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Modi 'Wave' is a political phenomenon that describes a strong hegemon (Prime Minister Narendra Modi) who scripts landslide victories in Indian elections based on political charisma and electoral legitimacy. The consecutive victories of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in national elections 2014 and 2019 is a testimony of charismatic routinization of Modi 'Wave'. 'There Is No Alternative' to Modi seems to be ingrained in the conscious psyche of the electorate (will of the majority), which provides successive leadership legitimacy renewals. The political momentum of Modi's charisma is a discursive dynamic, but it continues to institutionalize right-wing ideology and expand saffron electoral footprints in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper re-evaluates the history of Ottoman censorship through the lens of conceptual history, focusing on how the periodical press of Damascus and Beirut reported incidents of violence between 1875 and 1914. I argue that well into the twentieth century, the Ottoman state had insufficient power to comprehensively enforce censorship. Instead, the press and the state were interdependent and shared the belief in a modernising project with the ever-expanding state at its core. The press largely understood its role as serving society as it moved along this path to progress and prosperity. Thus, we encounter deeply entrenched editorial tactics, epitomised by the reference to generic “incidents”, to deal with the tension between violence as a quotidian phenomenon and its very occurrence being perceived as a fundamental challenge to the social contract. Analysing the tactics used to delegitimise acts of violence and their perpetrators, the paper establishes an ontology and a topography of the discourse on violence in the late Ottoman Eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The report addresses the crisis of weak political participation in the Arab world from 2013 to 2024, particularly following the disillusionment with the Arab Spring that began in 2011. It explores this crisis's background, dimensions, and repercussions on the democratic process and elections, emphasizing its relationship with current governments' political and popular legitimacy. In addition, the report examines the risks associated with this crisis, mainly the frustration and despair it generates among the youth and future generations. It investigates the reasons behind the increasing abstention from political participation, analyzing the impact on society, the state, economic development, social relations, and the level of trust between the ruling regime and the various political and social forces. The report also identifies key internal and external parties involved in the crisis, revealing how they positively and negatively influenced it. It outlines possible scenarios for the evolution of this crisis, explaining the circumstances that could lead to each scenario and their implications for the Arab world. The report evaluates these possibilities using various criteria and determinants and anticipates necessary transformations that could enhance political participation amid ongoing regional changes. Further, these transformations could significantly impact the crisis and may lead to a shift towards increased political participation. It cites the recent developments in Syria and its geopolitical context as indicators of potential change. The report examines the options available to parties involved in the crisis, particularly regarding the potential for positive transformation. It considers how these transformations might manifest based on the political systems and prevailing customs in each Arab country, whether they are monarchies, republics, or other forms of governance. While many analysts and experts view the ruling Arab elites as largely unwilling to expand freedoms and political participation, the report argues that this stance may be vulnerable to change due to shifting geopolitical dynamics, the developments of the Palestinian issue, and transformations in Syria. Based on detailed analyses, the report proposes strategies for addressing this crisis by engaging the youth and embracing change within each country and its surroundings. Such change might prevent extremist groups from exploiting the crisis to gain support and recruit young people for violent activities. This situation urges ruling elites to reconsider their approaches and implement gradual, well-considered transformations to promote broader and more meaningful political participation in elections and decision-making processes. Such an approach is tailored to the capabilities and contexts of each form of Arab governance. The report concludes with several key recommendations that serve as vital catalysts for the transformation process. The report was issued in full in December 2024 under No. (27) among the reports of the Arab Crisis Team- ACT at the Middle East Studies Center (MESC) in Jordan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food insecurity in South Africa was critical prior to the COVID‐19 outbreak, but the problem deepened quickly during the pandemic when government controls caused job losses, a food supply collapse, and escalating hunger. The food and fuel price hikes and political instability that followed led to the July 2021 'unrest', which left more than 350 people dead. Behind this lay a crisis within the governing African National Congress. In this paper, we draw on in‐depth interviews and ethnography with individuals working in food‐based livelihoods to investigate how people continued to secure food, and how rural food systems were affected. Against a backdrop of hunger, social unrest, and xenophobic hostility, we consider how people perceive the state in a rural area of KwaZulu‐Natal. We argue that weak governing institutions and South Africa's exposure to globally‐triggered spikes in food and fuel prices are leading to food insecurity. Hunger, in turn, is contributing to a crisis of legitimation for the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil's wind power industry (WPI) has thrived since the early 2000s, driven by a successful auction-based expansion plan. However, the recent rise of cost-competitive solar power and policy shifts favoring other energy sources, such as natural gas, have created uncertainty about the future of wind energy in Brazil and reduced the wind sector's legitimacy. Additionally, the cancellation of wind power auctions and support for other energy sources (evidenced by the new regulation for natural gas) has sent mixed signals to the market. These actions have sparked concerns regarding the future trajectory of the WPI. This paper focuses on the long-term effects of this energy policy decision on the so-called legitimacy function of the technological innovation systems (TIS) for the case of WPI in Brazil. The study aims to identify challenges arising from the growing appeal of solar power that may hinder wind energy adoption and to offer policy recommendations to strengthen the wind sector's legitimacy. A system dynamics model is proposed to quantify such impacts in the long run, showing the interactions between the wind power capacity, wind generation costs, and the legitimacy function of the TIS. Results show the importance of policy consistency and institutional support in fostering a stable environment for renewable energy technologies like wind power to flourish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although all reunifications in Chinese history can be conceptualized as adhering on the surface to similar patterns, in fact each was the consequence of a complex assortment of contingent circumstances. Moreover, the particularities of the founding years of a dynasty had a wide-ranging impact on subsequent historical development. This article compares the circumstances and process of the founding of the Sui to the circumstances and process of the founding of the Song in order to show how differences between them might explain the very different political cultures of the Sui-Tang period as compared to the Song period. Thus, the pre-dynastic size of the north Chinese elite and patterns of inter-state interactions had repercussions on the subsequent geographic distribution of political power. In addition, distinct strategies of political legitimation at the inception of each of the two dynasties help account for strikingly different attitudes concerning the relationship between the past and the present, as well as the desirability of transformative and fundamental sociopolitical change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of regional branding on the dual innovation of agriculture-related enterprises (AREs). Based on data from 298 Chinese AREs, the study constructs a mediated moderation model. The results indicate that, first, the regional branding of AREs enhances their political legitimacy and market legitimacy, which in turn promote their exploratory and exploitative innovation. Second, government support positively moderates the effect of regional branding on AREs’ exploitative innovation. Third, government support increases the impact of regional branding on the exploratory innovation of AREs with a low industry status relative to AREs with a high industry status. This paper expands the application of institutional theory and provides suggestions on corporate decision-making on regional branding and dual innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that one is likely to accept what a speaker says when the expected utility of accepting their testimony is greater than the expected utility of continuing inquiry. One virtue of our hypothesis is that it allows us to explain why confidence in experts has declined in recent years. In a traditional media landscape expert testimony is easy to find, and alternative sources of information are relatively costly to access. Hence, practical considerations largely favour accepting expert testimony. But on social media, alternative information is easy to find, and it is often practically rational to accept this information rather than to search for (and identify) genuinely expert testimony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the emergence of munhwaŏ ("Cultured Language") in relation to the primacy of the leader in the DPRK. The articulation of the linguistic and cultural policies of munhwaŏ was inseparable from the development and formalization of the political leadership. The active translation, reception, and development of the Stalinist and Soviet linguistic tradition by North Korean intellectuals, together with the death of Stalin in 1953, importantly shaped the state's quest for linguistic modernity. By tracing the "rhetorical turn" in North Korean linguistics in the 1960s, the author explores the development of munhwaŏ and its relation to the distinctive development of a charismatic oratory and a linguistic etiquette for the leader. One significant feature of North Korea's quest for linguistic modernity is the way in which it diverges from its Soviet counterpart. By meticulously theorizing the language to be used of and for the leader, or what the author describes as the linguistic ritualization of charisma, North Korea offered an original contribution to the field of charismatic rhetoric. A comprehensive manual describing this rhetoric was developed, serving as a guide to the "sacred text" of the leader and describing how to articulate and express the presence of the leader in the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terms "politics" and "political" have become so overdetermined that it is difficult to use them in any effective manner. We argue that this has dangerous political consequences, and that this could be addressed by providing a new, sounder, notion of politics. This paper argues that defining politics in relation to the notion of play can provide a notion both intuitively appealing and able to withstand the problematic overdeterminations. We argue that politics is the set of practices through which the indeterminate of Spielraum is made more determinate. This suggests that politics is always partly a matter of play: it is about instituting values without making any claims about the legitimacy of this instituting act. With reference to Huizinga and Nietzsche's analyses of play, we define play as the living unity of seriousness and frivolity, and non-play as either seriousness without frivolity or frivolity without seriousness. In order to illustrate this, we comparatively analyse the attitudes of Barack Obama and Donald Trump in the single context of the well-known yearly White House Correspondent's Dinner. There, we see two opposed attitudes to playfulness. Our analysis allows us to apply our Spielraum model of politics to show that the thrust of Obama's attitude involves an embrace of the non-foundational nature of politics as play, whereas Trump's attitude is politicidal: it is animated by a refusal to acknowledge its own lack of foundation, leading to an oscillation between over-seriousness and over-frivolity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This response to commentaries composing a symposium on my book 'Constitutional Essentials: On the Constitutional Theory of Political Liberalism' (2022) includes restatements of some major themes from the book, as prompted by thoughts from the commentators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fabienne Peter (2020) recently proposed a taxonomy of accounts of the meta-normative grounds of political legitimacy. In this article, I argue that there is an important distinction left out of that taxonomy that complicates the picture. This is the distinction between attitude-independent and attitude-dependent conceptions of normative truth. Through an examination of these conceptions of normative truth (and correlate interpretations of what counts as a normative reason) I argue that what Peter calls a fact-based conception of legitimacy may collapse into a will-based conception. Further, the distinction has important implications for what Peter calls the belief-based conception. Finally, I defend the will-based conception against Peter's arbitrariness objection through an examination of ideally coherent eccentrics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that (a) civic constitutionalism is a cohesive body of scholarship (b) it offers a detailed challenge to Hélène Landemore's account of how to fix democratic politics, while at the same time (c) suggesting how to blend compelling features of Landemore's approach with a more traditionally-grounded approach (d) consequently, democratic theorists of all sorts should consider becoming civic constitutionalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Legitimacy theory proposes that firms must obtain and maintain legitimacy to gain the support of various stakeholders. Our study argues that different legitimacy dimensions are of different importance to enterprise survival and development. A crowding-out effect exists among such dimensions. When political legitimacy dominates, enterprises utilize their achieved political legitimacy to engage in moral illegitimacy activities. Therefore, we argue that official environmental awards confer political legitimacy on firms, which give up maintaining moral legitimacy and then still pollute environment. State-owned status further strengthens political legitimacy, which is enough to offset moral illegitimacy threats, resulting in enterprises still polluting. Media scrutiny further weakens the crowding-out effect of political legitimacy, which means that political legitimacy can no longer offset the rising pressure of moral legitimacy, thereby reducing corporate pollution in response to moral legitimacy. Empirical research based on listed Chinese heavy-polluting firms from 2009 to 2020 supports the above hypothesis. Our conclusions answer the question "why do enterprises that receive official environmental awards still pollute?"; thus, research on legitimacy management and corporate pollution action is enriched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is divided into two main parts. In the first half, I identify a tension within Bernard Williams’ political realist conception of political legitimacy. On the one hand, he was committed to a peculiar universalist criterion of political legitimacy – what is politically unacceptable is summed up in the old Catholic saying quod semper, quod ubique, quod ab omnibus creditum est. On the other, he supported the idea that what counts as political legitimacy depends on what we, in the here and now, deem to be politically legitimate – thus suggesting some kind of relativist criterion for political legitimacy. In order to eliminate this tension, I propose a two-step reconstruction of Williams’ works on political philosophy. The second half of the article assesses three criticisms to Willliams’ conception of political legitimacy levied by contemporary political realists. I use my two-step reconstruction of Williams to reject two of these three objections. In addressing the third, I sketch a reading of Williams’ notion of political legitimacy in the context of his ethical project as a whole and, in so doing, overcome the difficulty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study, embedded in the theoretical framework of medical populism, investigates how the TVP Info news portal, a public media entity controlled by the ruling party, strategically employed medical populism to cultivate a political community and concurrently legitimize Polish governmental actions amid the COVID-19 pandemic. The research relies on a source analysis of a population of news articles about the pandemic disseminated on TVP Info. The timeframe captures the pandemic during a transition from stringent pandemic measures to a period of eased restrictions, reduced infection rates, and a perceptible shift in focus towards the unfolding war in Ukraine. The study aims to unpack dimensions of medical populism existing in the narratives throughout this critical period. The analysis reveals the strategic deployment of dramatization, common-sense solutions, expertise invocation, and the dichotomy of "us" versus "them". It underscores the media's actions to shape public perception and consolidate support for the government's response to the pandemic. The conclusions drawn from this analysis contribute to enriching the understanding of how medical populism was wielded as a tool for community-building and justification of government actions during a pivotal juncture in recent history of civil disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Business Studies is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The advent of COVID-19 has brought with it an unprecedented shift to remote learning. For educators worldwide, this transition has been fraught with challenges, often characterized by a sense of instability. In such trying times, effective leadership is of paramount importance. By providing guidance and support, education policymakers can help educators navigate the complexities of distance learning and ensure that students receive a high-quality education. Against this backdrop, in the present investigation, two sub-studies were combined to investigate how Austrian teachers perceive the professional communication of education policy representatives. Study 1 includes data from 907 teachers from Austria collected via an online survey, and Study 2 includes data from 5 teachers who participated in an additional interview study. Data were collected when new COVID-19-related measures came into force in November 2021, which included the short-term abolition of compulsory attendance in face-to-face classes. The results show that, overall, teachers were explicitly dissatisfied with the quality and quantity of information provided by education policy stakeholders. Furthermore, the findings suggest that education policymakers have failed to provide clear guidance in a timely manner in uncertain times. The results of the study are discussed in terms of input and output legitimacy.

One of the important issues in political jurisprudence, is the condition of the consent of majority for the adoption of the position of public guardianship (Velayat Ameh) by a qualified jurisprudent. This research is an attempt to study this issue based on Imam Khomeini’s works and statements, as the theoretician and founder of a religious government in Iran. The main question of this research is as follows: What is the role of the majority’s consent in legitimation and continuity of a qualified jurisprudent. According to some notions, if a just jurisprudent, with the support and cooperation of some groups of people, who are in minority, is able to form a government, he is dutybound to take practical action in this regard. But the analysis of the collected data for this research shows that in Imam Khomeini’s viewpoint, although the majority’s consent does not have an effective role in proving the public guardianship, it is a rational and canonical condition for assuming the position of guardianship. "Relying on public votes", "right to self-determination of the people", "paying attention to the majority vote" and "negation of coercive rule" are four important pillars in the statements of Imam Khomeini about the role of the people which obviously bind the ruling of the jurist to the consent of the majority The necessary data for this research were collected from library sources, including Imam’s Sahifa and were analyzed through continent analysis method.

This research study aims to enhance our comprehension of organizational legitimacy in rural settings. While many researchers have examined how organizations acquire, manage, and leverage legitimacy in urban ventures, there is still a lack of consensus on the role of different types of legitimacy in rural ventures. This paper distinguishes between two types of legitimacy, political and market legitimacy, and utilizes ANOVA to identify variations in these types of legitimacy based on venture factors such as the leader's education and the venture's age. Our findings suggest that rural ventures tend to have stronger market legitimacy than political legitimacy, and that younger ventures exhibit stronger market legitimacy compared to older ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This experimental investigation explores the influence of election fraud fact-checking and cognitive processing styles on participants' confidence in the 2020 U.S. presidential election's legitimacy and characterizations of the January Sixth Capitol Hill Attack. The results indicate fact-checking, accuracy motivated reasoning, and systematic processing exerted positive effects on participants' legitimacy levels, especially among Republicans. We also found that participants' systematic processing, affiliation with the Democratic Party, and negative attitudes toward Donald Trump were associated with their characterizations of the January Sixth Capitol Hill Attack as violent and extreme. Overall, these results support both motivated reasoning and dual process models, but partisan motivated reasoning exerted the greatest effects. Further, these findings suggest Republican and pro-Trump participants who rely on heuristic processing may find violent, extra-political actions acceptable means of attempting to achieve their goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Global Financial Crisis of 2007–2009 exacerbated two distinct concerns about the independence of central banks: a concern about legitimacy and a concern about economic justice. This paper explores the legitimacy of independent central banks from the perspective of these two concerns, by presenting two distinct models of central banking and their different claims to political legitimacy and distributive justice. I argue primarily that we should avoid construing central bank independence in binary terms, such that central banks either are, or are not, independent. I will argue that we should instead construe central bank independence in scalar terms, so that independence admits of degree, thus allowing us to develop an account of independence in which central banks can retain it to the extent necessary for economic efficiency, while meeting reasonable concerns regarding democratic legitimacy and economic justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the concept of "AI governance" is frequently used in the debate, it is still rather undertheorized. Often it seems to refer to the mechanisms and structures needed to avoid "bad" outcomes and achieve "good" outcomes with regard to the ethical problems artificial intelligence is thought to actualize. In this article we argue that, although this outcome-focused view captures one important aspect of "good governance," its emphasis on effects runs the risk of overlooking important procedural aspects of good AI governance. One of the most important properties of good AI governance is political legitimacy. Starting out from the assumptions that AI governance should be seen as global in scope and that political legitimacy requires at least a democratic minimum, this article has a twofold aim: to develop a theoretical framework for theorizing the political legitimacy of global AI governance, and to demonstrate how it can be used as a compass for critially assessing the legitimacy of actual instances of global AI governance. Elaborating on a distinction between "governance by AI" and "governance of AI" in relation to different kinds of authority and different kinds of decision-making leads us to the conclusions that much of the existing global AI governance lacks important properties necessary for political legitimacy, and that political legitimacy would be negatively impacted if we handed over certain forms of decision-making to artificial intelligence systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Examining penality across different regions and periods of time allows us to develop both a robust empirical imaginary and conceptual understanding of the commonalities and variation in how penal state power operates. In this article I elaborate key dimensions of penality in contemporary Latin America. Since the late 20th century, Latin American countries have undergone economic and political transformations with profound effects for the organization of their societies and the features and implications of penal state power. First, I situate research on penal state practices in Latin American countries within the broader dynamics of violence and social conflict across the region. Second, I review scholarship on the relationship between the features of penal state policies and reform in the region and the transformative, procedural and cultural dimensions of democracy. Third, I describe initiatives to expand state capacities to incarcerate criminalized people at an unprecedented scale and clarify the relationship of carceral administration to social order and political legitimacy across Latin America. I then conclude by elaborating how penality in Latin America contributes to our broader understanding of the relationship between penal power, state authority, and inequality; and I highlight three lines of inquiry for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We exploit a unique historical experiment to study how changes in political legitimacy affect economic performance. In historical China, solar eclipses were interpreted as Heaven's wrath incurred by wrongdoings of the ruling class, signaling a decline in the incumbent's legitimacy. Using an original dataset covering over 2000 years, we document that when total solar eclipses occurred, climate shocks had a greater negative impact on economic performance. The key mechanism appears to be that total eclipses significantly intensified the effect of climate shocks on civil conflict. Our findings thus highlight the importance of political legitimacy during periods of economic downturn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I defend a new argument against moralist theories of legitimacy and in favour of realist theories. Moralist theories, I argue, are vulnerable to ideological and wishful thinking because they do not connect the demands of legitimacy with the interests of rulers. Realist theories, however, generally do manage to make this connection. This is because satisfying the usual realist criteria for legitimacy – the creation of a stable political order that transcends brute coercion – is usually necessary for rulers to preserve their rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Legitimacy: The Right to Rule in a Wanton World, I offer both a conceptual analysis of legitimacy, the power-liability view, and a substantive moral theory, the free group agency view. Here, I defend my account against three challenges brought by Kjarsten Mikalsen. First, though I argue that conceptual analysis should not prematurely close open moral questions, it is not my view that conceptual analysis must have no substantive implications. Second, though I acknowledge that free group agency ordinarily supports a moral duty to obey, it is a feature, not a bug, that my conceptual analysis is consistent with moral theories that disagree with my preferred moral theory. Third, I argue that Mikalsen's proposed explanation of justified civil disobedience, which sees law in such cases as creating a moral claim-right that entails a merely presumptive duty, is less perspicuous than the explanation given by the power-liability view. Along the way, I emphasize that the distinction between felicitous moral power and justified causal power is as important as the distinction between moral liability and moral duty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I take issue with Arthur Isak Applbaum's power-liability view of political legitimacy. In contrast to the traditional view that legitimate rule entails a moral duty to obey, here called the right-duty view, Applbaum argues that political legitimacy is a moral power that entails moral liability for the subjects of political rule. According to Applbaum, the power-liability view helps us explain how responsible citizens in some cases can act contrary to law while still recognizing the claims of law. Against Applbaum's attempt at establishing the power-liability view through conceptual analysis, I argue that we cannot specify the moral implications of de jure legitimacy without considering the moral argument that justifies the right to rule. I further argue that Applbaum's normative account of political legitimacy implies commitment to a normative idea that forms the basis of a strong case in favor of the right-duty view. Finally, I argue that the present defense of the right-duty view has resources to account for the moral phenomena that prompt Applbaum's advocacy of the power-liability view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Background: Decision-making during health crises differs from routine decision-making and is constrained by ambiguity about evolving epidemiological situations, urgency of response, lack of evidence, and fear. Recent analyses of governance and decision-making during COVID-19, focusing on leadership qualities, involvement of specific stakeholders, and effective resource management, do not adequately address a persisting gap in understanding the determinants of decision-making during health crises at the national level. Methods: We undertook a study to understand the processes and characteristics of decision-making during the COVID-19 pandemic in Singapore. We used a case study approach and collected empirical evidence about public health decision-making, using a combination of key informant interviews and focus group discussions with stakeholders from government, academia and civil society organizations. Findings: We argue that administrative centralization and political legitimacy played important roles in agile governance and decision-making during the pandemic in Singapore. We demonstrate the role of the Singapore government's centralization in creating a unified and coherent governance model for emergency response and the People's Action Party's (PAP) legitimacy in facilitating people's trust in the government. Health system resilience and financial reserves further facilitated an agile response, yet community participation and prioritization of vulnerable migrant populations were insufficient in the governance processes. Interpretation: Our analysis contributes to the theory and practice of crisis decision-making by highlighting the role of political and administrative determinants in agile crisis decision-making. Funding: This study is funded by the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention through a Cooperative Research Agreement (NU2HGH2020000037).

The paper outlines key points of a novel research approach to empirically investigate the question of legitimacy in modern societies. This new research approach utilizes a functionalist perspective to expand the concept of legitimacy. Accordingly, the conceptual framework discusses how legitimacy can be employed in different domains of society. In particular, it proposes to conceptualize both the legitimacy of the political system (political legitimacy) as well as the legitimacy of the economic system (economic legitimacy). The main objectives of the study are to (1) develop conceptualizations that are empirically plausible for the two types of legitimacies; (2) to empirically verify the operationalization; and (3) to assess empirically the relationship between these two types of legitimacies and identify interdependencies between them. The paper employs a macro-level research design to understand the relationship between political and economic legitimacy, where the main units of analysis are countries. The study compiles a new country-level dataset of indicators for political and economic legitimacy based on a large selection of secondary cross-national data sources. It employs then structural equation modeling to established empirical measurement models for political and economic legitimacy. Moreover, the relationship of political and economic legitimacy is explored with a cross-lagged panel model. The paper establishes that political and economic legitimacy are two distinct concepts empirically. Furthermore, the empirical results indicate that political legitimacy has a negative influence on economic legitimacy, whereas economic legitimacy does not effect political legitimacy. Overall, the paper shows the viability of this new research approach and potential pitfalls for future research. The empirical evidence should be interpreted with caution due to low data quality, nonetheless the paper contributes to taking a step closer toward understanding how governments can ensure stable societies.

The struggle for political legitimacy has been central to political polarization in Egypt since the 2013 coup. Given the regime's pronounced authoritarian features, the traditional form of legal electoral legitimacy proved insufficient and ineffective. As a result, the regime adopted alternative strategies to reinforce its political legitimacy. Drawing on theories of political legitimacy and literature on citizenship in authoritarian regimes, this study explores the measures and practices implemented by the July 2013 regime to achieve legitimacy across its three dimensions: the system's effectiveness and competence, citizens' beliefs in its legitimacy, and their behaviours that signal recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the tale of King Gihon and King Eiso, an example of what was considered legitimate dynastic transition among Ryūkyūan elites in the period between the seventeenth and nineteenth century. The Chūzan Seikan and the Chūzan Seifu , two of the Ryūkyū Kingdom's official histories, present two similar but not identical versions of the events that allegedly led to the establishment of Ryūkyū's third royal dynasty. Combining elements of Ryūkyūan, Chinese, and Japanese mythology along with narrative techniques of Confucian historiography, the story reflects the kingdom's precarious place at the boundary of East Asia's two dominating powers, namely, China and Japan. Regarding the Ryūkyū Kingdom as a contact zone, the article considers the Chūzan Seikan and the Chūzan Seifu as texts that were created in a process of transculturation. Based on a comparative analysis of the tale's two versions, it traces the ideological elements and rhetorical patterns employed to construct specific readings of the kingdom's past. Although their perspectives may differ, both accounts sought to afford the royal house a narrative of political legitimacy appealing to insider (Ryūkyūan) and outsider (Chinese and Japanese) observers. Thus, the episode can be seen as an effort to reaffirm the kingdom's autonomy and positioning by historiographical means. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political legitimacy in Islamic history has seen significant developments and has been characterized by diversity in terms of the means to achieve power and secure the allegiance of the subjects. Among these states is the Fatimid Caliphate, which was distinguished by a unique legitimacy associated with several factors including doctrinal, genealogical, and proselytizing elements. All these aspects contributed to some extent to the establishment of this state's legitimacy. However, during its reign, the state experienced specific breakthroughs that led to weaknesses and a lack of cohesion. Initially, from the year 297 Hijri until 358 Hijri, it was a phase of building and establishing the state and laying its initial foundations and preserving them. Later, especially after the transfer of the Fatimid Caliphate to Egypt, the state began to enforce legitimacy through preachers and religious institutions, actively working on developing political legitimacy based on the Shia doctrinal vision and disseminating it among the people. Nevertheless, in a subsequent phase, especially during the reign of Caliph Al-Mustansir Billah, the state suffered from divisions and instances of fragmentation and lukewarmness in practicing this legitimacy and convincing the populace of it, while maintaining the state's prestige through it amid economic and political crises that spread within it, making it impossible to restore affairs to their proper state again after ministers intervened in appointing and deposing caliphs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights scholarly neglect of political legitimacy, the idea of a state's use of power in ways acceptable to its citizens. We argue that political legitimacy affects a state's ability to formulate and implement its policies, thus affecting governance. Our paper provides the first empirical evidence of the positive relationship between political legitimacy and governance. We combine novel cross-sectional data on political legitimacy and several governance indicators from 66 countries. Our results show that a one-standard-deviation increase in the legitimacy score increases the rule of law indicator by about one-third standard deviation. These results are robust across OLS, an instrumental variable method, and several other governance indicators. Moreover, our results reveal that in the presence of greater trust, political legitimacy has an enhanced impact on governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International lawyers can no longer afford to ignore the growth of regional orderings under the umbrella of international law and their political consequences. There are, the author argues, at least two concerns RIO s may help us address when thinking about the future of the international institution of (States) peoples and organising it to secure more political legitimacy: sovereignty and democracy. With respect to sovereignty qua ultimate political authority, first, RIO s enable us to consider the virtues of multiple and shared external sovereignty in international relations and the possibility of a regional ordering of dispersed sovereignty as a shield to protect the same albeit multiply reinstituted peoples qua publics against domination, and this both inside their States and in their international relations. Second, with respect to democracy, RIO s enable us to approach international democracy, and especially international democratic representation, in a pluralistic albeit systemic way: peoples may be reinstituted into different publics by multiple institutions over time, such as their States, but also by one or more RIO s in their region, and giving those representative institutions a role in international law-making could strengthen political equality by compensating demographic and power imbalances between States while also requiring those RIO s to become more egalitarian and accountable in return. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]