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Bayt al-mal is one of the institutions whose ontological and epistemological foundations determine its functioning in pre-modern context, yet these underlying structures have been ignored to a certain extent in modern studies leading to an anachronic analysis of bayt al-mal. The aim of this study is to make a critical comparison of bayt al-mal and treasury institutions in terms of income items, expenditures, and objectives of respective institutions. Bayt al-mal as a institution developed by the political authority to realize the objec-tives of the Shari'ah based on the needs of growing Muslim communities, is fundamentally different from modern treasuries in terms of sovereignty, income sources, expenditures, and objectives. Bayt al-mal operates under the sovereignty of Allah, with income derived from Islamic taxes like zakat, humus, and jizya. Its expenditures align with Shariah objectives such as enjoining good, jihad, and establishing justice. This institution, rooted in religious principles, uses its resources to achieve objectives deemed beneficial by Allah. In contrast, the modern treasury is an integral part of the state, shaped by its own sovereign principles and capitalist ideology. Its income primarily comes from taxing citizens and corporations, focusing on continuous growth and progress. The state's expenditures, including salaries and pensions, reflect its central control and aim to sustain its authority and capitalist principles. The findings we obtained as a result of the comparison between the two institutions highlights the dangers of conflating bayt al-mal and modern treasuries without acknowledging their distinct natures. It argues that overlooking these differences hinders the development of financial instruments compatible with Islamic principles. The study also raises the question of whether bayt al-mal can harmonize with modern state structures in terms of income, expenditures, and objectives. This critical comparison underscores the need for careful consideration of these institutions' unique characteristics in Islamic financial jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic under consideration is still in the orbit of the domestic discussion of political scientists and specialists in Government Relations (GR). And there is no agreement among them yet regarding the subject field of the discipline being studied. Opinions differ, referring GR to applied political science, sociology of communications, or corporate management. This article analyzes the problems of defining the subject of GR-management as an applied political science discipline, as well as its categorical apparatus. The peculiarity of GR as a type of political management is that the goal-setting unit of the activities of GR managers and corporate lobbyists is located in an “internal” and “non-political” environment (economic, social, etc.), which may be associated with maintaining the competitiveness of the firm and obtaining economic profit by it. But the means to achieve these goals are already located in the “external” socio-political environment, in which the field of political behavior of interested actors is formed. And here we are faced with the phenomenon of “inversion” of the particular interests represented in public policy, when in order to promote them it is necessary to convert the goals of the economic strategy into adequate private issues when building a common public agenda, and into specific tasks of the strategy and tactics of an already special GR campaign.

One of the most important elements in achieving societal development is the participation of women in the workforce. With the inclusion of women in the working life in society, there is progress in the status of women within the family and community. In addition, the presence of women in working life contributes positively to economic growth and helps create a more innovative and productive environment in workplaces by increasing diversity and creativity. Additionally, promoting gender equality contributes to the reshaping of gender roles and the creation of a more equitable social structure. However, reaching the current status of women in labor markets is the product of struggles and efforts that span centuries. From the foundation of the Turkish Republic to the present day, the underrepresentation of Turkish women in political leadership is based on historical, social, and economic factors. In societies where there is sensitivity and perception related to achieving gender equality, on one hand, the gender gap narrows further, while on the other, there's an increase in women's participation in political leadership. In Turkey, the rate of women in political leadership is approximately 20%, and it's around 5% in ministries. This study aims to evaluate the situation of women in political leadership from the republic era to today and to identify the barriers and potential solutions for participation. Evaluations have determined that the representation rate of Turkish women in political leadership has changed over the historical process, but it remains generally low due to factors such as societal norms, gender roles, education, political party structures, and economic barriers. To address this issue, it is imperative to adopt approaches based on gender equality and to emphasize the importance of women taking a more active role in politics through reforms in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo ofrece una posibilidad de sinergia teórico-metodológica para el abordaje de distintos problemas sociales. Se trata de un trabajo que explora la participación de la comunidad gay en el mundo social configurado en textos de ciberprensa chilena entre los años 2012-2017. La exploración se realiza desde la articulación teórico-metodológica de los sistemas sociosemióticos de VALORACIÓN e IDEACIÓN adscritos a la Lingüística sistémico funcional para ilustrar la relación entre el cambio social y el cambio discursivo. El análisis discursivo desde esos sistemas revela que la comunidad gay representada en el corpus se constituye en agente de transformación social, pues denuncia la violencia homofóbica y defiende a las víctimas, interpela a las autoridades políticas y religiosas, promueve cambios y reformas legales y es reconocida como interlocutor político ante los eventos producidos. This article offers a possibility of theoretical-methodological synergy for addressing different social problems. This is a work that explores the participation of the gay community in the social world configured in Chilean cyberpress texts between 2012-2017. The exploration is carried out from the theoretical-methodological articulation of the sociosemiotic APPRAISAL and IDEATION systems assigned to functional systemic linguistics to illustrate the relationship between social change and discursive change. The discursive analysis from these systems reveals that the gay community represented in the corpus constitutes an agent of social transformation, because it denounces homophobic violence and defends the victims, questions political and religious authorities, promotes changes and legal reforms and is recognized as political interlocutor before the events produced.

Introduction. In the Russian Federation, the relevance of research on the demographic indicators and the effectiveness of public administration in their regulation. Demographic problems include a set of tasks that need to be solved to ensure the growth of fertility and life expectancy, reduce mortality, and regulate migration. This study discusses a part of demographic policy, namely the instruments of the state family and demographic policy aimed at “saving the people of Russia and developing human potential”, which, in accordance with the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation, are the priority of the country’s national interest. The purpose of this work is to identify the context of communication between the government and society in the process of covering the demographic situation and public administration in the field of family and demographic policy by the Russian media. Methods and Materials. The research methodology is based on theories that reveal the relationship between political management and political communication (S. Ball-Rokeach and M. DeFleur, G. Lasswell, J. Habermas, G. Esping Andersen, S. Volodenkov, M. Grachev, A. Solovyov, etc.). The research method is content analysis of regional Russian media, the sample consists of 9011 articles. Analysis. In the process of content analysis, the following tools of public administration were evaluated: communication and the construction of a discourse on the implementation and results of family and demographic policy in the Russian media. Family and demographic policy are parts of social policy and can be quite effective (for example, the “One-child policy” of China), but the use of technologies to manipulate public opinion in the process of implementing family and demographic policy carries significant risks. Results. The content analysis revealed how family and demographic policy is covered in the media, which of the three communication purposes of the authorities and society (information, dialogue or manipulation) is the basic one. Content analysis allowed us to answer the question: are technologies of manipulation of public opinion used to increase the birth rate in the Russian Federation? It is revealed that these technologies are not used in the analyzed media, there is no persistent repetition of characteristic phrases. The data obtained in the process of content analysis made it possible to describe the communicative practices used in the studied media, to conclude whether the communicative practices correspond to the goals of political management in the field of family and demographic policy. Authors’ contribution. T. Rostovskaya built a theoretical scheme for the study of the context of communication between the government and society, carried out a guide for collecting material by regions of the Russian Federation. E. Vasilieva developed a research methodology, processed the data obtained. The co-authors jointly analyzed the data and interpreted the results.

In this article it is presented a critical discussion of the situation of Portuguese as an international language. It is pointed out that, in the last decade, there have been tentative efforts to create a multinational political management of the language by the revitalization of the Instituto Internacional da Língua Portuguesa. This revitalization was approved in the First CPLP Conference on the Situation of Portuguese in the Global System, which took place in Brasília in 2010. It is argued here that those efforts have been completely fruitless and have shown concretely that a multinational political management of the language is impossible. In consequence, it is suggested that those efforts should be abandoned. If the future fragmentation of Portuguese into a family of languages, which seems rather inevitable, national policies seem to be more effective. It will therefore be up to each country to take particular initiatives to promote its own variety of the language and its culture. It is pointed out that the recent creation by the Brazilian government of the Instituto Guimarães Rosa to promote Brazilian Portuguese and Brazilian culture can be seen as an important initiative in the right direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the fire defense strategies in political management to combat soft war from the perspective of the Supreme Leader. In this regard, using thematic analysis tools, arbitrary fire defense strategies in political management to combat soft war in the intellectual-political system of the Supreme Leader based on three ontological, epistemological and methodological approaches were studied. The process of the Supreme Leader's optional method of firing on the subject of political management to counter the soft war in the first place is the correct knowledge of the enemy and his plans; If the enemy is not accurately identified in this area, then the necessary and appropriate defensive and offensive measures will not be taken. The next step in the fight against arrogance of power is readiness because victory in combat will be achieved when the forces are sufficiently prepared to confront the enemy and its plans. Ultimately, the requirement of faith is the presence of the believer in the combat, a necessity that, if fulfilled, according to the Supreme Leader of the Revolution, the arrogant will not be able to defeat this nation and the revolution.

The purpose of the present study is to review the requirements of ethnic policymaking and management in order to achieve national integrity and enhance the efficiency of the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to the existing structures and factors. The method of study is descriptive-analytic and it aims to find an answer to this main question: What are the most important requirements of ethnic policymaking in Iran with regard to its centralized unitary structure of government? The results show that it is through considering the requirements of policymaking in terms of optimal management of the realm of the country and its inhabitants that the best method for implementing policies can be selected. This issue can ultimately lead to using the potentials of natural and human geography that guarantee national security and achievement of national goals. Furthermore, having a systematic approach, paying attention to the cultural geography of the country, and balanced development are among some other requirements of ethnic policymaking. Considering these needs and paying attention to the influential components in management of ethnic varieties have a positive impact on the efficiency of the Islamic republic of Iran and display its practical effectiveness in performing its duties toward the citizens' expectations.

The metropolis of Tehran regulates the administrative-political centrality of the country inside and outside the political borders and in interaction with other parts of the world in various political, security, economic and cultural dimensions, reveals a high degree of influence in a systemic analysis. Tehran's urban system is open and multifaceted, which faces many conflicts and instabilities. The lack of a specific function for the metropolis of Tehran seems to severely undermine the systemic description of it and the efficiency of civil and governmental institutions. Then, the main and potential contexts in the formation and emergence of four strategic factors (opportunities, threats, strengths and weaknesses) in the external and internal environment were identified. Findings show that among the various external factors influencing the political management of Tehran metropolitan area, the factor of preparing the urban complex plan with a weight score (0.84) as the most important opportunity and the factor of multiplicity and division of government and metropolitan management of Tehran (0.33), The most important threats to the advancement of political space management in the metropolitan area of ​​Tehran are considered. Separation and fragmentation are prominent features of Tehran's urban management system, which is why the management system of this metropolis can not systematically cover the urban space and, consequently, social, political, physical, environmental and economic processes.

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Copyright of EMPIRIA: Revista de Metodología de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The subject of the study is the social network theory for the management of international migration. The theory suggests that migration from the society of origin to the hosting society can occur if links exist between these two societies, and that the flow of migrants follows the established links. The theoretical prediction which one can make is that, if the political administration wishes to establish a flow of migrants between any two societies, a link between these two societies must be established first. The author tested the theory on the case of managing the emigration of workers by the government of Bangladesh. The paper found that, firstly, the links between the origin society and the host society were created artificially, however, in contrast to the theoretical forecast, the author observed that such links usually do not correspond to the geographical distribution of maximum proximity to origin or destination society. Instead, the study revealed, that the closeness of communication between two societies is generated by the proximity between political administrations of the same societies, which contradicts the theoretical expectations. In this regard, the author proposed to expand the theory of international migration in the social network, suggesting that the proximity between two political administrations, and not between two societies as a whole, is a condition necessary for international migration. This, in turn, allows us to fill a theoretical gap that is associated with the relationship between social network theory and the management of international migration. The paper concludes that it is possible to generate arbitrary migration flows, creating appropriate links between any two societies.

In the era of the fourth industrial revolution, a “smart” society is being formed, whose members are able to acquire and apply new competencies, including in the field of political management. In the field of public policy, this is related to the creation and implementation of innovations in the public administration system. In this regard, crowdsourcing is becoming a more popular form of interaction between the government and society, including not only the creation of a “bank of ideas”, but also the use of Internet solutions for new forms of political participation. The key areas of digital interaction between society and the state are the delegation of power to citizens and the introduction of innovations to reduce transaction costs.

Gold mining in Ecuador has been present in the country since Inca times; over the years interest in the mineral has increased, leading to the creation of legislation to control the mining sector in a safe manner. The Litoral region consists of seven provinces, six of which have registered gold concessions; the most affected provinces are El Oro and Esmeraldas. The objective of this study was to analyze the historical and current situation of artisanal and industrial gold mining in the Litoral region of Ecuador. Different methodologies were used for the elaboration of this study, including bibliographic review, grey literature, field interviews and a validation of expert judgment. The main results indicate that El Oro and Esmeraldas are essentially the most conflictive areas in the region, as they have sometimes had to establish precautionary measures due to the risks caused by illegal mining. In addition, in both areas there is a great socioeconomic impact ranging from lack of opportunities, forgetfulness, migration, emigration, and violation of rights, among others. With respect to environmental impacts, the study highlights the contamination of water sources (which leads to a lack of drinking water for people), and damage to aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems. Finally, the study concludes that the authorities should control the mining sector more by implementing more laws and carrying out inspections to put an end to illegal gold mining, in order to improve the situation in the areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims & Backgrounds: Political managers of geographical space at the township level are bound to formulate strategic plans in order to carry out their duties. What that makes the presentation of the strategic plan necessary is derived from political management duties of geographical space at the regional level to achieving the regional aims. The general aim of this research was to presentation the strategic plan for the political management of the geographical space of Eslamshahr Township. The minor aims of the research include identifying the strength, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of Eslamshahr Township as well as designing the most appropriate strategies for managing Eslamshahr Township. Methodology: This descriptive study was conducted through data collection by library studies, interview with experts, personal observation and completion of the questionnaire by experts in 2017. Analytic hierarchy process (AHP) technique was used for weighting the internal and external factors. Also, the SWOT analysis method was used for strategies planning. Quantitative strategic planning matrix (QSPM) was used for evaluating the strategies. Findings: The sum of matrix scores of the external factors was 1.9 which sowed the threat position of the township. The sum of matrix scores of the internal factors was 2.44 which showed the township is in the weakness position. Conclusion: Political management of geographical space in Eslamshahr Township should adopt defensive strategies.

Artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM) and large-scale mining in the Ecuadorian Amazon region is potentially harmful to nature, and its impacts are associated with environmental degradation and deterioration of people’s health. So far, limited efforts have been directed at exploring the current situation and challenges facing the implementation of environmental policies in the country. The objective of this study focused on analyzing the historical and current situation and challenges of ASGM in the Amazon region of Ecuador in relation to a political perspective (laws), socioeconomic impacts (population displacement, loss of livelihoods, migration of people, cost of living, water scarcity, and health impacts), and environmental impacts (biotic and abiotic). The methodology used was based on a literature review and interviews, and information that was discussed through an expert judgment allowed for establishing challenges to improve ASGM management. The main results indicate that lack of community participation in decision-making, insufficient coordination between government institutions, communities, and miners, and lack of control of mining activities are factors that contribute to ineffective compliance with environmental policies in the gold mining sector in the Amazon. Finally, the study concludes by considering the socioeconomic and environmental scopes within its findings for implementing effective environmental and social policies in the Amazon region of Ecuador.

The presidency institution is of special importance to the majority of Post-Soviet States and plays a key role in their respective political arenas. At the same time, the existing institutional mechanisms of presidential power significantly differ from the "classic" world models which they were initially based on. This is true for the nature of the presidency institution and, to a greater degree, to the peculiarities of its function. Even though the institutional design of their political systems differs significantly, the presidential power in Post-Soviet countries functions in fairly similar ways. With that said, it appears necessary to identify patterns of development of the presidency institution in the Post-Soviet countries that developed over almost three decades. Pursuant thereto, this article attempts to analyze the dynamics of development of the presidency institution in these states, their respective peculiarities of function, the existing institutional mechanisms of interaction between the head of state and other public authorities, as well as its influence on the political system as a whole. The author looks at the presidential power not only from the formal-institutional perspective but also takes into account the most frequent informal practices.

This work is devoted to the analysis of challenges associated with the introduction of digital technologies into contemporary political practice. The article analyzes the potential of Big Data technologies in relation to the functioning of traditional institutions of power, identifies the key problems associated with the formation of negative scenarios of social and political development in the conditions of digital inequality and global digital control. The paper concludes that modern reactive models of political management do not allow effective adaptation of traditional political systems to the intensive paradigmatic and technological changes in the Internet space.

The Arctic is the geostrategic, geopolitical region in which the national and state interests of the Russian Federation are formed at present. The questions connected with a control system of the Arctic region of the Russian Federation in a historical retrospective and at the present are considered in article and also the main features of modern process of management of the Arctic are analyzed.

In the article the main problems of information support of political management at the new stage of society development - knowledge society. It is noted that in these conditions dramatically increases the amount of information is reduced structuring, increases the dynamics of the updates. It is shown that the performance of the basic requirements for information assurance: completeness, accuracy, targeting, and efficiency of providing the information will require a revision of views on the structure of a single information space, principles and procedure of application state information structures and specialized centers.

Gold mining in Ecuador has been present in the country since Inca times; over the years interest in the mineral has increased, leading to the creation of legislation to control the mining sector in a safe manner. The Litoral region consists of seven provinces, six of which have registered gold concessions; the most affected provinces are El Oro and Esmeraldas. The objective of this study was to analyze the historical and current situation of artisanal and industrial gold mining in the Litoral region of Ecuador. Different methodologies were used for the elaboration of this study, including bibliographic review, grey literature, field interviews and a validation of expert judgment. The main results indicate that El Oro and Esmeraldas are essentially the most conflictive areas in the region, as they have sometimes had to establish precautionary measures due to the risks caused by illegal mining. In addition, in both areas there is a great socioeconomic impact ranging from lack of opportunities, forgetfulness, migration, emigration, and violation of rights, among others. With respect to environmental impacts, the study highlights the contamination of water sources (which leads to a lack of drinking water for people), and damage to aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems. Finally, the study concludes that the authorities should control the mining sector more by implementing more laws and carrying out inspections to put an end to illegal gold mining, in order to improve the situation in the areas.

Between 2010 and 2013, during what was called the Arab Spring, the Arab world witnessed a wave of popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of four governments (in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), serious difficulties for three states (in Bahrain, Jordan and to some extent, Saudi Arabia), and a civil war (in Syria). Other Arab states have seemed to be stable. These different outcomes raise the question of what were the causes of those uprisings, and why were some of them successful, but not others. In order to answer these questions, by employing the systemic model and the historical sociology method the involved factors are explored in six segments, namely, political, economic, social, cultural, military and external. These uprisings show that popular dissent is deep-rooted in the Arab countries, and can come to surface unexpectedly. However, what played the determining role in the collapse of some regimes and survival of the others was the specific composition of short-run factors in each country. Those events show those governments that by their political management attracted the allegiance of a considerable part of their population (even an important minority) and maintained the loyalty of the body of their army survived. When the shock of Bin Ali’s demise subsided, the Arab governments gradually learned from each other how to deal with the crisis caused by the Arab Spring, using various tactics to control their own population and to avoid the formation of an international consensus against them.

The essence and main functions of democracy in modern Europe are analyzed; the author argues that the democratic political regime in the united Europe has become a framework for implementing a sufficiently flexible and effective governance system (with all its shortcomings). In this context, it is possible to speak of a managerial-representative function of democracy as a mechanism for securing and reconciling the interests of many actors of sociopolitical and economic interaction within the EU. Democracy embodies a fair distribution of resources and goods, based on appropriate government and local government. In the European Union, democracy has become a tool for ensuring human rights, high levels of well-being of citizens, freedom of expression and pluralism in various spheres of public life. The effectiveness and functionality of European democracy needs special attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essence and main functions of democracy in modern Europe are analyzed; the author argues that the democratic political regime in the united Europe has become a framework for implementing a sufficiently flexible and effective governance system (with all its shortcomings). In this context, it is possible to speak of a managerial-representative function of democracy as a mechanism for securing and reconciling the interests of many actors of socio-political and economic interaction within the EU. Democracy embodies a fair distribution of resources and goods, based on appropriate government and local government. In the European Union, democracy has become a tool for ensuring human rights, high levels of well-being of citizens, freedom of expression and pluralism in various spheres of public life. The effectiveness and functionality of European democracy needs special attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines conservatism as the political thinking style and the transformation strategy of the public-power organization operating at the level of the hidden political discourse in the Eurasian space. The main directions of the conservative evolution of the state and legal organizations in Eurasia, and the public-power system development directions are allocated. Authors prove and characterize opposition between the modernist and Eurasian strategies of the transformation, which qualitatively stimulates transformation of political space in Eurasia. It is reasoned that the transformation processes proceeding in the Eurasian political space are inconsistent and ambiguous therefore for the Eurasian states the convergence socio-political processes combining at the public discourse level – the modernist strategy, and at the hidden discourse level – the conservative orientations in political and economic development. The most obvious result of the transformation process is the transformation of the society basic institutions, the analysis of which shows the disintegration of the socio-economic and political relations. The most susceptible to transformation processes was the government and the public-power organizations. In general, the complexity and contradictions of political processes does not allow to confine any one paradigm in the study. It is therefore advisable selection of basic, conceptual and formulated concepts of political management in the system of political practice.

The presented article is a biographical sketch of Rear Admiral Gereon Grzeni – Romanowski (1916–1983). He was a pre-war officer of the Polish Army who fought in the communist re- sistance during the Second World War. After the Second World War, he made a fast career as a political officer of the Polish People’s Army. His greatest promotion was to receive the post of deputy commander of the Navy for political affairs, which he held in the years 1956–1965. In the work on the article, a comparative method was used, consisting of a krytical juxtapo- sition of various sources (opinions, reports, biographies), which was helpful in determining the selected stages of Grzeni – Romanowski’s life. The biographical sketch of Rear Admiral Grzenia – Romanowski shows that the highest positions in the Polish People’s Army were often occupied by people who do not have adequate knowledge and competences. With their promotion, Grzenia-Romanowski’s likewise, their political commitment and good contacts with the most important decision-makers of the period were more important.

In the modern democratic society the politics is considered to be a skill of governing, that is, conquering and maintaining the political governance and the inevitable activity in all spheres of human activities. In the sense of negotiations the contemporary politics is "the maximal in the sphere of the possible", when, in a terrible struggle using arguments and other democratic means, one comes from the maximalistic request to the solution acceptable for both sides. Political activities would mean putting every political subject in the function of the efficient and economical satisfaction of the political needs and desires, aspirations and volitions of the political public. If the political scene is represented by the free market of political ideas, then there could be established the strategy of sensible and responsible managing in the political structures of the community, which is based on the previously researched and familiar expectations of the political public.

This article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]