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TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 390 I. COMPETING THEORIES OF DEMOCRATIC ACCOUNTABILITY IN ADMINISTRATIVE LAW 393 A. Pluralism and Public Participation 394 B. Deliberative Democracy and Civic Republicanism 396 C. Minimalism [...], Motivated in part by Congress s f allure to legislate, presldents In recent years seem to have turned even more to the regulatory process to make major pollcy. It is perhaps no colncldence that the field of administrative law has similarly seen a resurgence of scholarship extolling the virtues of democratie accountability in the modern administrative state. Some scholars have even argued that bureaucracy is as much as if not more democratically legitimate than Congress, either in the aggregative or deliberative sense, or both. In our contribution to this Ensuring Democratie Accountability in the Administrative State Symposium, we make a modest intervention to suggest that visions of democracy in administrative law need to better take into account that presidents pursue major policymaking through modes of regulatory action beyond notice-and-comment rulemaking. They include interim final rulemaking, subregulatory agency guidance, executive orders and other presidential directives, formal agency adjudication, and informal adjudication and orders. These other modes of regulatory policymaking are far less democratically accountable, in terms of leveraging agency and public expertise and engaging stakeholders and issues in a public and transparent manner. As such, we argue that presidents should embrace notice-and-comment rulemaking as the default regulatory mode when it comes to making major policies through administrative action. We conclude, moreover, that notice-and-comment rulemaking, even when done well, is no panacea for democratie accountability. Congress needs to play its proper role in modern governance when it comes to questions of deep economie, moral, and political significance.

A l'echelle mondiale, les femmes ont acquis une grande importance dans la politique electorale, en accedant a des postes de haut niveau dans divers domaines professionnels et en remportant de [...]

Abstract Using the case of the Indonesian Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), I seek to measure the actual impact of Islamist parties' moderation on their electoral performances and voter bases. Statistical [...]

Abstract We present a theory on how trust in the central government to remedy grievances combined with a lack of trust in local government to act motivates people to participate [...]

Abstract This article examines how violence against citizens affects their political attitudes and behavior in the long run, and how those effects vary over time. We construct and analyze a [...]

African American youth have responded with hope and action to protect their well-being in violent political, economic, and social conditions, through organizing. While contemporary organizing frameworks prioritize self-care to promote sustainability, there is little research on the meaning and definition of self-care for African American youth organizers, in their own words. In this paper, findings from interviews with 20 Black youths in navigating organizing spaces in New York City will be presented, highlighting how they destabilize the narrowness of commonly defined self-care to embody 'collective-self' care strategies. Implications for community practice, recovery from systemic violence, and historical trauma among African Americans will be explored., Author(s): Anna Ortega-Williams [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.257167.0, 0000 0001 2183 6649, Silberman School of Social Work at Hunter College of the City University of New York, , 2180 Third [...]

Despite the potential of governance mechanisms to bring a positive transformation in the public sector, little is known about the role of governance mechanisms of a country on the e-participation implementation. Drawing on the growth theory, the literature on IT governance, and Habermas' conception of the public sphere, this study investigates the effects of national governance and IT governance of a country on its e-participation implementation, and role of VSN diffusion in influencing these governance mechanisms. The proposed research model is examined using publicly available archival data from 125 countries. Our findings suggest that VSN diffusion in a country positively influences its national governance and IT governance mechanisms, which, in turn, facilitate the implementation of e-information, e-consultation, and e-decision-making initiatives. Further, the study provides necessary implications that would encourage future research on the phenomenon. Keywords. E-participation, Virtual Social Networks diffusion, National governance, IT governance., INTRODUCTION Citizen engagement is one of the key pillars for ensuring the success of electronic government (e-government; Krishnan, Teo, & Lymm, 2017), which has the potential to advance the implementation [...]

EDUCATION IN THE UNITED STATES has a foundational public purpose: to prepare students for effective citizenship. The idea that an educated and engaged citizenry is essential to the health of [...]

Do conditional cash transfers (CCTs) lead to increased participation in multiple political activities in Latin America? If CCTs contribute to broad political participation, how do CCTs increase participation in a wide variety of political activities? I argue that CCTs boost political participation through resource effects, and that both the cash transfers and the conditionalities play an important role in shaping political activity among beneficiaries. Using an original data set from Mexico and existing survey data from nine Latin American countries, I analyze the relationship between CCTs and political participation and examine the hypothesized pathway. The results support my argument. ?Promueven las transferencias condicionadas de efectivo (CCTs, por sus siglas en ingles) un incremento en la participacion en multiples actividades politicas en America Latina? Si las CCTs contribuyen a una vasta participacion politica, ?de que forma estas CCTs incrementan la participacion en amplia variedad de actividades politicas? Mi argumento central es que las CCTs impulsan la participacion politica a razon de efectos recursos, y que las transferencias de efectivo y sus condiciones juegan un papel importante en la formacion de la actividad politica entre los beneficiarios. Usando un conjunto de datos originales de Mexico e informacion de una encuesta existente de nueve paises Latinoamericanos, yo analizo la relacion entre las CCTs y la participacion politica y examino el camino de la hipotesis. Los resultados apoyan mi argumento., Latin America experienced a stunning shift in social policy since the late 1990s. Whereas earlier forms of social policy focused on the protection of the formal sector and often failed [...]

This paper evaluates qualitative and quantitative evidence of Muslims' European identification in France, Austria and the Netherlands while the far right mobilizes to exclude them from the national culture. In all these states, radical right parties stoked anti-Muslim sentiment during the run-up to the 2016-2017 national elections. The center ostensibly prevailed in each case, but these campaigns further legitimized exclusionary policies toward the religious minority. We assess the difficult political terrain faced by Muslims in Europe, their sense of discrimination, their attitude toward state institutions and their electoral participation. Political parties positioned against multiculturalism and immigration, state-level retrenchment of multicultural policies, and the regularity of terrorist attacks in Europe represent and exacerbate obstacles faced by Muslims in pursuing social, educational and economic progress for themselves and their families., Introduction (1) Far right rhetoric and jihadi-inspired terrorist incidents have derailed progress on the minority protection initiatives begun in earnest with the European Year against Racism declared by the European [...]

Celebrities are able to mobilize a wide range of people on a global scale. In his Oscar acceptance speech, Leonardo DiCaprio urged his international audience to work collectively to combat climate change. Another example of celebrity activism is Daryl Hannah's support for biofuels and the campaign against the Keystone XL pipeline. In this article, I analyze the legitimacy of such celebrity power in international relations along three criteria (political impact, broad participation, and control and accountability). I argue that, as long as celebrities' claims are vague and do not go further than UN consensus, celebrity power can be considered legitimate through the political impact. In addition, DiCaprio and Hannah contribute civil society perspectives to the international agenda while, however, not necessarily voicing the most marginalized positions. Finally, by urging governments to comply to international agreements, as DiCaprio does, he holds governments accountable on behalf of the public. However, both DiCaprio and Hannah claim to speak on behalf of affected people who cannot hold the celebrities themselves accountable for their political action. This lack of control is problematic if celebrities convey more radical positions that are not generally endorsed by the international community, as Hannah does when protesting against Keystone XL and promoting biofuels. KEYWORDS: celebrity, climate change, legitimacy., THE POLITICAL POWER OF CELEBRITIES IS GROWING IN INTERNATIONAL RELAtions, and many of them are committed to environmental causes. They often mobilize a wide range of people and address governments [...]

On June 3, 2017, a 'Congress on Iceland's Democracy' met in Berkeley--an outgrowth of a previous effort in Iceland to 'crowd source' a new constitution. The citizens of Iceland had led their parliament to create a new and extraordinarily representative convention consisting of citizens more-or-less chosen randomly from all walks of life. The convention functioned completely in the open and excluded all politicians. The result, approved overwhelmingly in a 2012 national referendum, would truly have been a 'constitution of the people.' Despite the approval by huge majorities, in 2013, it failed in parliament as a result of fierce lobbying by vested interests against the provision that Iceland's natural resources would be constitutionally mandated to benefit the public, rather than continuing to be held by private owners. Regardless of its prospects for success, Icelandic efforts should be of great interest to all constitutional scholars, and to those scholars and practitioners who seek a more open and inclusive way to formulate policy, including constitutions--the fundamental law of a state. Intended to stimulate further debate, this essay pursues some initial reflections on the U.S. Constitution specifically, and of constitutions in general. It also examines the role of elites, especially in constitutional formulation, and here pays special attention to the United States. Keywords: Constitutions, Deliberative Democracy, Citizen Participation, Iceland, United States, Elites, Crowd Sourcing in Politics, Representation, Deep Citizenship, Openness. El 3 de junio de 2017 un 'Congreso acerca de la democracia en Islandia' tuvo lugar en Berkeley--un efecto secundario del esfuerzo previo de redactor una nueva constitution utilizando del 'crowdsourcing' en Islandia. Los ciudadanos de Islandia llevaron a que su portamento creara una nueva y extraordinaria convention conformada por ciudadanos elegidos de mas o menos todos los sectores de la sociedad. La convention funciono de forma completamente transparente y excluyo a todos los politicos. El resultado, que fue aprobado por una gran mayoria en un referendum national en 2012, habria sido realmente una 'constitution de la gente.' A pesar de ser aprobada por la gran mayoria de la gente, en 2013 no fue exitosa en el parlamento debido a un lobby agresivo de intereses mayores que estan en contra de la provision que los recursos naturales de Islandia serum constitucionalmente para el beneficio de la gente, y que no seguirian estando en manos de propietarios privados. Sin importar los prospectos de exito, los esfuerzos de Islandia deberian ser de gran interes para todos los academicos constitucionales, y para esos academicos y profesionales que busquen una forma mas abierta e inclusiva para formular politicas, incluyendo las constituciones--el derecho fundamental de un estado. Este ensayo time la intention de estimular el debate y tambien busca algunas reflexiones initiates de la constitution de los Estados Unidos, especificamente, y de las constituciones en general. Tambien examina el papel de las elites, especialmente en la formulation constitutional, y ahi tambien le da atencion especial a los Estados Unidos. Palabras clave: constituciones, democracia deliberativa, participacion ciudadana, Islandia, Estados Unidos, elites. [phrase omitted], On June 3, 2017, a 'Congress on Iceland's Democracy' met in Berkeley at the University of California School of Law. Scores of scholars, officials, and others from around the world [...]

Africana people in America have relied upon the utilization of political participation in order to address the economic and societal ills that plague its community. Africana people have made strides at all levels of the American government. Africana people were a vital voting block that helped to elect the first American President of African descent. However, studies have shown that the conditions of Africana people in America have not substantially changed since the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was enacted. Africana political participation has not equated to socioeconomic equality on a large scale for the Africana community. Utilizing Feagin's Systemic Racism Theory, this project looks to examine why solely relying upon the American political system is symptomatic of dis-agency for Africana people and argues that this dis-agency does not empower our people to seek solutions. It places the power to liberate in the oppressor's hands, thus maintaining the inequality that continues to exist in America. This article also argues for Africana people to look to themselves as the avenue for addressing the societal ills that it faces. It also argues that Africana people must be their own mechanism for liberation. In addition, the terms Africana and Black will be used interchangeably in the project because those terms are most readily identifiable to people of African descent living in America. Keywords: Systemic Racism Theory, Africana/Black, Black Political Engagement, Voting, Voting Rights Act, Inequality, Africana Liberation, Black political participation has been long argued as an avenue for equality and freedom for Blacks in American society. However, Africana contemporary political leadership has pushed the political arena as [...]

This article describes the people's voice in American politics by contrasting it to those of the nation's leaders and the working press. Based on a content analysis of all three actors (with letters to the editor serving as a stand-in for the citizenry), we find the people situated midway between politicians and the press. Citizen-writers show greater rhetorical optimism than media operatives but not as much as White House aspirants. Citizens also complain about politics, but it is the management of their buoyancy that makes them special. By understanding the people's voice, the roles of politicians and the press become eminently clearer., This article reports one main fact but a fact with important implications. We find that politicians consistently project greater happiness than either the people they lead or the members of [...]

Abstract This article analyzes the reaction of the West German press to the powerful peace movement that gripped the Federal Republic of Germany between 1979 and 1984. Following NATO's double [...]

The theory of the Spiral of Silence (Noelle-Neumann, 1984), explained why the view of a minority is not presented when the majority view dominates the public sphere. For years the theory of the spiral of silence was used to describe the isolation of minority opinions when seeking help from traditional media, which play a significant role in increasing the isolation. The fear of isolation makes many people afraid of exchanging their views face-to- face with others. The main fear comes from identifying the people who hold a minority opinion. However, with the proliferation of social networks people have moved online to exchange their views, whether they hold a minority or a majority opinion, as long as their identities are concealed. Although women are the majority population in many Arab societies, their voices are still considered a minority view. In addition to the effects described in the spiral of silence, there are other obstacles to self-expression. Religion, culture, tradition, and education may have a negative effect, preventing women's voice being made public. Social networks have helped to promote women's voices while removing offline obstacles. This paper uses the theory of the spiral of silence in relation to women's online political participation in Twitter, even though they may not be willing to share their opinions offline (face-to-face), to learn whether the theory is still useful as an account of online relationships. The results show that the spiral of silence does not explain the behavior of women, either face-to-face or online. Key Words: Women, Spiral of Silence, Twitter, Kuwait, Political Participation and Social Media, Introduction The theory first expounded in the Spiral of Silence by Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann (1984) suggests that people remain silent and do not exchange their views face-to-face against the majority view [...]

This article is based on select results taken from a survey of NGO and provincial government policy workers. The purpose is to provide an empirically based assessment of how government and non-government policy workers engage with one another in the policy process. The data suggest that policy co-construction and co-production are a significant feature of the process but there is some need for nuance. The data presented here indicate that the extent of policy engagement may not be as broadly inclusive as the proponents of New Governance suggest. Le present article repose sur des resultats selectionnes a partir d'un sondage realise aupres d'elaborateurs de politiques d'ONG et des gouvernements provinciaux. Il vise a fournir une evaluation empirique de la maniere dont les elaborateurs de politiques gouvernementaux et non gouvernementaux interagissent au cours du processus d'elaboration de politiques. Les donnees laissent entendre que la co-conception et la coproduction sont des caracteristiques importantes du processus mais qu'il existe un certain besoin de nuance. Les donnees presentees ici indiquent que la portee de l'engagement politique n'est pas aussi inclusive que le laissent entendre les adeptes de la Nouvelle gouvernance., Introduction 'Public policy governance' is one strand of New Public Governance (NPG) 'concerned with how policy elites and networks interact to create and govern the public policy process' (Osborne 2010: [...]

Politicized consumer choice among brands and products is increasingly accepted as a novel mode of nonconventional political participation. However, scholars often overlook developing societies and seldom discuss consumers' perception of the marketplace as a political arena. This study reviews evidence of political consumerism in Latin America, measuring individuals' perceptions of corporations as agents that affect public goods, examining feelings of political efficacy over corporations, and analyzing motivations behind market-based activism. Research is grounded on representative samples of urban adults from Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. Logistic regression confirms political consumerism as driven by distrust of government and concomitant engagement with politics, suggesting a diversified repertoire of individual political action in Latin America. La politizacion del consumo favoreciendo o castigando empresas en funcion de consideraciones socio-ambientales o eticas viene ganando terreno como modalidad de participacion politica. Sin embargo, los estudios sobre el tema han ignorado las sociedades en desarrollo y entre los academicos latinoamericanistas persiste una vision que niega cualquier entidad politica o papel civico a las acciones individuales emprendidas desde el mundo del consumo. El presente articulo discute la evidencia sobre la existencia de una politizacion del consumo en America Latina ilustrando la intensidad con que los individuos perciben a las corporaciones como agentes politicos, examinando los sentimientos de empoderamiento consumidor frente a las empresas y analizando las motivaciones detras del activismo de mercado. La investigacion se apoya en muestras representativas de la poblacion adulta urbana de Argentina, Brasil y Mexico. El analisis multivariado usando regresion logistica revela que el consumo politico es estimulado por la desconfianza en las instituciones politicas y por el involucramiento personal con la politica tanto en terminos de interes politico como de participacion civica. Los resultados respaldan una interpretacion de la politizacion del consumo como parte de un proceso mas amplio de diversificacion del repertorio de actuacion individual con relacion a temas de alcance publico en America Latina., The scholarly debate on political participation has gradually shifted from mourning plummeting levels of civic engagement (Putnam 2000) to acknowledging a variety of nonconventional forms of participation used to influence [...]

Mobilizing Homeowners against Foreclosure Previous research suggests that the experience of foreclosure tends to hinder rather than facilitate civic and political engagement among the families and communities most affected. For [...]

Shortly before the outbreak of King Philip's War in 1675, a group of sachems approached English officials in Plimouth, desiring an alliance. They framed their appeal in spiritual terms and [...]

Abstract Egyptian women were very active on the streets during the 25 January Revolution, both in the demonstrations and in the subsequent elections, showing very high rates of participation as [...]

A common objection against deliberative democracy relates to the impression that citizens, in general, are unwilling to participate in democratic politics. We contribute to the growing literature that challenges this impression by analyzing the discursive profile of citizens that participate in deliberation. By discursive profile, we refer to participants' own perceived role in the democratic process and their articulated motivations for joining a deliberative forum. We find that those who turned up in face-to-face deliberation tend to be less cynical toward politics. Moreover, based on their expressed motivations for participating, it can be inferred that linking the deliberative forum to decision makers provided an initial hook to participants. However, this changed as participants completed the process. At the end of deliberations, appreciation for the process itself ended up being the most resonant sentiment. These findings are based on both quantitative and qualitative analyses of data gathered from Australia's First Citizens' Parliament. Keywords: Political Apathy, Deliberative Democracy, Political Theory, Participation, Citizenship and Democracy, Citizens' Parliament, Discursive Profile, Deliberative Engagement, Australia. Una objecion comun en contra de la democracia deliberativa es que los ciudadanos parecen estar indispuestos a participar en la politica democratica. En este articulo contribuimos a la creciente literatura que cuestiona tal impresion mediante un analisis del perfil discursivo de los ciudadanos que participan en procesos de deliberacion. Entendemos por perfil discusivo, la percepcion que tienen los ciudadanos de su propio papel como participantes en el proceso democratico y sus motivaciones para sumarse a un foro deliberativo. Encontramos que aquellos que deliberan cara a cara tienden a ser menos cinicos hacia la politica. Mas aun, basados en las motivaciones para participar que han expresado los deliberantes, inferimos que la vinculacion del foro deliberativo con los tomadores de decisiones sirvio inicialmente para enganchar el interes de los participantes. No obstante, en nuestras observaciones, este nivel de involucramiento cambio en la medida que los participantes completaron el proceso. Al culminar sus deliberaciones los participantes expresaron aprecio por el proceso mismo, siendo este el sentimiento mas relevante en nuestro estudio. Estos hallazgos estan basados en un analisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los datos disponibles del Primer Parlamento Ciudadano de Australia., A common practical objection against deliberative democracy relates to the impression that citizens are unwilling to participate in democratic politics in general, and in deliberation in particular. In Stealth Democracy, [...]

This study examines the characteristics of those who participate in cross-border political activities and explains why they do so. Data from a survey of 1,202 Latino immigrants reveal that trans-state political activities originate in an instrumentally motivated adaptation strategy immigrants employ to protect and promote their material and symbolic goals. Specifically, those who have strong incentives to safeguard their economic interests in the home country are active in home country politics, as are those involved in trans-state cultural enterprises, since participation in cross-border cultural activities encourages immigrants to take political action in order to maintain and promote their long-standing values, beliefs, and cultural practices they acquired from the home country. Participation in cross-border political activities is thus primarily a manifestation of immigrants' desires to achieve their symbolic as well as material goals, rather than a reflection of their lack of assimilation to the host country. Keywords: Transnationalism, Immigrant Cross-Border Political Activity, Trans-State Political Participation, Citizenship and Democracy, Latino Politics, Immigrant Political Incorporation, Immigration, Political Mobilization. Este estudio examina las caracteristicas de aquellos que participan en actividades politicas fronterizas y explicita las motivaciones de tal participation. Una encuesta de 1,202 inmigrantes latinos revela que las actividades politicas fronterizas tienen su origen en una estrategia de adaptacion instrumentalmente motivada que los inmigrantes usan para proteger y promover sus metas materiales y simbolicas. Aquellos que tienen fuertes incentivos para salvaguardar sus intereses economicos en su pais de origen suelen ser activos en la politica domestica. Asumimos que tambien son politicamente activos aquellos involucrados en empresas culturales transestatales dada su motivacion de mantener y promover los valores, creencias y practicas culturales de su pais de origen. Consecuentemente, tambien asumimos que la participation en actividades politicas fronterizas es primariamente una manifestacion de los deseos de los inmigrantes de lograr sus metas tanto simbolicas como materiales, en lugar de asumir que tal actividad sea reflejo su mera falta de asimilacion al pais huesped., New York City, Los Angeles, and Chicago, among others, have become regular stops for political aspirants who are running, or planning to run, for public office in Mexico, the Dominican [...]

Ghana's 55 years of nationhood have largely been lived under successions of undemocratic rule. There is the perception that the undemocratic governments, among others, excluded Ghanaians from the public policy-making process. However, many now believe the reintroduction of constitutional rule since 1993 has democratized policy decision making in ways that have engaged civil society actors via consultation and open public participation. The analysis of two cases (Ghana Poverty Reduction Strategy I and Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy II) enables this study to determine if this perception is correct. I conclude that although a gradual shift to participatory decision making has occurred and improved policy processes and outcomes, it is bedeviled by several structural challenges that place premium on elite preferences to the neglect of those of unorganized and marginalized rural folk. This finding leaves important question marks surrounding some of the fundamental principles of the good governance mantra. Keywords: Ghana, Democratization, Civic Engagement, Participation in Public Policy Making, Stakeholders, Civil Society, Poverty Reduction, Elite Preferences, Political Exclusion and Inclusion, Challenges to Citizen Participation. Ghana ha vivido sus 55 anos de soberania en su mayoria bajo sucesiones de gobiernos no democraticos. Existe la percepcion de que los gobiernos no democraticos, entre otros factores, excluyeron a la poblacion del proceso de toma de decisiones sobre politicas publicas. Sin embargo, muchos ahora estan convencidos que la reintroduccion de un gobierno constitucional en 1993 ha democratizado la toma de decisiones de politicas publicas en maneras que han incorporado a los actores de la sociedad civil a traves de la consulta y la participacion publica. El analisis de dos casos permite a este estudio determinar si dicha percepcion es correcta. Concluyo que aunque si ha ocurrido un cambio gradual hacia una toma de decisiones mas participativa y han mejorado los procesos politicos y sus resultados, estos son mermados por un numero de retos estructurales que imponen una gran importancia a las preferencias de las elites a costa de grupos no organizados que habitan en las zonas rurales. Este resultado deja abiertas grandes preguntas sobre los principios fundamentales de la consigna de buena gobernanza., Many years of Ghana's life as an independent state have been lived under undemocratic rule--one-party regimes and military dictatorship. In the 32 years between 1960 and 1992, six years were [...]

ABSTRACT The Freie Wahler (free voters, FW) offer the rare chance to analyze parties in the making. Their long-time anchoring in local elections, centrist, middleclass political orientation, and bifurcated organizational [...]

Interest groups have much to offer citizen engagement activities, yet their contributions have been marginalized in recent years with the focus on more deliberative approaches for 'ordinary citizens.' It seems that an either/or situation exists between citizen and interest group engagement. This article transcends this debate by delineating a methodology to inform the design of engagement processes that would include both citizens and groups in productive dialogue. Based on past interest group collaboration patterns, a collaborative method is outlined, which offers a way to identify and select interest groups for inclusion in engagement processes with citizens. The method is then applied to a case study of two water issues confronting the City of Hamilton in Ontario. Pour ce qui est des activites d'engagement des citoyens, les groupes d'interet ont beaucoup a offrir, et pourtant ces dernieres annees, leur participation a ete marginalisee en raison d'un changement d'orientation vers des approches plus deliberatives axees sur les << citoyens ordinaires >>. Entre l'engagement des citoyens et celui des groupes d'interet, il semble exister une situation oU c'est soit l'un, soit l'autre. Cet article va au-dela de ce debat en determinant une methodologie pour des processus d'engagement qui incluent a la fois les citoyens et les groupes d'interet dans un dialogue productif. Il decrit une methode de collaboration s'appuyant sur des antecedents de collaboration entre groupes d'interet, suggerant une facon d'identifier et de selectionner des groupes d'interet pour les inclure dans des processus d'engagement avec les citoyens. La methode est alors appliquee a une etude de cas sur deux questions concernant l'eau auxquelles est confrontee la ville d'Hamilton, en Ontario., ********** A recurring challenge for governments at all levels is how to engage interest groups and citizens in a balanced manner. Typically there are three archetype possibilities: engaging interest groups [...]

Human behaviour is thought to spread through face-to-face social networks, but it is difficult to identify social influence effects in observational studies (9-13), and it is unknown whether online social [...]