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Politicians tend to try deflecting scandals. Based on an attribution theory-driven perspective on persuasion, however, politicians should proactively confess. In a preregistered, multiple-message design, we conduct controlled, random assignment experiments. A mediation model is tested. Inspired by crisis communication's change-of-meaning concept, the first variable appraises the extent to which voters perceive that the messaging indicates the politician is engaging in a cover-up. The second linkage is the politician's credibility. The outcome variable is voters' behavioral intentions. In Experiment 1 (N  =   905 U.S. voters), stealing thunder and apologizing outperform stonewalling, changing the subject, sequentially apologizing plus deflecting, or silence. Experiment 2 (N  =   277) finds that, in a sex scandal, stealing thunder and apologizing continue to perform equally well. Our theoretical contribution resides in enhancing the explanatory power of theories designed to explain image repair, as well as empirically testing the independent and combined role of apology and stealing thunder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump-era political environment in the United States is characterized by changes to our information environment, specifically discourse surrounding so-called "fake news," and knowledge of political scandals. We explore whether news trust or knowledge of Trump administration scandals impact individuals' levels of internal, information, and external political efficacy. We find significant and surprising relationships between these measures and political efficacy outcomes. Results contribute to our understanding of how political efficacy is responsive to changes in the political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In liberal democracies, journalists can engage the government by unearthing its scandals. Authoritarian regimes, where negative news about the government is heavily guarded, lack this process. Yet, rulers in China do propagate political scandals about themselves. Why? I theorize that they do so to engage citizens with propaganda and strategically control their risk with Information and Communications Technologies (ICT). I test my theory by analyzing a novel dataset of news stories and reader comments posted by Chinese citizens over the course of China's anticorruption campaign between 2012 and 2015. My findings show that users' comments about stories of corrupt national officials were unexpectedly lower than those about lower-ranking officials. Such irregularity suggests that either algorithms or censorship suppressed comments on national-level corruption, which indicates the ruler's uneasiness toward propagating scandals that may implicate themselves. I also find that China's rulers reduce their risks by outsourcing reports of their scandals to media outlets less closely linked to the state. My findings show that advancements in ICT and increasing competition among new media firms can help authoritarian rulers finetune their propaganda by promoting self-damaging political messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is based on the presidential address presented to the Society for Historians of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era at the meeting of the Organization of American Historians in Los Angeles in 2023. Its focus is Maury Diggs and Drew Caminetti, two white men from Sacramento, California, charged with violating the Mann Act (known as the White Slave Trafficking Act) in 1913. The Gilded Age and Progressive Era obsession with white slavery, a phenomenon that has particular resonance in today's climate, reveals the power of moral panics. Examining the steps, and missteps, that various legal, social, and political entities, including all three branches of government, took in response to Diggs and Caminetti's actions highlights some of the major social changes gripping the nation. Moral panics can be investigated as crucial historical sites of contestation, revealing efforts to neutralize or turn back the societal changes perceived to be the greatest threat to the prevailing social power structure—in this case foreigners, the new leisure culture, the liberalization of sexual attitudes, and the threat of female independence. Understanding the origins and repercussions of past moral panics can help identify, understand, and possibly defuse future panics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article provides a commentary on Thomas Grund’s International Conference on Computational Social Science 2021 keynote “Dynamics of Denunciation: The Limits of a Scandal”. The keynote presents results from research investigating the relational dynamics underpinning the denunciations provided in testimonies relating to a Canadian political scandal. Grund uses relational event models to test hypotheses about the social mechanisms driving the denunciations. Although denunciation should depend only on who is guilty and not on who has said what up to that point, Grund’s study finds evidence in support of a number of relational mechanisms influencing the denunciation process. Grund argues that the apparent influence of past denunciations on testimonies reveals the limits of the inquiry process itself and what it can reveal about a scandal. This article reviews Grund’s talk and puts the work in a broader context of using approaches rooted in event history modelling and social network theory to illuminate the processes defining social interaction data. It highlights ways in which the keynote can inform the development of computational social science approaches to analysing such data, and argues that the value of such an analysis has implications for scholarship beyond the social sciences.

The rise of right-wing populist parties in Western democracies is often attributed to populists' ability to instrumentalize news media by making deliberate provocations (e.g., verbal attacks on migrants or politicians from other parties) that generate media coverage and public awareness. To explain the success of populists' deliberate provocations, we drew from research on populism and scandal theory to develop a theoretical framework that we tested in two studies examining the rise of German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) between January 2015 and December 2018. In Study 1, an input–output analysis of 17 deliberate provocations by AfD politicians in German news media revealed much more coverage about their attacks on migrants than about their attacks on political elites, although all were covered in predominantly scandalizing ways. Next, Study 2, involving media database research and an analysis of Google Trends data, showed that the provocations had increased overall media coverage about the AfD and influenced public awareness of the party [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines whether political ideology switching by moderates mediates their charitable donations. Using the impeachment of Park Geun-hye, the former conservative president of South Korea, as a quasi-natural experiment, we find that the charitable donations of those who changed their political ideology from moderate to progressive after the corruption scandal increased by 16.8–17.9%. A battery of robustness tests supports the basic results. These findings imply that political scandals can affect moderates' charitable behavior through the channel of political ideology switching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing empirical research on voters' responses to individual politicians' moral transgressions pays limited attention to moral emotions, although moral emotions are an integral part of voters' moral judgment. This study looks at U.S. voters' discrete moral emotional responses to politician's moral violations and examines how these discrete moral emotional responses are dependent on voters' own moral principles and the extent to which they identify with a political party. We report on a 5 × 3 between-subjects experiment where 2026 U.S. respondents reacted to politicians' violations of one of five moral foundations defined by Moral Foundations Theory. We randomly vary which moral foundation is violated and the partisanship of the politician. While voters' own moral principles somewhat condition moral emotional responses, we find that voters' moral emotional responses mostly depend on partisan identification. When voters share party identity with a politician committing a moral violation, they respond with less anger, contempt, disgust and shame than when they do not share party identity. The effect is greater among strong partisans. However, we find limited evidence that specific moral emotions are activated by violations of particular moral foundations, thereby challenging Moral Foundations Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of 2022, the Japanese political world was shaken by a major scandal: in July 2022, former Prime Minister and a prominent member of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party Abe Shinzō was killed at an election rally. The assassin, caught at the crime scene, declared that the murder was a revenge for the victim’s connection with the Unification Church, which, according to the perpetrator’s words, had led his family to financial ruin. Initially, this explanation seemed fantastical, but the investigation that followed revealed that both Abe Shinzō himself and many other Japanese politicians had been maintaining connections with the Unification Church for many years. This caused an uproar in Japanese society, especially given the rather controversial reputation of the Unification Church. On January 26, 2023, the Association of Japanologists and the research laboratory “Center for Japanese, Korean, and Mongolian Studies” of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University) held a roundtable “Unification Church in Japan as a Sociocultural and Political Phenomenon”. The participants of the roundtable analyzed the situation around the Unification Church and its role in Japanese politics in detail, studied the specific features of the “new religions” in Japanese society, and considered the factors determining their influence on the political world of Japan.

In this article, former Austrian vice-chancellor's H.C. Strache's resignation speech and its media coverage in Austria, Germany, and the German speaking part of Switzerland are investigated. Strache resigned after the publication of a secretly recorded meeting with an alleged Russian oligarch during which he (and his closest political collaborator) discussed illegal ways of party funding. The analysis shows that Strache applies justifications (presenting him as victim of a plot) as well as excuses (presenting his demeanor as the normal behavior of a drunken male) in his resignation speech. These seemingly contradictory framing strategies, however, are shown to fit both into the right-wing populist rhetoric repertoire. Analysis of the media coverage of the speech shows country specific differences although media in all three countries did not adopt Strache's framing strategies. The article also discusses the merits of integrating different data sources and methods in contrastive socio-pragmatic research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern politics is permeated by blame games—symbolic struggles over the blameworthiness or otherwise of various social actors. In this article, we develop a framework for identifying different strategies of blaming that protesters use on social media to criticize and delegitimize governments and political leaders. We draw on the systemic functional linguistic theory of Appraisal to distinguish between blame attributions based on negative judgments of the target's (1) capacity, such as references to their incompetence and policy failures; (2) veracity, questioning their truthfulness or honesty via references to deceitful character or dishonest acts and utterances; (3) propriety, questioning their moral standing by references to, for instance, corruption; and (4) tenacity, suggesting that the politicians are not dependable due to, for example, dithering. We add to this a further threefold distinction based on whether blaming is focused on the target's (1) bad character, (2) bad behavior, or (3) negative outcomes that the target either caused or did not prevent from happening. To illustrate the approach, we analyze a corpus of replies by Twitter users to tweets by British government ministers about two highly contentious issues, Covid-19 and Brexit, in 2020–2021. We suggest that the methodology outlined here could provide a useful avenue for systematically revealing and comparing a variety of realizations of blaming in large datasets of online conflict talk, thereby providing a more fine-grained understanding of the practices of protest and delegitimation in modern politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black municipal leaders are routinely accused of using race and racism to sidestep allegations that they have run afoul the ethics of public office. That is, they use racial defenses to respond to what they view as racist attacks against them. This type of race-based account has been treated as commonplace in American politics, but its effectiveness as a political account has received little scholarly attention. For example, how effective is the racial defense at minimizing negative political fallout for scandalized Black politicians? Using data from a survey experiment, I test how Black Americans respond to the political accounts profferred by Black elected officials accused of official misconduct. I show that a strategy involving a racial defense can yield positive evaluations in terms of trait judgment and voter intention, while offering no comment reduces participant suspicion about investigative malfeasance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research in political communication has shown that visual news coverage can affect news consumers' evaluations of political candidates. Yet, so far, the effects of subtle (positive/negative) visual background cues on candidate evaluation remain largely unclear. Also, the role of individuals' media trust has not been explored in this context. That is, trusting individuals may interpret subtle visual cues in different ways compared with mistrusting individuals. Drawing from theory on visual communication, media trust, and the persuasion knowledge model a quota-based online experiment revealed that media trust moderates the relationship between the exposure to negative visual cues and candidate evaluation in the context of a political scandal. Mistrusting individuals showed more positive candidate evaluations, whereas trusting individuals showed more negative evaluations. Thus, visual background cues can have a polarising effect on citizens' evaluations of political actors and influence the electorate in very different ways. Implications for journalism practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In analyzing the distinction between flak and scandal, this investigation focuses on the discourse around Solyndra in 2011–2012 on two media platforms. Solyndra was a solar panel firm that went bankrupt after receiving American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (‘The Stimulus’) funds. The analysis shows that National Review—a rightwing journal of opinion that increasingly operates as an online platform—unswervingly utilized the Solyndra bankruptcy as an instrument of political combat. Following flak lines rehearsed by Republicans in congressional hearings, National Review narrated Solyndra as scandalous evidence of the Obama administration’s putative ineptitude and/or criminality that, moreover, discredited the efficacy of green energy. The performance of the mainstream newspaper The Washington Post presented a grab-bag mix as its objective methods insinuated flak packaged as scandal into stories when they followed Republican talking points. At the same time, The Washington Post’s discourse noted that no evidence of administration corruption was discovered despite extensive investigation and that government intervention into the economy is often highly beneficial.

History tells us that elected leaders who are tainted by scandal often pay a political price for their behavior. In the past few years, such allegations of sexual harassment have engulfed a large number of political (as well as entertainment, business, and even academic) figures. Many were forced to resign their positions, while others chose to end their campaigns for election or reelection. While the great majority of harassment victims are women, there are a few instances where the sex roles have been reversed – and with more women running for and winning public office (and thereby gaining positions of power and authority), it is possible that we will see more such role reversals in the future. Our study uses data from an internet-based survey of registered voters to examine citizens' attitudes about sexual harassment and the extent to which those attitudes shape their reactions when allegations of harassment are made against a fictional member of Congress. With an innovative experimental design, we will examine whether reactions vary with (a) either the target's or the voter's gender or (b) the former's response to the allegations of sexual misconduct made against him/her (denial, apology, counterframe). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Pauta Geral is the property of Revista Pauta Geral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through a quantitative content analysis, this study examines how varying online communicative behaviors are connected to news characteristics of focus, tone, and media framing of crisis communication during the South Korean Candlelight Revolution that led to the ouster of former President Park in 2017. This work suggests that, when the news stance was positive toward or the focus was on Park, Koreans were more active in showing disapproval through comments posted and anger expressed; when the news stance was negative toward Park or the focus was anti-Park, Koreans were more tacitly supportive, clicking likes more. This work also suggests that news media performed active frame-setting of Park's crisis-response strategies by presenting more defensive strategies than accommodative ones. Publics' news consumption of media-framed defensive crisis-response strategies tended to elicit more active online public engagement than when such media framing was absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how citizens' social media use may have influenced their participation in highly polarizing protests during the 2016–2017 corruption scandal in South Korea. As social media users mobilize politically by acquiring varied political information from other users, social media use created more incentives for citizens to participate in both pro- and anti-impeachment protests during the scandal. Given that social media is an important arena for political activism, participation in rival protests also influences many motivated protesters to strengthen their side's voices online. Thus, protests may increase citizens' political use of social media. Our empirical analysis suggests that social network service use does not influence citizens' political activities in a unidirectional manner. We have found that social media use and participation in rival protests reciprocally influence each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses the relation between knowledge, comprehension and culture, identifies the epistemological and intersubjective roots in the notion of comprehension and stresses some of the bonds between the studies on culture and comprehension as a method. Based on Montaigne's, Medina's, Morin's and others' critique of the fragmentation of scientific knowledge, the paper charts the path treaded by several authors who have contributed for the concept of comprehension as a method to link, unite, gather lore and knowledge. In dialogue with scholars of several fields, i.e. Arendt, Buber, Campbell, Weber, Popper, Latour and Bakhtin, we present the dialog between different practices of knowledge as a way for knowing, communicating and participating in cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In analyzing the distinction between flak and scandal, this investigation focuses on the discourse around Solyndra in 2011-2012 on two media platforms. Solyndra was a solar panel firmthatwent bankrupt after receiving American Recovery and Reinvestment Act ('The Stimulus') funds. The analysis shows that National Review--a rightwing journal of opinion that increasingly operates as an online platform--unswervingly utilized the Solyndra bankruptcy as an instrument of political combat. Following flak lines rehearsed by Republicans in congressional hearings, National Review narrated Solyndra as scandalous evidence of the Obama administration's putative ineptitude and/or criminality that, moreover, discredited the efficacy of green energy. The performance of the mainstream newspaper The Washington Post presented a grab-bag mix as its objective methods insinuated flak packaged as scandal into stories when they followed Republican talking points. At the same time, The Washington Post's discourse noted that no evidence of administration corruption was discovered despite extensive investigation and that government intervention into the economy is often highly beneficial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on the poems that Whitman dispatched from Washington to the New York Daily Graphic and contextualizes his poems and prose works within the greater periodical literature of the time. This contextualization brings into focus the second presidential inauguration of Ulysses S. Grant and the Credit Mobilier Scandal, each of which represents a fraught transition for both the poet and the nation. Poems such as "Nay, Tell Me Not To-day the Publish'd Shame" highlight Whitman's frustration with political corruption and express exhaustion at the unrelenting criticisms found in the periodical press while others, such as "The Singing Thrush," marvel at how the consumption of vile and mean creatures like slugs can give a bird the strength to sing so beautifully, a metaphor for the poet's ability to foster meaning and material in the daily political process. Instead of considering how such poems eventually find their way into Leaves of Grass, reading them in the context of other periodical literature brings into relief Whitman's initial reactions to specific political moments and reconnects his Reconstruction-era writing with his earlier journalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scandal severity may affect public perceptions of both scandalous political actors and news sources reporting political misconduct. Yet, research that has empirically tested these assumptions is lacking. Drawing from theory on anchoring effects, the results of two experimental studies conducted using mediation analyses revealed that severe scandals hurt politicians (candidate evaluation) and weaken voting intentions. Although non-severe scandals have no such effects, they increased news consumers' exaggerated scandalization perceptions and indirectly degraded news source evaluations. Severe scandals had no effect on the news source. Implications for the coverage of political scandals are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political misconduct is known to harm the politicians involved. Yet, we know less about how such events affect trust in political institutions. We study a real-world political malpractice affair in the European Commission, using a three-wave panel design to investigate how information about the affair influences trust in EU institutions. This enables us, first, to isolate the impact of new information on political trust, remedying endogeneity issues common in political trust research. Second, we assess which institutions are affected most (specificity) and whether effects depend upon citizens' sophistication levels (conditionality). Finally, we assess the durability of effects over time. Our findings demonstrate that citizens obtain knowledge about EU affairs through the media, and use this knowledge in their trust evaluations. In doing so, citizens differentiate between EU and national institutions, with trust in the European Commission affected most. This suggests a sophisticated process and highlights the evaluative nature of political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of scandal(ization) has become omnipresent in contemporary political media discourses – at the latest since the 2016 US presidential election. Our article addresses causes and effects of this recent prevalence of scandal narratives. By connecting concepts from social systems theory and media theory, we consider crucial practices and processes of scandal construction in the 2016 US presidential election, focusing on the much-noticed emailgate and trumptape scandals. Both examples serve to illustrate how the emergence of partial public spheres in social media may lead to a fight for sovereignty over scandal discourse, political attitudes, and the negotiation of social norms, morals, and values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the number of political scandals rises, we examined the circumstances that might influence how a politician would be judged as a result of a scandal. Specifically, we hypothesized that ingroup bias theory and shifting standards theory would produce different patterns of judgements. In two studies, we found support for the ingroup bias theory, such that participants rated the fictitious politician's public approval and perceived character as higher if the politician was a member of their own political party (i.e. their ingroup) than if the politician was a member of the another political party (i.e. their outgroup). These results may explain, in part, why people may judge politicians involved in scandal more or less harshly depending on whether they are an ingroup member or outgroup member. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous framing effects research has largely examined textual and visual influences separately, thus neglecting potential interaction effects between the two communication channels. The present study used a 2 × 2 experiment to examine the textual and visual influences in a separate manner and in an integrated way. It was tested how, if at all, textually and/or visually isolating a politician involved in scandal affects news consumers' perceptions. Results revealed that textual isolation cues had no effect. In contrast, visual isolation resulted in more negative candidate evaluations. Yet, this effect was only detected in the absence of textual isolation cues. Negative evaluations, in turn, decreased participants' intention to vote for the politician depicted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policymakers often engage in blame avoidance behaviour that affects the ways in which they structure their organisations, adopt policies and operating routines, and present their work to the public. The linguistic aspects of such behaviour have received relatively little academic attention. In this paper, I seek to advance blame avoidance scholarship by introducing to its analytical toolbox useful conceptual instruments from linguistically informed discourse studies. Based on a multidisciplinary literature review, I show how the discursive study of policy-related blame games is situated within the wider scholarship dealing with a variety of blame phenomena. I provide an inventory of the micro-level building blocks of blame games: discursive strategies of persuasion, and narratives of cause, failure, and scandal. I suggest that by treating government blame games as mediated ‘language games’, policy scholars can complement the analysis of various political variables traditionally discussed in policy literature with detailed understanding of the micro-politics of presentational blame avoidance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organizations (I0) have centralized their public communication to a large extent over recent decades by undertaking a broader codification of communication tasks as well as a departmentalization of these tasks within units of IO bureaucracies. The paper provides the first systematic analysis of this important development in institutional design using a novel data set on the organization of public communication in 48 IOs between 1950 and 2015. It identifies self-legitimation as a key driver of centralization in the face of increased levels of politicization, that is, public awareness and activism directed at IOs. Empirically, the study suggests that the centralization of public communication significantly increases as transnational civil society organizes and gains access to IO decision-making. Further, politicization in terms of contentious activism and public scandals substantially accounts for varying levels of centralization across IOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses political scandals connected to the contemporary populist parties of Denmark, Finland and Sweden. The dramaturgies of these scandals repeat the general patterns of political scandals identified in previous studies, but they also share special characteristics that make them a specific type of neo-populist scandal. The starting point of the typical neo-populist scandal occurs due to the moral transgression of a member of a populist movement, usually through the use of unacceptable language or behaviour, insulting non-native inhabitants or other minorities within the population. However, provocation and playing the role of the underdog are common strategies employed by populists, and a populist movement may even benefit from a scandal, though the consequences of the scandal depend on the life phase of the movement and on the status of the member involved in the scandal. The moral transgressions and political consequences of neo-populist scandals may serve as an indicator of the condition liberal democracy enjoys, but also reveal contextual differences in particular societies and their moral order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates’ past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of recent political scandals, pundits have argued that the way a politician reacts to a scandal can make or break said politician's relationship with constituents and future in elected office. Some politicians concede guilt immediately, apologize, promise to take corrective action, and possibly open the door to moving on with their careers. Others deny culpability and attack their accusers, hoping to quickly put accusations behind them, change the subject, and channel public attention in a different direction. Does conceding guilt after a scandal breaks and offering to take corrective action to solve the problem help ameliorate the issue, or does it push the public away even further? Does denying involvement in a scandal and attacking the accuser compound the problem, or can it evoke positive feelings? This research uses an experimental design to test individuals’ reactions to how politicians act after being accused of a personal scandal (in this case, an inappropriate relationship with a staffer). Results illustrate that a strategy involving denial and attacking accusers can spur positive evaluations of who a politician is and what that politician will do in the future, while the performance of conceding and taking corrective action is mixed at best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Crisis Communication: models and case studies. We often read of crises or scandals involving companies and governments. Nonetheless, the study of the phenomenon is still not very investigated or limited to cases of social denunciation. The aim of this report is to overcome the static model, news and consequent scandal, by analyzing the structure of a crisis and the dynamics involving key stakeholders, the media and the public opinion. The analysis tells us that the parts collide, splitting the public, both on the newspapers and the social media. The new proposed model is confirmed by four case studies, both political and corporate. These are, in order: Barilla. No pro-gay commercials, Nestlé and horse meat, the call of Vendola to Archinà, Cancellieri and the case Ligresti. Case analysis was performed on a sample of six national newspapers, noting each article of reference to the case. The survey of public sentiment was carried out by tools for social media marketing quantitatively and qualitatively