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Americans don't vote. For all their talk of democracy, US voters have some of the lowest turnout rates in the developed world. Other countries have taken on their turnout woes with a direct approach: compulsory voting. Nowhere in the United States—save one city in the 1890s—has yet followed. But recently, American democracy reformers have begun mainstreaming the idea. If they succeed, the policy has the potential to revolutionize democratic participation. It can only do so, however, if it passes—a tall task at a time when Americans disagree about democracy's meaning and increasingly question its value. To turn compulsory voting from dream to reality will take a new approach—one based not in abstract appeals to democratic principles but a practical pitch that more voting means more power for everyday people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Economic risk and instability are urgent and central facts in the lives of increasing numbers of Americans. Though experienced as “personal,” the causes of life disruptions like unemployment, eviction, and loss of health insurance are also deeply political. In this paper, we build on existing “single crisis” studies to offer a comprehensive theoretical and empirical picture of how life disruptions shape political behavior. We use several large surveys to show that personal crises generally dampen turnout but sometimes spur other political acts. We also find that highly politicized crises (such as those related to COVID) boost all forms of participation. Our findings speak to the importance of considering life disruptions in the study of political behavior, particularly in an era when the lives of Americans are especially precarious.

Environment policies have evolved over the years around the world, in part due to growing awareness among the population of the challenges posed by climate change. The decentralization of policymaking, administrative and political responsibilities to the subnational levels of administration may also have played a part to the extent that it creates room for bottom-up policy experimentation and citizen participation in policy design, including in areas related to the environment, that may influence people's preferences and attitudes and ultimately government policy. To shed light on these linkages, this paper provides cross-country empirical evidence based on national accounts data that decentralization is associated with higher government spending on environment-related programmes, as well as higher collection of environmental taxes in the advanced economies, controlling for conventional public finance covariates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federal tax law treats separate nonprofit corporations as distinct legal entities for almost all purposes, in common with most other areas of law. With respect to political activity, this means that one nonprofit corporation's lobbying or electionrelated actions are generally not attributed to another nonprofit corporation. This is the case even if the two entities have overlapping or even identical boards of directors. It is also the case even if the two entities collaborate regarding their respective activities and share employees, facilities, outside vendors, and other resources, as long as the entities reasonably allocate the costs for those shared resources. In addition, longstanding Supreme Court precedents strongly indicate that the First Amendment requires Congress and the IRS to permit this overlapping, collaboration, and sharing. That lack of attribution is important because different types of nonprofit corporations receive different tax benefits and face different restrictions on their political activity under federal tax law. For example, a charitable nonprofit corporation that is tax-exempt under Internal Revenue Code section 501(c)(3) and eligible to receive tax deductible charitable contributions is limited with respect to lobbying and is prohibited from supporting or opposing candidates for elected public office. In contrast, a social welfare nonprofit corporation that is tax-exempt under Internal Revenue Code section 501(c)(4) but not eligible to receive tax deductible charitable contributions can engage in unlimited lobbying related to its social welfare purpose and can also support or oppose candidates as long as doing so is not its primary activity. And a political organization that is tax-exempt under Internal Revenue Code section 527, although only with respect to contributions received for political purposes, can engage entirely in supporting or opposing candidates. Yet a section 501(c)(3) organization, a section 501(c)(4) organization, and a section 527 organization can have overlapping boards, collaborate about their respective activities, and share resources, as long as they reasonably allocate their expenses and avoid spending directly on political activity that is limited or prohibited given their specific exemption category. There are therefore many groups of nonprofit organizations that consist of affiliated organizations with different federal tax categorizations but a common political purpose. This lack of attribution is in tension with an aspect of federal election law and the election laws of many states. Under these election laws, if an individual or entity coordinates its activities with a candidate committee or political party, that activity is considered a contribution to the benefitted candidate or party. This result means that any spending on that activity is subject to existing source and amount limits on such contributions. In effect, the activity is attributed to the candidate or party because of the coordination even though the candidate or party does not legally control that activity. This is a common sense approach because if it did not exist it would be easy for individuals and other entities to evade contribution limits by engaging in activities not only designed to benefit a candidate or party but done at the specific request of that candidate or party. This reasoning also provides the basis for Supreme Court decisions concluding that this approach is constitutional under the First Amendment. This essay explores the tension created by federal tax law's respect for separate entity status on one hand and the coordination rules of federal and state election law on the other hand. It also revisits whether, given this tension, the Supreme Court was correct to constitutionalize the former approach when it comes to tax-exempt nonprofits. I conclude that whether this difference is appropriate as a policy matter depends on the policy justification for the political activity limits on section 501(c)(3) charities. If the only such justification is to support the broader federal tax policy prohibiting the deduction of expenditures for political activities, then the lack of attribution is appropriate. If instead the justification is that political activity is inconsistent with status as a section 501(c)(3) charity for broader reasons, then there is a policy argument for attributing the political activity of noncharitable nonprofit corporations to closely affiliated charitable nonprofit corporations and so subjecting that activity to the section 501(c)(3) limits. I also conclude that this latter justification could provide a basis for revisiting the Supreme Court precedents that bar this attribution as a constitutional matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the ongoing debate over corporate contributions to political campaigns, particularly in light of the U.S. Supreme Court's Citizens United decision. Topics include the historical development of corporate campaign finance regulations, the judicial reasoning upholding the current corporate contribution ban despite Citizens United, and the potential future of these restrictions in the face of shifting Supreme Court attitudes.

The article deals with the issue of legal regulation of the fight against nuclear terrorism. The purpose of the article is to highlight the problems of legal regulation of the fight against nuclear terrorism. The authors of the article conducted a retrospective review and analyzed the state of development of Ukrainian legislation in the field of legal regulation of the fight against nuclear terrorism. As a result of such consideration, it was determined that the last decades of the 20th century, as well as the 21st century, showed that the greatest threat is terrorist organizations that have an international (transnational) character and are connected to organized criminal societies. Terrorist organizations have largely reoriented themselves from single murders or serious explosions of conventional explosives to active attempts to acquire or manufacture means of mass destruction with the subsequent threat of use. The level of risk of using nuclear weapons and radioactive materials can be pre-estimated by threats of committing acts of nuclear terrorism and theft of nuclear materials. The authors of the article provide separate data related to terrorist acts, as well as the most dangerous cases of their abduction. The article analyzes the basis of the provisions of the International Convention on Combating Acts of Nuclear Terrorism. The authors concluded that the International Convention on the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism plays a key role in ensuring nuclear security. Before the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine, Ukraine was considered to be an example of a consistent and balanced policy in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The events that have been going on in Ukraine for almost three years have shown that nuclear legislation, both international and domestic, in the sphere related to the use of nuclear energy is imperfect and does not provide adequate answers to many questions. Externally, the political activity of states that possess nuclear weapons is decisive for the future of humanity, for the survival of human civilization. To prevent the unthinkable - the destruction of life on earth, to defend peace - there is no more important task for all peoples of our planet today. According to the authors, it is expedient to develop and adopt an international act on the norms of relations between nuclear states, which would be of great importance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship on popular mobilization and activism in Central and East Europe suggests a shift from institutionalized civil society organizations towards grassroots mobilization. Whilst the emergence of such citizen-led activism across the region can be traced back to the anti-neoliberal urban movements that arose in the 2010s in the immediate post EU-accession period, the so-called "illiberal turn" and the legal restrictions placed on formal civil society organizations by radical right and conservative politicians have arguably exacerbated the shift and momentum. In Poland, the reaction of political elites to air pollution activism and the apparent responsiveness of policymakers is particularly puzzling given the "green conservatism" bordering on "environmental nativism" of the Law and Justice government (2015-2023). Building on semi-structured interviews conducted with 30 policymakers and activists involved in the clean air campaign in Poland, we contend that their success in terms of increased public awareness and positive government response is a consequence of the concurrence of (i) a particular (health) framing of air pollution, (ii) the devolution of power and responsibility for managing air quality to regional government, (iii) the circulation of new information and data, and (iv) the emergence of new actors and activist strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global spread of participatory budgeting (PB) has facilitated its adoption by ideologically diverse political parties. Nowadays, we can easily find conservative, social democratic and leftist parties as promoters of PB. Hence the question arises: how does party ideology influence the implementation of citizen participation mechanisms? In this article, we study PB processes in nine different Spanish municipalities. Our aim is to analyse three dimensions that can be influenced by ideology: PB's participatory design, the reasons different parties have to launch and maintain PB, and the possible instrumental reasons politicians refer to when speaking in favour of or against PB. According to our findings PB initiatives implemented by conservative, social democratic and radical left parties are quite different from one another: from a managerial way of understanding participation (conservative), which views participants as consumers to understanding PB as an educational process aimed to empower citizens (radical left). Nevertheless, arguments vary depending on whether politicians are in office or in the opposition, the former being more inclined to support citizen participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research on deliberative-participatory democratic innovations conducted by state administration agencies exhibits empirical eclecticism and is dominated by a deliberative paradigm. However, this paradigm tends to conflate normative prescription with analytical description. In contrast, this article proposes a comprehensive re-conceptualization of such innovations, drawing from Niklas Luhmann's systems theory. It outlines the specific problem these innovations address (function), how they operate in tackling this problem (functioning) and the problems they inevitably raise (dysfunctions). In addition, my re-conceptualization retains the possibility to critically compare these (and other) experiments regarding their capability to address emerging challenges within the modern democratic political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary resources available to social workers are themselves, with building and using effective relationships central to the social work task. More than a decade of austerity policies has impacted how social workers practice. The current barriers to relationship-based practice in work with adults are such that we are experiencing a relational recession – that is the inability to practice in a way that prioritises the relationship. The present article will evaluate two key barriers to relationship-based social work: 1) The current context of austerity and new care management, 2) The emotional demands of the role. Practice can emerge from the relational recession through a shift from case management supervision, towards a supervisory relationship which replicates the conditions required for relationship-based practice to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the memoirs of two Bengali revolutionary women, Bina Das' Srinkhal Jhankar published in 1948, translated as Bina Das: A Memoir, and Kamala Dasgupta's Rakter Akshare (Written in Blood) in 1954 to argue how their subjective desire and experience dismantle the gendered rhetoric of nationalism in colonial Bengal. The accounts of Bina and Kamala present their involvement in militant activism and subsequent imprisonment. Notably, there is an inherent urge in their writings to sacrifice life for the nation and a determination not to retreat from the torturous conditions of the colonial prison. The paper contends that the rhetoric of nationalism in colonial Bengal is embedded in hegemonic masculinity that initially confined women to the spiritual and domestic realm and later allowed them to be educated and modern without acknowledging their subjectivity. Activities of these political women thus destabilise the gender discourse prevalent in the private and public sphere of colonial society, which calls for a revision of the nationalist historiography. So, this essay will examine how tropes of the body, self-sacrifice, and penal experience, as produced in these memoirs, negotiate the nationalist ideology, subvert the binary of masculine and feminine, and establish their political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political practice and academic discourse similarly assume that the local level has the potential to strengthen political cohesion in the European Union: it is the tier closest to citizens and implements a large share of European legislation. But what political cohesion actually is and how it can be achieved is less clear. The paper addresses this gap by analysing the local framing of political cohesion in Europe. Drawing on case studies in eight German cities, local Europe-related networks are investigated, focusing on how their ideas about their role in crafting political cohesion links to their Europe-related activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of civic and political participation have been puzzled by questions of disengagement among socially, economically, and politically marginalized groups. Drawing on 32 in-depth interviews with long-time Black residents of San Francisco's historic Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, this analysis examines the factors that influence the civic participation choices of residents. By employing conceptual tools from previous studies of civic participation, this article demonstrates how local opportunities and constraints influence civic attitudes and behaviors. The narratives offered by residents in this study reveal that civic participation is not a fixed practice but instead a dynamic process of adapting political attitudes and behaviors to evolving environmental conditions. These findings present a micro-level account of the effects of political exclusion and disadvantage on civic engagement practices and hold important implications for our approaches to broadly mobilizing perceivably disengaged populaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has documented a significant and rising presence of corporations in politics. In this letter, we ask to what extent corporations in Denmark have increased their political activity and access to political arenas during the last two decades. The analysis draws on two surveys among large corporations conducted in 2001 and 2022. This allows us to compare the extent to which corporations use tactics such as targeting the news media as well as their reported levels of contact to public authorities. We find that corporations today are engaged in broader questions and use a wider set of strategies than around the turn of the century, but also that their contacts to public administrative authorities have decreased and that a larger share of corporations are only active through collective organisations. This provides an important corrective to the existing image of a uniform rise in the political activities of private corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In communities of Sub-Saharan Africa, where local elites participate in the selection of households for cash transfers, there is a tendency to deviate from laid down rules for various reasons. Using qualitative data from selected districts where Ghana's Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme is implemented, this study investigates the reasons why district and community elites deviate from prescribed selection processes of the LEAP programme. Drawing on the concept of competitive clientelism, the findings suggest that elites are deeply guided by political patronage to fulfil one primary goal, protecting their role in office. Such ambition is facilitated by the discretionary power accorded to elites by the local government system and socio-cultural values deeply rooted in Ghanaian society. In conclusion, the study draws out key lessons from the analysis and suggests a design of beneficiary selection frameworks that acknowledges the nature of domestic politics, institutions of power and powerful actors at the subnational level. The article also highlights the implications of the findings for the broad politics of social protection literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given women's gains in employment, education, and economic status, the persistent gender gap in internal political efficacy remains a puzzle for social scientists. We go beyond standard socioeconomic explanations and consider gender roles, which, unlike socioeconomic situation, are a slow-moving force constrained by gendered socialization. Stereotypically feminine traits jar with stereotypical notions of politics in general, as competitive, and leaders as power-seeking and assertive. Drawing on observational data from an original survey fielded in Spain, we show that this incongruence accounts for women's perception of having a low capacity to participate in politics. Results from a survey experiment suggest that this relationship is not set in stone, however. When politicians' motivation is framed in line with feminine traits—as a public service rather than a struggle for power—women consider themselves just as capable as men of participating in politics. The results have implications for women's political participation and representation in politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the American Psychological Association undertook the task of examining the deleterious effects of systemic racism on people of color in the United States. This extensive examination led to the passing of three historic resolutions in October 2021, by the APA Council of Representatives, including the resolution, Role of Psychology, and APA in Dismantling Systemic Racism Against People of Color in the United States. In the resolution, there was a focus on education, science, healthcare, work and economic opportunities, criminal and juvenile justice, early childhood development, and government and public policy. These resolutions set a foundation for the field in moving forward. To effectively address systemic racism, there must be dedication and deliberate action to address the policies, structures, and practices that contribute to inequities. The primary focus of this paper is advocacy; specifically, political advocacy for psychologists to address these policies and structures, in achieving the goals of dismantling systemic racism and creating a more equitable society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological Institutionalists of education suggest that the first quarter of the 21st century has seen a paradigm shift in moral education worldwide toward depicting global citizenship as rooted in social diversity and common humanity, going beyond the locally focused interests of nation-states. Within the context of the ongoing nation building process in the self-governing territory of Taiwan in the past two decades, this study offers a telling example of the dynamics between the cosmopolitan turn in curriculum reforms and the parallel socio-political realities. Drawing on a large group of university students (N = 1,020) from Taiwan, this paper offers an empirical perspective regarding how multiculturalism promotes civic and political participation as a process of global citizenship making. The indirect effects through the mediating variables of political self-efficacy and trust in the democratic system have also shed some light on how the process works on certain individual and social conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public discourse has become more polarized, especially when it comes to moral issues. Moral issues related to gender and sexuality—particularly concerning children—are politically fraught. To assess the extent to which ideologies about gender and parenting are polarized, we interviewed eighty-five gender activists from diverse political orientations. Surprisingly, we found some convergence in how activists on the political left and right discussed gender and parenting. Specifically, those on the right endorsed some traditionally progressive ideas, including that girls should be able to play with "boy toys" and to aspire to traditionally male pursuits. Meanwhile, in affirming children's right to express their gender identity, those on the left treated gender identity as innate, an idea traditionally associated with conservatives, while saying little about sexism. These similarities, notwithstanding, we also found important differences between how these two groups discussed gender socialization. We discuss the implications of these different approaches and how caregivers and other adults can reconcile a commitment to affirming children's gender identity while also addressing gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Planning rights are institutional rights: the rights of affected parties in a specific planning system. Three kinds of planning rights are identified: 1) abstract-general; real planning rights in a specific planning system: 2) positive and 3) potential. Positive planning rights are recognized and enforceable; potential planning rights are suggested, but not recognized. Planning rights can be ascertained for a particular planning system; advocates and communities can use them in three ways: 1. Consciousness-raising and empowerment; 2. Promoting social justice: political action to turn potential into positive planning rights. 3. Advocacy and defense: contesting plans and actions that violate planning rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the notion of normalcy within the discourse of the European Union (EU), with a focus on its response to transformative dynamics and challenges, especially post-2008. I analyse how the EU, facing diminishing ideological supremacy, has reinforced its institutional power through the framework of normalcy. By emphasizing constitutionalisation and integration through legal means, bodies such as the European Court of Justice (ECJ) have expanded their roles, promoting "integration through law" to counter alternative political projects invariably labelled as populist, thereby giving rise to anti-populism as a discursive tool. Drawing on crisis discourse and diagnostic practice, this paper explores how normalcy legitimises and perpetuates existing power structures within EU governance, subtly coercing member states and citizens into accepting its norms and values, thus shaping perceptions of normalcy and also inevitability. At the core of this framework lies the rule of law (RoL), which establishes legal boundaries in the first place, but in the same move shapes political contexts. My paper argues that the exclusive focus on legalistic interpretations obscures the underlying structural factors perpetuating power dynamics and economic disparities among member states, constraining adaptive responses. I examine the narrative of "growing up to democracy" and its impact on the European project discourse, particularly in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. I then scrutinise the roles of experts and the "juristocracy" in reinforcing this narrative while simultaneously masking underlying inequalities and power differentials. Furthermore, the paper explores the strategic deployment of language and discourse by EU institutions during crises, highlighting their implications for public understanding, political action, and outcomes. Finally, it investigates the EU's strategic use of crisis discourse and diagnostic practices, focusing particularly on the ascendancy of the judiciary, but also highlighting how this trajectory may also have negative influence of legislative and executive bodies as their role diminishes in the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political and legal authority in Central-Eastern Europe, specifically in Poland, and discusses the emergence of new elements in constitutionalism. It explores the relationship between populism and constitutionalism, highlighting the need for interdisciplinary approaches to understand these phenomena. The article argues that the growing divide between liberal political elites and citizens is undermining the stability of liberal-democratic systems, resulting in constitutional struggles. It also analyzes different interpretations of constitutionalism and assesses the impact of populism on constitutionalism in Central-Eastern Europe. Additionally, the text explores the rejection of neo-liberal concepts by populist movements and their focus on implementing broad social programs. It suggests that while populism may have the potential to correct democratic institutions, it has not yet developed a comprehensive theory of constitutionalism, and its impact on constitutionalism is still evolving. [Extracted from the article]

Myanmar's unofficial minorities encompass diverse religious and ethnic groups excluded from Myanmar's list of 135 officially recognised "national races." They face exclusion due to their citizenship status as well as societal prejudices and entrenched discrimination against minority communities. Yet, debates over politics, federalism, and power-sharing in Myanmar primarily concern the relationship between the officially recognised ethnic minorities and the majority Bamar population. The Spring Revolution has opened the door to "rethink federalism," suggesting that moving beyond historically entrenched binaries of unity or ethnonational federalism may be on the table. Understanding how unofficial minorities face discrimination and disenfranchisement as well as inclusion, is imperative in not only imagining a new political system following a successful Spring Revolution, but in expanding the revolutionary process. Yet, discussions related to minorities and diversity have centred on the pre-coup model of ethno-nationalist federalism as a post-revolution power-sharing arrangement. With minority rights tied to increased autonomy for minority-dominated territories, how do minorities without territory meaningfully participate in or benefit from the revolution? How can the recognition of Myanmar's unofficial minorities – an estimated 10% of the population – be ensured? "Rethinking federalism" highlights relationships between territory, citizenship, and belonging in the Spring Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the indicators of women's electoral participation in India, highlighting gender disparities in political engagement. Topics include the relationship between women's education levels and political participation, the role of media exposure in electoral involvement, and the rankings of states based on women's voter turnout and representation.

Some authors have suggested that the All Affected Interests Principle, an influential principle of political inclusion, requires that animals have their interests politically represented. In this paper, I provide a systematic formulation, assessment, and defense of this argument, and suggest a middle way between two strategies found in the literature. On the one hand, I argue that applying the All Affected Interests to animals inevitably requires that we make some (potentially controversial) assumptions about the weight and scope of animal interests, and cannot remain morally noncommittal. This is because most formulations of the principle do not apply to all interests, but only to those that satisfy a relevancy test – which requires first-order moral reasoning. On the other hand, I also contend that one can defend some substantive claims about the inclusion of animals via the All Affected Interests Principle without having to endorse a comprehensive account of animal rights, or a theory about the worth of natural entities. For the All Affected Interests Principle to apply to animals, all that we need are instances of normatively relevant interests systematically affected by political decisions. The interest of mammals in avoiding pain and suffering, I contend, provides such an example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is grounded in social cognitive theory and constructs a research framework of 'individual cognition- environment-behavioral willingness' to investigate the influence of political efficacy on villagers' willingness to participate in grassroots governance, as well as whether satisfaction with the government and social justice play a chain-mediating role between them. Utilizing empirical data from the 2019 Chinese Social Survey (CSS), comprising 7,031 responses, this study rigorously tests the hypotheses. The findings demonstrate that political efficacy significantly and positively predicts villagers' willingness to engage in grassroots governance. Furthermore, satisfaction with the government and social justice are identified as playing a chain-mediating role in this relationship. These results not only deepen our understanding of villagers' attitudes toward political participation but also contribute to the democratic process in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role does polyarchy (and thus increased democracy) play in aiding the development of an international financial centre? Little research has addressed to date. In this paper, we look at that literature in preparation for econometric analysis in the future. The evidence, such as it exists, suggests that some jurisdictions use autocracy (less polyarchy) to help grow out their financial centres. These results could impact decisions ranging from Brexit to Hong Kong's autonomy in its post-2047 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In missing person cases, police often face spontaneous searches by citizens. This study examined the involvement of police and citizens in a well-known Dutch case. It shows that the relationship between police and volunteers is not static, but changes over time. Initially, citizens are more quickly organized and take charge. As the investigation progresses, different types of volunteers are incorporated into the police structure. Citizens pose dilemmas regarding direction and information sharing, but provide valuable search capacity and expertise. The results show the importance of not opposing citizen initiatives, but rather making contact, establishing structure and coordinating efforts early on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the response of the US disability community to the prevalent assumption that disabled people do not have a future, in the form of the disability rights movement. It provides an exploratory discussion of the key role played by utopianism in the response. In doing so, the article adds to critical theorizing on the importance of utopia to the oppression of non-dominant groups and to transcending that oppression. I use utopian studies scholarship to interpret the activities leading up to the passing of the Americans with Disabilities Act in 1990 as a minor utopia, characterized by an ambiguous, grounded, and provisional effort to imagine alternative ways of being. I articulate the central role played by a positive vision of disability and disabled people for this inversion of the historically negative relationship between utopia and disability. The article turns to disability activists to show that the movement countered exclusionary utopian approaches by acting as if it had a right to envision and enact a different, better future for all from the perspective of disability and disabled people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research on immigrant integration is a dynamic interdisciplinary domain with rich and diverse literature. Considering the numerous studies in this domain, it is valuable to provide a comprehensive mapping to understand the research landscape resource and facilitate collaborations. This article combines Structural Topic modeling with bibliometric analysis to identify key research topics on immigrant integration. Applying these methods to 70890 abstracts published between 1960 and 2022, we identified 30 key research topics. We also tracked their prevalence over time, correlations and distributions within institutions and countries, funding effects, and countries' collaborations. The results indicate that the most discussed topics are integration theory, economic integration, education, residential segregation, integration policy, language, religious diversity, cultural participation, identity & belonging, racism & discrimination, political participation, health & welfare, research methods, demographic issues, gender & violence. Moreover, some of these topics were highly prominent in earlier periods and nearly non-existent in later years, while others emerged only recently. Specific topics maintained consistent significance over time. Analyses of correlations and trends reveal clusters of topics and diverse distributions across countries and research institutions. The implications of these results can benefit researchers, helping them better understand the current state of research and design future research projects. The finding could also help stakeholders in migration and integration governance and funding agencies to guide policies regarding the integration of immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to strike is an expression of democratic participation in improving one's own working conditions. This makes it possible to experience one's own impact and the community. This creates identification with one's own work. Any restriction risks social peace and the demand for restrictions is an attack on the rights of employees and trade unions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1946 and 1991, over 1,500 Soviet officials—mostly intelligence officers operating under diplomatic cover—were expelled from diplomatic and other government representations around the world. Expulsions often involved single or small groups of officials, but occasionally occurred en masse. Countries chose to expel Soviet officials for four reasons: in reaction to anti-Soviet regime changes and political reversals, in retaliation for Soviet covert activities and political manipulation, in reaction to Soviet intelligence officer defectors and intelligence obtained from penetrations of Soviet intelligence services, and, most frequently, in retaliation for espionage. Recent expulsions are modern adaptations of a method that was common during the Cold War with commonalities of purpose, but some variations, especially in scale and level of international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public participation is a popular mantra in contemporary governance. Participatory mechanisms have been analysed extensively. The systematic study of how, where and why public authorities implement them is, however, under researched. The paper aims to fill this gap by focusing on participatory budgeting (PB) processes in the Belgian context (Wallonia and Brussels). First, we critically assess the 'participatory' feature of PB by comparing who decides in such processes. Second, we identify the contextual and political factors that trigger the establishment of PB. Findings suggest that PB has become a widely diffused institutional practice for authorities with different ideological orientations and across different municipal contexts. However, the way the participatory ideal is put into practice reveals distinct dynamics. In some cases, the use of the participatory rhetoric is a way to requalify an old practice without significantly transforming how the budget is allocated. Overall, this study seeks to offer a better understanding of the integration of democratic innovations in contemporary governance. Points for practitioners: The paper unveils the diversity of practice behind the label 'participatory budgeting'. It provides a new typology of PB processes by focusing on the decision phase. It offers a systematic study of PB establishment in the Belgian context by analysing the role of municipal context, ideology and the electoral drivers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of media, political and academic discourses on migration has contributed to the construction of an often fixed and stereotyped image of migrants, built in a context of ever-present crisis. A key feature of this process of objectification is a temporal stasis that traps people in what can be described as an eternal present of migration: an existence that begins with the act of migrating, to which one is continually brought back and reduced. This paper engages in a reflexive critique of the quasi-objectified status of migrants by focusing on the empirical case of migrants’ collective action. It examines the micro-level of participants who mobilize as migrants in the public sphere and explores how they make sense of the term migrant itself. Building on the analysis of life histories of participants, this paper outlines a temporal approach that gives primacy to their subjective time. Findings suggest that the experience of migration itself plays a marginal role in the decision to mobilize for migrants’ rights: friendships, family and community histories, experiences at work, ties with the local movement area provide complementary or alternative sites that trigger participation. Bridging the biographical and temporal dimensions, this work explores the internal reasons and meanings that sustain participation, beyond externally imposed labels that trap participants in the eternal present of migration. The temporal approach proposed complements the literature on migrants’ collective action, which has generally privileged a focus on space, and has wider implications for the study of activism by marginalized and precarious actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]