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This research delves into the examination of the impact of political crisis events between nations on Chinese outbound tourism. By utilizing the synthetic control method, the study examines the effects of three significant disputes – the THAAD, Diaoyu, and Huangyan dispute – on the number of Chinese tourists visiting countries that are involved in the disputes. The paper compares the impact of various types of political events and finds that disputes centred around national security have a more pronounced, lasting impact compared to territorial disputes. To mitigate the effects of political crisis events, governments of the concerned countries should proactively prepare when mediating disputes with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The change in stock prices in the capital market is considered a normal thing, but due to the importance that investors attach to their stock returns, the phenomenon of falling stock prices, which leads to a sharp decrease in returns, has been the focus of attention and has led to several studies to identify Factors related to it can be done. In this study, by selecting a sample of active banks in the Tehran Stock Exchange Organization for the years 1393-1400, which data envelopment analysis (DEA) model was also used in collecting part of its data, with panel data regression analysis and with fixed effects, it was tried to investigate the factors of falling stock prices of these banks. The results of this study showed that all three variables of management ability, political relations and financial crises along with other control variables such as size, amount of loss and profit changes have a positive and statistically significant effect and other control variables such as the life of banks, growth rate of facilities and the growth rate of deposits has a statistically significant and negative relationship with the fall in bank stock prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates whether and how export growth to China varies following shocks in bilateral political relations between China and six Southeast Asian countries—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam—between 2000 and 2019. High‐frequency news data is used to quantify bilateral political relations between each of the six countries and China. Then, a net cooperation index, plus separate indices of political cooperation and conflict, are placed in an augmented gravity model of trade situated in a vector autoregression framework alongside real exchange rate and industrial production variables to examine the short‐ (months) and long‐run (years) effects of shocks to bilateral political relations on each countryʼs exports growth to China. The results reveal that political relations with China played a role in Thailandʼs and Vietnamʼs exports growth to China but not in Indonesiaʼs, Malaysiaʼs, the Philippinesʼ and Singaporeʼs, and contribute new findings to the literature on politics and trade. Code and data for the analysis is available at: https://github.com/tradepolsrepository/tradepols.git. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Banks are the engine of providing financial resources in the economy and have special importance for governments. Accordingly, presenting the factors and components affecting financing restrictions and changes in the corporate debt bonds yield, risk management, as well as changes in their stock prices, in terms of bank management and from a macroeconomic perspective, can be considered as the leader of the economy and government. On the other hand, the proper management of banking challenges and the improvement of factors affecting the efficiency and effectiveness of banking resources can move the economic cycle in the right direction, considering that the banks’ primary activity is to grant loans and provide them to applicants. Accordingly, the researcher addressed the effect of the ability to manage political relations and financial crises on performance improvement. Therefore, a combination of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) and Two-Stage least squares (2SLS) regression analysis was used. This study is descriptive research with the correlational and post-event approach. In this way, the information about 11 banks in a period of 9 years (2014- 2023) was analyzed. The results showed that the improvement of ability level and proficiency in bank management will lead to the improvement of financing constraints, changes in corporate bond yield, and the growth rate of stock and non-shared incomes. The management authority not only affects credit risks, credit risk management and liquidity risk but also does not affect the stock price drop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on imperial policies towards provincial elites in the Balkans and Asia Minor in three major empires which succeeded one another, namely the Roman, the Byzantine, and the Ottoman. Provincial elites were important for imperial power as intermediaries between local communities and central authorities. Our article adopts a political and institutional approach, and focuses on provincial elites as agents who were given formal or informal shares in the mechanisms and hierarchies through which empires were governed. Following surveys of imperial policies towards provincial elites in the three polities, it argues that, unlike the concept of empire which can be universal, imperial systems of government are neither uniform nor static, and depend on such factors as state ideology, historical circumstances, and political and economic exigencies. Ultimately, our article demonstrates how structural differences in the very conception of imperial governance and ideology resulted in differentiated policies towards provincial elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Türkiye ile Küba arasındaki ilişkiler Osmanlı Devleti dönemindeki göçlere dayanmakta olup uzun bir süre taraflar arasında ilerleme kaydedilememiştir. İki ülke arasındaki siyasi ilişkiler 1952 yılında başlamış olsa da coğrafi konumun uzaklığı ve dış politika anlayışlarındaki farklılıklar nedeniyle sınırlı düzeyde kalmıştır. Akabinde 1962 Küba Füze Krizi’nin yaşanması iki ülke arasındaki ilişkilerin ilerlemesini engellemiştir. 1995 yılında dönemin Cumhurbaşkanı Süleyman Demirel’in bölgedeki bazı ülkeleri (Arjantin, Brezilya, Şili) ziyaret etmesi ile Latin Amerika ve Karayipler Eylem Planı’nın (1998) Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Dışişleri Bakanlığı tarafından hazırlanarak kabul edilmesi ilişkilerde önemli bir adım olmuştur. 2006 yılına gelindiğinde ise 1998 tarihli Eylem Planı güncellenerek ‘2006 Eylem Planı’ olarak yeniden kabul edilmiştir. Türkiye genel olarak Latin Amerika, özel olarak Küba ile ilişkilerini geliştirmeyi dış politika stratejilerinden biri olarak belirlemiştir. Son yıllarda Ankara- Havana ilişkileri üst düzey ziyaretler ve ikili anlaşmalar ile geliştirip güçlendirilmeye devam etmektedir. Bu çalışmada iki ülke arasında ilişkilerin kurulmasını güçleştiren faktörler ve günümüzde atılan karşılıklı adımlar analiz edilmektedir. Siyasi ilişkilerin yanı sıra bölgesel-küresel örgütler ve kamu diplomasisi yapan kuruluşlar aracılığıyla sağlanan temaslar ele alınmaktadır.

The implementation of the Association Agreement was a very important step in the process of socio-economic and political development for Algeria. This step was intended not only to increase and diversify trade between Algeria and the European Union, but also to increase the volume and value of national production and exports, apart from hydrocarbons. Algeria must put an end to the dependence of the economy on hydrocarbons (oil, gas) because this is one of the major objectives of this partnership with the EU. However, the diversification of local production cannot be done without the strong involvement of productive foreign direct investment and without the upgrading of Algerian companies, so that they become competitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study takes global listed companies from 1999 to 2018 as the research object to explore whether companies with political connections will be affected by cultural differences in the countries where creditors belong, thereby affecting the setting of debt contract conditions. The empirical results show that the debt contract conditions between a company and its creditors vary depending on whether the company has political connections. However, after taking into account the national cultural characteristics of creditors, the influence of politically connected enterprises on debt contract conditions changes. For example, under the national cultural characteristics of high power distance, uncertainty avoidance, masculinity, and long-term orientation, politically connected enterprises cannot enjoy preferential debt contract conditions for borrowing debt. Politically connected companies enjoy preferential debt contract conditions only under the national cultural characteristics of high permissiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates linear and nonlinear impacts of political relations on China's service trade import and export to 8 countries from 2005 to 2019. The result shows that positive effect of political relations on both service trade import and export can be obtained. Using a threshold model, it is found that when the trading country's economy level reaches the first threshold, the role of political relations will change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses a two-way fixed-effect model to analyze the impact of ESG performance on corporate value based on the quarterly data of Chinese A-share listed sports companies from 2018 to 2022. The results prove that (1) The ESG performance of sports enterprises positively affects corporate value: the higher the ESG score is, the higher the corporate value is. (2) Mechanism analysis shows that financing constraints play a partially mediating role in the relationship between ESG performance and corporate value. (3) Heterogeneity analysis shows that corporate political relations will weaken the facilitating effect of ESG performance on corporate value. The stronger the political relations are, the weaker the facilitating effect of ESG performance on corporate value. Compared with that during the bear market, the performance of ESG in the bull market has a greater facilitating effect on corporate value. Compared with sports service enterprises, sports goods enterprises' ESG performance has a stronger facilitating effect on corporate value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ABSTRACT This paper investigates whether and how export growth to China varies following shocks in bilateral political relations between China and six Southeast Asian countries—Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam—between 2000 and 2019. High‐frequency news data is used to quantify bilateral political relations between each of the six countries and China. Then, a net cooperation index, plus separate indices of political cooperation and conflict, are placed in an augmented gravity model of trade situated in a vector autoregression framework alongside real exchange rate and industrial production variables to examine the short‐ (months) and long‐run (years) effects of shocks to bilateral political relations on each countryʼs exports growth to China. The results reveal that political relations with China played a role in Thailandʼs and Vietnamʼs exports growth to China but not in Indonesiaʼs, Malaysiaʼs, the Philippinesʼ and Singaporeʼs, and contribute new findings to the literature on politics and trade. Code and data for the analysis is available at: https://github.com/tradepolsrepository/tradepols.git.

In his political relations, the holy prophet (SAW) used strategies of various types, one of which was the military one. In this regard, some questions to answer concern the nature of military strategies used by the prophet and the extent to which he employed them to fulfill his aims and to adjust political relations. The outcome of this stance is evident in his political relations. The findings of the present descriptive-analytical study that surveys historical sources show that the prophet (SAW) made the least use of military attacks, and mainly benefited from defensive positions as a deterrence strategy aimed at stabilizing the Islamic government. To prove this, the present article provides evidence. The results also show that although the prophet's military actions were merely defensive, he has used his war tactics so accurately that he could alter the political relations in the Arabian Peninsula and encourage people to accept Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relevance of the study is due to the fact that over the past thirty years Russian state cultural policy has been focused on strengthening democratic cultural values, but in recent years the situation has begun to change dramatically. The ruling elite of the country announced the state cultural policy reorientation, which should now be based exclusively on traditional values. The purpose of the study is to identify features of the general cultural and political values system transformation in Russia. The objectives of the article are to identify current general cultural and political values that fall under the category of “traditional”, to establish value orientations that are most significant for Russians at present, and to determine degree of risk of a value split in Russian society. The research was conducted using such methods as classical document analysis, social survey, comparative analysis, systematization, and visualization methods. The results of the study show that the values accepted as traditional and the values identified by respondents as significant coincide in such positions as justice, human rights, freedom, patriotism, morality, collectivism, and mutual aid. No immediate threat of degradation of Russian society’s values has been identified. The risks associated with a possible split in society are moderate. The results of the sociological study allow us to conclude that the political views of one part of the Russian society are polarized, but the level of apolitical attitude of the other part is increasing.

The study contributes to the nascent digital academic writing tutoring field by applying posthuman thinking while investigating intimate socio-material relations during a participatory action research project. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic (2020–2021), on-campus academic writing workshops moved online to Zoom, Moodle, and Padlet. We became inspired by Jackson and Mazzei’s thinkingwith-theories and Haraway’s concept of diffraction when inquiring into how and why humans and more-than-humans made a difference in digital academic tutoring. Lively conversations emerged inbetween the research matters (tutor logbooks, embodied experiences, course materialities) and authors by diffracting them with the posthuman cyborg, hybridity, and Didaktik. The posthuman cyborg questioned what, who mattered, and why, pointing to embedded humans and more-than-humans shaping fragmented digital relations. Hybridity brought fluidity and fusions of different educational dimensions (openness/structure, teacher/student) to the study. Didaktik suggested that fluid tutoring structures (curriculum) and institutional politics (study credits) interfered with the teacher-student collaboration. We propose a posthuman relational, fluid, and fragmented framework called a hybrid Didaktik when developing teacher-student collaboration across several digital systems. By inviting materialities alongside human experiences into discussions about digital teaching, new practices sensitive to socio-material and political relations may unfold in higher education.

The problems of social responsibility within the framework of the interaction between business and the state have now become one of the leading places in political processes, and political science is currently in search of new ways of conceptualization, the formation of new mechanisms and methods of its implementation. There is a need to use unified principles of social responsibility of business to society, to understand the significance of the social policy of the enterprise. Corporate social responsibility is a permanent obligation of businesses to conduct ethical behavior and promote economic development while simultaneously improving the quality of life of employees and their families, as well as the local community and society as a whole.

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Oil is often considered a "political" good affected by the changes in international political relations. Using a novel dataset on Russian oil-exporting companies over 1999–2011, we find that a worsening in political relations between Russia and an oil-importing country results in a considerable reduction in oil shipments by Russian oil exporting firms into that country, the effect being stronger for state-owned firms. Using leadership changes in oil importing countries as exogenous shocks to political relations, we show that this relationship is causal. However, total exports revenue of Russian oil exporting firms is not affected much, as they seem to be able to recover losses incurred in one market by increasing their sales in other markets. At the same time, the countries importing oil from Russia (especially the ones heavily dependent on Russian oil) see their total oil and energy imports decline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies is the property of Journal of Academic Social Science Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In most countries, one of the most important and interesting topics in research is the discussion of tax aggressiveness, how it is measured, the factors affecting it, and the results obtained from it. Tax aggressiveness leads to countries' tax revenues being lower than the estimated amount. One of the main factors affecting management's motivations for tax aggressiveness in developing countries is the political factor of company managers due to the fact that the companies are state-owned. On the other hand, social responsibility guided by the government can be effective in reducing corporate tax aggressiveness. This study attempts to investigate the impact of political relations on tax aggressiveness and identify the moderating role of human resources’ social responsibility in relation to these variables. The statistical population of the present study is small and medium-sized companies active in Tehran Stock Exchange. For this purpose, 126 companies were selected by systematic elimination sampling method from 2014 to 2020. In this study, multivariate regression analysis using the combination data method with fixed effects and E views 9 software was utilized. The results indicate that the company's political relations affect tax aggressiveness and human resources’ social responsibility has a moderating role in the relationship between corporate political relations and tax aggressiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The coincidence of the two governments Qara Khitai of Kerman and Hormuz rulers during the Seventh century A.H and their proximity to each other established political relations between the rulers of the two local governments. Relationships that led to numerous factors such as financial and commercial interests, attempts to expand the territory, gain independence, etc., were hostile or friendly. The questions that this research seeks to answers: is the Qara Khitai of Kerman coinciding with which branch of the Hormuz rulers, and how were the political relationships between these two local governments? 2. Where did these political relations finally lead? By analyzing library resources with a descriptive-analytical approach, one can conclude that the Qara-Khitai government of Kerman was one of those local governments that was established by the efforts of Borāq Hājib in about 1223 A.D (619 A.H.), and preserved over the course of more than eight decades of its existence the preconditions for the political role of the rulers of Qara-Khitai government in the territory of neighbors such as Hormuz rulers. On the other hand, the old and new Hormuz rulers, although dissatisfied with the political interference of the rulers of the Qara Khitai of Kerman, secured their sovereignty with the use of political tolerance and payment of salary.

Since it is no longer part of the Soviet Union, Armenia has found itself in the position of being able to choose its partners independently. This was largely determined by proximity relations, by historical ones with Russia, and by the places where the emigration of Armenia’s own people took place. Beyond that, it is placed in conditions of choice between cooperation with some actors rather than others. In this sense, Armenia has started dialogue and trade relations with two Asian giants, China and India. The article proposes to recap the relations between these countries, paying attention to the factors that could allow a triangular cooperation rather than a competition.

This research paper delves into the intricate history of Pakistan and China's political and economic relations, spanning over seven decades. Beginning with early diplomatic engagements in the 1950s, it traces the evolution of this alliance from initial agreements to a comprehensive strategic partnership. It examines the era of security and strategic alignments during the 1970s and 1980s, influenced by Cold War dynamics and geopolitical shifts. The paper also provides an overview of present-day Pak-China relations, highlighting key 21st-century developments such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), shared security interests, and cultural exchanges. Analyzing the driving factors behind this enduring partnership, the study emphasizes shared interests, trust, mutual respect, and the mutual economic and strategic benefits. This research provides insights into the trajectory and dynamics of Pak-China relations, offering a deeper appreciation of its role in shaping the contemporary geopolitical landscape. The enduring nature of this alliance stands as a testament to the possibilities of cooperation and shared objectives in international diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the concept of political life as the activities and relations of political subjects related to the expression and realization of social interests of classes and social groups of society as a whole. The author claims that the emphasis in defining political life should not be on the organization of political power or decision-making, but on the expression and realization of public interests. The work highlights the importance of understanding politics as a tool for expressing and realizing public interests, and not as a means of fighting for power. The article emphasizes the role of state bodies, political parties and interest groups as mechanisms of expression and implementation of public interests. It also emphasizes the importance of expressing the interests of social and not only political subjects, including classes and social groups, in the political process. At the end of the article, the importance of understanding politics as a means of expressing the social interests of classes and social groups of society is emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the US pulled its troops out of Afghanistan, relations between Pakistan and Iran started to return to normal. Both countries have been at odds with each other for a long time because they backed different sides in the Afghan Civil War, and Iran and Saudi Arabia are rivals. However, since the US left, both countries have worked to improve their relationships with each other. Pakistan and Iran have signed several agreements and held joint military drills. Iran and Pakistan have also been having regular diplomatic talks to solve their problems and strengthen their relationships. In particular, the two countries have discussed making a free trade agreement to help their economies work together better. As part of a larger plan to increase its power in the area, Iran has also tried to expand its presence in Afghanistan and invest in infrastructure projects. Overall, the US leaving Afghanistan has improved the relationship between Pakistan and Iran; the two countries are working together and talking to each other more. This has been good for the area's stability because it has made it less likely that the two countries will fight. This thematic analysis-based study aimed to investigate the dynamics of relations between Pakistan and Iran. The internal situation in Afghanistan after the US left, the US's role and foreign policy in the region, and India's relations with Iran are all things that have had a significant impact on the political situation in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of analysis in this paper is the interpretation of values in Radoslav-Andrea Tsanoff's works. The Bulgarian-born American philosopher calls for a new approach to moral values and their inclusion in a new scale. The main emphases are: the connection between knowledge and values; value aspects of reality; differentiation between sharable and non-sharable values. The conclusion is substantiated that Tsanoff's theory of values is the main connecting element providing a successful transition between two types of discourse: ethical and socio-political. His original optics, aimed at inscribing moral imperatives in economic and political relations, take him much further than his initial goal: “to discover new aspects of traditional virtues and vices” and to build a new scale of values. His theory of values attempts to bring a new in the economic and political relations because, without a “vital moral principle” to sustain it, any economic or political reform would lose its positive charge. The ethical perspective is organically woven into the socio-political narrative. With his analysis of the ambivalent role of scientific and technical discoveries (progress is not only a function of science's progress but also of this progress's role in upholding specific values), Tsanoff is once again “ahead of his time”. In this case, he fits into a discourse highlighting the part of “responsibility”, which makes him particularly relevant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study examines the historical relations between the Emirates and Japan (1973-1990). Which was based on economic interests (oil) to a large extent. The historical links indicate the existence of Japanese relations with the coastal emirates, which seem to have been Japan's gateway to the Persian Gulf. It seems clear that the great competition that Japan witnessed with the British government, which controlled the political and economic decisions of the emirates of the coast. This study shows the nature of relations between the UAE and Japan. Those relations that were proceeding according to two factors: First: Oil and the need to obtain it from the Emirates, which was the largest source of oil for Japan. Secondly: taking a position of neutrality in political issues and not angering the United States of America, which has deep relations with Japan, but the year 1973 and the accompanying cutting off of oil supplies to countries supporting Israel, America and Japan was one of the countries covered by the oil embargo. Therefore, the Japanese government hastened to issue a decision rejecting the Israeli aggression against the Arabs. And the necessity of resolving differences through peaceful means and referring to Security Council Resolution No. 242, which stipulates the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied Arab lands after the June 1967 war. This is a position that is calculated for Japan, but from the context of the relations between the two parties, we find that this position is to ensure the continuation of the flow of oil and the preservation of economic interests between them. both parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The problems of social responsibility within the framework of the interaction between business and the state have now become one of the leading places in political processes, and political science is currently in search of new ways of conceptualization, the formation of new mechanisms and methods of its implementation. There is a need to use unified principles of social responsibility of business to society, to understand the significance of the social policy of the enterprise. Corporate social responsibility is a permanent obligation of businesses to conduct ethical behavior and promote economic development while simultaneously improving the quality of life of employees and their families, as well as the local community and society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study contributes to the nascent digital academic writing tutoring field by applying posthuman thinking while investigating intimate socio-material relations during a participatory action research project. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic (2020--2021), on-campus academic writing workshops moved online to Zoom, Moodle, and Padlet. We became inspired by Jackson and Mazzei's thinkingwith-theories and Haraway's concept of diffraction when inquiring into how and why humans and more-than-humans made a difference in digital academic tutoring. Lively conversations emerged inbetween the research matters (tutor logbooks, embodied experiences, course materialities) and authors by diffracting them with the posthuman cyborg, hybridity, and Didaktik. The posthuman cyborg questioned what, who mattered, and why, pointing to embedded humans and more-than-humans shaping fragmented digital relations. Hybridity brought fluidity and fusions of different educational dimensions (openness/structure, teacher/student) to the study. Didaktik suggested that fluid tutoring structures (curriculum) and institutional politics (study credits) interfered with the teacher-student collaboration. We propose a posthuman relational, fluid, and fragmented framework called a hybrid Didaktik when developing teacher-student collaboration across several digital systems. By inviting materialities alongside human experiences into discussions about digital teaching, new practices sensitive to socio-material and political relations may unfold in higher education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study assesses the relationship between political relations, audit quality, and auditor industry expertise. In other words, this paper attempts to answer the question of "whether the political relations can enhance the audit quality and auditor industry expertise or not." For this study, the multivariate regression model is used for hypothesis testing. Using the multivariate regression model, research hypotheses were also tested using a sample of 768 year‐firm listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange during 2013–2018. The results show a significant and negative relationship between political relations with audit quality and expertise, which means firms with high political relations increase competition in the audit market and lower the audit quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High levels of vaccine hesitancy are an obstacle to the successful management of the Covid‐19 pandemic. In this research, we identify psychological correlates of reluctance to personally receive a Covid‐19 vaccine, with a focus on intergroup relations. Insights are based on two survey studies conducted in traditionally underresearched settings, the Philippines (N = 289) and Pakistan (N = 275). Results show that trust in vaccines, concerning both the vaccine's efficacy and the vaccine's safety, was associated with willingness to use the vaccine. Perceptions of trust were related to intergroup psychology, such that vaccine donations from political opponents rather than allies were trusted less. This meant that in the Philippines, there was a preference to use vaccines from the United States over those from China, although the pattern was less clear in Pakistan. Having said this, the highest levels of trust and willingness to use vaccines in both countries were for vaccines offered by the World Health Organization (WHO). Last but not least, a perception of global common fate of all humans in the face of the pandemic was positively associated with willingness to get vaccinated, even when controlling for concerns about the vaccine's efficacy and safety. Implications are discussed in relation to intergroup psychology and public health management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper quantifies the effects of shocks in bilateral political relations on Australia's merchandise goods exports to China between 2001 and 2020. Using a vector autoregression framework, our estimates suggest that short-term fluctuations in political relations have no long-run effects on Australia's aggregate export growth to China over this period, nor in any of three sub-periods analysed. A disaggregated analysis of 19 HS2 sectors reveals heterogenous short-run effects across sectors and time periods, with numerous sectors indicating the seemingly perverse finding that an increase in political cooperation/conflict is associated with a decrease/increase in export growth, with a lag of one to four months. We propose two hypotheses that are consistent with these findings, 'doubling down' and 'dropping the ball', contributing new understanding to the political relations-trade nexus in the context of a bilateral relationship that will likely be characterised by both cooperation and conflict in the decades ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using bilateral aid data from 47 donors to 194 recipients, we find that while donors reward good relationship with more foreign aid, recipients sweeten their political relations with donors only after aid cuts. The negative impact of aid on political relations is more pronounced after the Cold War, in politically stable regions, and in countries where China and the United States are both donors. We provide evidence that the competition for influence among donors with distinct political pursuits and the conflicts between donors and recipients in aid implementation are driving the results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of the article is to show the process of reconstructing institutional, and grass-roots, cross-border relations in the Pieniny area of the borderland between Poland and Slovakia after 1989. By virtue of a decision issued in 1920 by the Council of Ambassadors, an international border between Poland and Czechoslovakia was established. For over a hundred years the permeability of the border was regulated by political decisions and diplomatic relations between both countries. The border marked by the Dunajec River divided the community of Pieniny highlanders, creating a barrier which, in some periods, was completely impassable. The article is based on field research conducted in two villages called Sromowce Niżne and Červený Kláštor. The research was supplemented with a review of legacy data as well as one of institutional sources which documented the process of establishing formal cooperation between Poland and Slovakia at a local level (as part of Euroregion as well as The European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation TATR). An analysis of the empirical material proved that the key moment that initiated the restoration of cross-border relations in the researched area of the Pieniny borderland after 1989 was the signing of the Declaration of the Territorial Self-Governments of the Republic of Poland and the Slovak Republic regarding the creation of the "Tatry" Region on 31 October 1993, and finally the signing of an Agreement between Polish and Slovak self-governments on establishing a cross-border association for the "Tatry" Euroregion at a Founding Congress in Nowy Targ on 26 August 1994. The culminating point of the Polish-Slovak rapprochement at the local level was the opening of a footbridge on the Dunajec River (12 August 2006), connecting the villages of Sromowce Niżne and Červený Kláštor, which enabled the reunification of both communities and the reconstruction of mature, neighbourly cross-border relations somewhat in isolation from the issue of the location of the actual border. One hundred years of Polish-Slovak cross-border relations can be pithily summed up in the following words: "a little bit of smuggling, a lot of poverty, but little politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is the advocator and builder of the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind. The international dissemination of its discourse requires more solid theoretical supporting research. Hence, the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind is China's intelligent contribution to the world and has been instrumental in solving major regional and global problems. Consequently, the Chinese academic community has the responsibility and obligation to convey the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind to the world in an understandable, objective, and authentic discourse. Further, it is responsible for continuously enhancing the scientific aspect and feasibility of the thought through academic achievements and excellence, thus establishing a leading research system. Currently, COVID-19 jeopardizes global public health security, including in political, economic, and social arenas. However, countries across the world are already in a state of close ties and destiny. Amid global public security incidents, the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind is connected by common interests, values, and responsibilities. Through the value resonance of its theoretical connotation, contacts and cooperation between countries are promptly promoted to form a close community of interests, health, destiny, and responsibilities to jointly respond to global crises and disasters. Therefore, amid the critical global fight against COVID-19, society urgently needs to forge an international consensus for fighting against this virus and maintaining global public health and safety with the thought of a community of a shared future for mankind. Accordingly, based on the perspectives of geopolitics and community, this paper first attempts to explore a theoretical analysis of the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind regarding scientific connotation, historical evolution, and contemporary values. Then, we examine specific cases to explain the practical applications of the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind in the fight against COVID-19 from the perspective of domestic practice, the Chinese program, and Western practice. Further, in doing so, we aim to demonstrate its dual value in spread and practice as well as its plight. Finally, we propose that governance and responsibility in the post-COVID-19 era, based on the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind, should be implemented by countries globally. Doing so involves playing a significant role in promoting global cooperation, maintaining world public health security, preventing a global recession, eliminating secondary disasters arising from COVID-19, transforming global governance, and reshaping international geopolitical relations. Therefore, this article may contribute to human society in fully and objectively understanding the thought of a community with a shared future for mankind, thus leading it to play a greater role in solving major global issues such as public health emergencies.

MODULATION AND MODULATORS OF POLITICAL RELATIONS: POLITICAL THEORY APPROACH The article aims to explain the phenomenon of modulation of political relations and to present the proposition of theoretical systematization of modulators of political relations. It is based on meta-theoretical analysis of the nature of modulation and modulators. The categories of modulation and modulators seem to have a significant explanatory utility on the ground of political theory as they refer to the problem of regulation, correction, adjustment, and homeostasis of political relations. The paper is an invitation to further studies in the field of political theory on the title issue, indicating possible directions of prospective inquiries.

This paper provides an examination of the rationalities of bilateral relations. The question this paper is particularly interested in is what are the roots of the current Sino-Iranian comprehensive partnership and why now? Apart from the various debates on Iran and China, the paper argues that the current relationship is to extend a zone of peace and stability eastwards and towards the Middle East, the Persian Gulf and Central Asia, and it came in response to the imminent threats, pressures and recent aggressive developments in relations with the United States. The recent strategic agreement between China and Iran is an essential step forward in establishing stable relations. Nevertheless, Iran ‘s self-exclusion from the relations with crucial regional as well as the Western world has had the limiting effect of creating political and especially economic competitive opportunities for Iran, and thus relations with China has failed to create the positive political dynamics that were intended. The limited Iranian use of China ‘s economic and diplomatic power, an incompatibility that sets out a range of complex challenges in developing any tangible meaning to the concept of sustainable ‘strategic partnership ‘ between the two actors is a major stumbling block in the bilateral relations.