El objetivo de este estudio es diseñar un instrumento que vaya orientado a la teoría de las Inteligencias Múltiples, donde los jóvenes, a partir de sus habilidades, puedan escoger una carrera. Se aplicó el instrumento a 527 estudiantes de undécimo grado de educación media de diversas instituciones públicas y privadas en Colombia. Se estableció la validez de contenido, de constructo y la confiabilidad desde la consistencia interna del instrumento, obteniendo como resultado un nivel de fiabilidad adecuado; en cuanto a la validez de contenido la evaluación de expertos evidenció que el instrumento mide la variable de interés. En conclusión, este estudio contribuye al éxito universitario de los jóvenes que ingresan a la vida universitaria consciente de sus habilidades y cómo estás retribuyen a una carrera profesional.