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The state of Durango has long been a centre of Mexican heroin production and an important node in transnational drug trafficking networks. As early as 1944, it was the site of one of the biggest drug busts in Mexican history, when an opium poppy plantation the size of 325 football pitches, irrigated by a purpose-built aqueduct, was discovered in the state's northern mountains. By the mid 1970s, a combination of kinship ties and concrete connected these poppy fields directly with the US drug market hub of Chicago, Illinois, along a route known as the 'heroin highway', which helped Mexico become the supplier of 90 per cent of US heroin. But how did a poor, underpopulated and overwhelmingly rural state become a major player in the billion-dollar US–Mexican drug trade? This article shows that in Durango, the rise of heroin production and trafficking were integral aspects of local processes of social, political and economic modernization. Stimulated by the Mexican and US governments' promotion of infrastructural improvements and mass migration, and protected by representatives of Mexico's post-revolutionary political system, the drug trade in turn fuelled further 'licit' economic development, making it part of the very foundation of Mexico as we know it today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethics policies have emerged as a key aspect of the European (post)-Regulatory State. Such policies are designed to create ‘noise’, allowing media and public discourse to mobilise around the ethical lapses of those in power. The regulation of revolving doors (RD), i.e., movements in and out of government positions, is an ethics policy. However, unlike other ethics policies, RD regulation does not make transparency its central feature but constitutes what we call ‘quiet regulation’. Drawing on qualitative document analysis and interviews, we study the quiet regulation of RD for EU Commissioners. We demonstrate that quiet regulation has a dual nature: its public façade relies on independence, judicialised procedures and transparency. Conversely, its day-to-day operation is characterised by self-regulation, soft law and informality. In this way, RD regulation achieves two contradictory aims: functioning as a legitimate ethics policy while simultaneously avoiding the moral outcry that often surrounds ethics policies and the politicisation of RD, thereby normalising RD as ‘administration as usual’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the concept of militant democracy and its paradoxes, with a focus on the ideas of Otto Kirchheimer. Kirchheimer analyzed the challenges faced by Weimar democracy in defending itself against legal revolutionaries and identified weaknesses in its defensive measures. The text discusses Kirchheimer's views on the German Basic Law and the use of political rights restrictions to counter antidemocratic organizations. It emphasizes the importance of recognizing and confronting antidemocratic organizations early on and the need for careful governance when implementing political rights restrictions. The article also acknowledges the potential for abuse and highlights the importance of addressing underlying socioeconomic issues. The text concludes by providing a list of academic resources on the topic for further research. [Extracted from the article]

Conventional narratives hold that parties are "the orphans of political philosophy" and that systematic normative justifications of parties and partisanship have emerged only in recent years in the West. This article aims to show that when antiparty sentiments were prevalent in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Western societies, a systematic justification of party politics existed in China. Western antipartyism in that time shifted from an older accusation that parties were divisive and subversive to a "progressive antipartyism" that portrayed parties as elitist and antidemocratic "machines." In China, however, although proparty intellectuals faced the first type of antipartyism, the "progressive" type was relatively absent, as there weren't any mature party machines in the first place. Far from being a hindrance to democracy, parties comprised of public-spirited elites were justified as an instrument for political founding: transforming passive subjects under an imperial despotism into modern active citizens in a constitutional democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the heightened political and environmental turbulence of this year.

At a time when many institutions of higher learning are reflecting on their past complicity with chattel slavery, either in terms of the sources of their funding or their use of slave labor, philosophy as an academic discipline has been largely silent about its own complicity. Questions surrounding the legitimacy and practice of slavery were a regular part of moral philosophy courses at universities from the sixteenth century until its abolition. However, the discussions of slavery found in the dominant textbooks tended to be deeply conservative judged even by the standards of those times. This partly explains why after emancipation the many moral questions posed by slavery are barely mentioned in survey histories of ethics or of political philosophy today: this is a context in which academic philosophy does not show itself to its best advantage. The present article explores what academic philosophers need to do to redress the discipline's past failures, including its virtual silence about slavery since the Civil War. Given today's political environment, academic philosophers need to reflect on how the discipline in its institutional form functions within a system governed by the legacy of slavery and its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the tension in Claude Lefort's theory of democracy between phenomenology and social ontology. Lefort argues that modern society is characterized by indeterminacy and conflict, and democracy allows for this indeterminacy. However, there is ambiguity in Lefort's theory regarding whether this justification of democracy applies universally or only within Western modernity. The article dissects Lefort's arguments and presents two possible interpretations of indeterminacy, one based on historical-phenomenological reflection and the other on social-ontological arguments. The tension between these interpretations raises questions about the coherence of Lefort's justification of democracy. [Extracted from the article]

Can business ethics and political ethics solve the problems in business and politics caused by people's lifelong pursuit of economic and political power throughout their lives? This study, which we have built around this question, basically aims to present an analysis of the ethical violations and problems encountered in business and politics, two important areas of human experience, and the ethical emphasis developed to prevent them. In business; working, doing business, trading and pursuing pure profit and taking these as ends in themselves raise a wide variety of ethical problems in society and business life. There have been some recommendations of business ethics to solve these problems. In politics, on the other hand, we also face problems caused by the notion that public morality can be ignored, lies can be told when necessary, and any path that leads to political goals can be considered legitimate. This article argues that it is not possible to fully solve moral violations and problems in the fields of economy and politics with business ethics and political ethics. This is because the understanding of morality / ethics and human understanding underlies these problems is problematic. Utilitarianism, which was developed in the 17th century and is the moral philosophy of the English-speaking world, was formulated by Bentham and Mill and takes into account the general benefit of society on the basis of pleasure. It is an approach that does not see virtues, which are the backbone of morality, as essential because it accepts social interest and pleasure as the basis. Again, an understanding of humanity that sees people as beings with pure ambition and egoism, such idea that regards man is a wolf to man, and that is based on the motto that big fish eats the litle, is an understanding of humanity that excludes the altruism, which is characteristic of morality. If we want to fundamentally solve ethical problems in the fields of economics and politics, we need an approach that considers virtues and altruism as essential. This study emphasizes that the understanding of virtue of Aristotle and Islamic philosophers should be taken as a basis in solving problems in the field of economics and politics. It concludes that elements such as property, wealth and position, which are also at stake in the fields of economy and politics, have instrumental rather than values. Our article is a problem-oriented, partly systematic analysis, compilation article. Our study is based on the idea of shaping economic and political life from the perspective of virtue ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Justice as Fairness: A Restatement, Rawls asserted that his conception of justice should provide guidance for a non-ideal theory of real-world injustices. Nonetheless, he established at the same time an enigmatic limit to his framing in which neither political philosophy nor justice as fairness should be understood as applied approaches. It is unclear how guidance against real-world injustices is possible, since it would presumably require insights into applied ethics. This paper focuses on drafting a possible alternative by offering a partially comprehensive reconstruction of the reasonable as a virtue. The hope is to use the virtue of reasonable citizens to transfer Rawlsian ponderations into a special kind of applied ethics controversies concerned with urgent public debates and resistance politics. The idea of this construction is to allow the virtue of the reasonable to establish a standard for citizen conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to define the concepts of religion and ethics as well as their compound. It does so (1) by asking for the supposed demarcation line between religious and secular ethics and (2) by considering the relation of religious ethics and political theology. Based on the respective findings, the article offers a meta-ethical perspective on the subject by challenging the anthropological backdrop of both secular and religious ethics. In conclusion, it proposes a formal approach to ethical judgment that may function as a discerning method when it comes to the assessment of specific models of religious and/or secular ethics. In this regard, the article provides conceptual thoughts on ethical motivation and the operationalization of ethics on an institutional level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An information and knowledge society creates value by gathering, processing, evaluating, and sharing digital products and services. Knowledge society relies on emerging technologies with intelligence and automation for information and communication processes between governmental institutions, private companies, and citizens to facilitate and support better planning and decision-making. Relying on advanced information and communication technologies demands new ways of smart government with data-driven, citizen-centric, and performance-focused governance. The main objectives of the Special Issue are as follows: first, to share the theoretical advances and practical cases of smart government applied in the academic and public sectors, as well as industry; second, to discuss the progress and challenges in innovative smart government service design, implementation, and delivery pipelines. The special issue features contributions from representatives of governments, international organizations, and researchers around the globe on technical and non-technical aspects of smart government, smart health, smart and cognitive cities, smart democracy, smart society, and digital ethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Studies is the property of University of Ljubljana, Faculty of the Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: After the overthrow of the Achaemenid government by Alexander and the short-term rule of him and his successors, the Arsacid dynasty rose from the east of Iran. The Arsacid created a just and powerful government, but with all these powers, the Arsacid government, like others, suffered from political immorality, which gradually infiltrated its body and caused its overthrow. Over time, the internal conflicts over the power and the position of the king emptied this strong dynasty from the inside. The present study was formed with the aim of investigating the role of political immorality and power struggle in the decline of the Ashkan people. Material and Methods: This review article was done with a descriptive analytical method and investigated the mentioned topic using the library method. Conclusion: If political ethics is considered in the dimension of public policy, it can be said that according to the belief of many researchers, the Arsacid kings were the most just kings and they were less interested in building palaces and luxurious buildings and more focused on strengthening the economic body and distributing wealth in the society. But if political ethics is considered in the dimension of procedural ethics (or administrative ethics), it can be seen that as a result of trying to gain power under the influence of individual and group resources, a kind of quarrel and conflict was formed in the Arsacid dynasty which was effective in weakening the power of the Arsacid kings.

The article aims to provide an overview of the fundamental ideas in Indonesian national political settings, as well as their significance in solidifying the four pillars of Indonesian identity. Based on a library study of the works of two great Indonesian Ulama, Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani and Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari, which were later analyzed using the content analysis method, the results revealed that the theological principles of the masters' actions in both the Qur'an and the hadith remained the basis of obedience, unity, brotherhood, and solidarity. Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani generally supports components of national commitment, conservation, and natural resource management in the political Islamic framework, and he does not oppose the concept of truth. While Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari emphasized characteristics of government management such as leadership maturity, unity, and brotherhood, which resulted in the formation of the four national pillars as a consensus among the nation's citizens.

Martha Nussbaum's approach to ethical and political philosophy — unlike that of certain of her notable contemporaries — is neither ahistorical nor concerned with augmenting or refining the historical record. Rather, its aim is learning what the deepest philosophical minds of the past have proposed as the fairest organisation of society, in terms of a balance between autonomy for individuals and communities, and an equitable distribution of global resources. Whilst she argues fundamentally for cosmopolitanism — hence prioritises the latter — she struggles, in her later work, to accommodate the former within such a global socio-political model. I suggest this is because she presupposes that patriotism is antecedent to, and generative of, a cosmopolitan outlook, when in fact each of these political values is irreducible, and antithetical, to the other. Nussbaum supposes this, I propose, because her work focuses on the conceptual subtleties of intellectual history, which are sadly seldom mirrored in the brutal history of facts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the important contributions made by the American Political Science Review (APSR) in addressing various political problems over the past four years. The authors highlight the journal's focus on democracy and democratic backsliding, inequality and resistance, voting, immigration, and climate change. They also mention the journal's exploration of conflict and cooperation, the consequences of political violence, and prospects for peace. The authors express gratitude to the authors, reviewers, editorial board, and publishers who have contributed to the success of the APSR. [Extracted from the article]

The religiously diverse society of NTT (Bumi Flobamora) has received national title as the most tolerant province in Indonesia. However, reality shows that there are religious conflicts, such as the rejection of the establishment of Islamic places of worship and the emergence of various forms of violence with religious nuances. This study attempts to provide a new contemporary social philosophy explanation for the development of religious social conditions. With the help of philosophical methods, the results show that the ideology of pluralism has long lived in Bumi Flobamora. However, this model of "traditional pluralism," which is based on local wisdom and supported by the government's policy of harmony, is currently no longer in line with demands for universal human rights, because "traditional pluralism" shows the unequal treatment of people of different religions. Therefore, contemporary social philosophy develops a "modern pluralism," which is built on the principle of equality. To strengthen this new model of pluralism, efforts are needed to overcome the weaknesses of communitarianism. The main weakness of communitarianism is that it opens up a space for religious appreciation that only emphasizes the togetherness and unity of a spiritual community and views those outside the community as other people who may or should even be excluded. The study concludes that the unity of religions in Bumi Flobamora will only survive if traditional pluralism is replaced with modern pluralism, which is in line with the Political Ethics of the Indonesian nation, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, and the basic philosophy of Pancasila. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of increasing political polarization in many democracies, politicians who try to make amends for past harms will often find that their reputation in the eyes of the other side is irredeemable. In such cases, publicly playing up rather than toning down those attributes that have made one an "archvillain" will often be a more effective way of making amends—whether by mobilizing an opposing camp with which one now secretly sympathizes, by increasing the chances of moderate candidates to win crucial elections, or by increasing the chance that the dangerous camp to which one pretends to belong will self-destruct. I explore several possible explanations for why repentant political wrongdoers might have a moral duty to "play the villain" to such ends. Drawing on the philosophy of punishment, and on the hypocrisy literature, I argue that the best explanation revolves around the inevitability of hypocrisy in democratic politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues against Giorgio Agamben's use of Paul's Epistles to align Walter Benjamin's critique of violence with antinomian theology and anarcholibertarian politics. It focuses specifically on Benjamin's critical inheritance of Hermann Cohen's concepts of unintentional sin and atonement to show that he reactivates a prophetic register of education in Jewish religious ethics. The article contends that these normative and narrative elements of Talmud Torah refute a reductive view of Jewish legalism in confronting the cultural afterlives of historical violence. This argument not only uncouples the reception of Benjamin's theopolitics from contemporary continental philosophy's revivals of Pauline messianism, but also contributes to a plural field of political theology emerging beyond the scope of secularized concepts of governance derived from a spurious universalism. This article proposes that the nonidentity between human law and divine justice can orient necessary resistance to justifications for and acts of state violence committed in a community's name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this article is the classical Greek history of religion, particularly ritual sacrifice in relation to political ethics. This article recovers the lost meaning of the Delphic knife made by coppersmiths that Aristotle's Politics (1.2 1252b) contrasted with the city famously made by Nature. It dismisses traditional conjectures about the knife as historically inaccurate about its craft and philosophically uninformed about Aristotle's doctrine of the final cause, or purpose, of making something. It states the obvious purpose of a knife as cutting, which Aristotle skillfully practiced as the first anatomist, or dissector. It documents the purpose of a classical Greek ritual knife to divide the carcass of a sacrificed animal into equitable portions for civic distribution. It identifies Neoptolemus, the legendary hero turned villain, who was stabbed during his sacrifice at Delphi as an exemplar of greed in quarreling with the temple butcher for an excessive share of the allotted meat. Aristotle alluded to the popular drama and poetry about his and other violations of the Delphic maxim "nothing in excess." His Politics argued against political factions as greedy, thus divisive of the city that Nature made a whole. He approved of ritual sacrifice as a civic bond, and he taught civic moderation in conformity with his well-known ethics of personal moderation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of politicians in representative democracies and their impact on decision-making processes. It highlights the potential for bad apples, or unethical and incompetent politicians, to compromise the democratic process. The article suggests that conscientious politicians may need to compromise their moral convictions to resist bad apples and gain necessary support. It also discusses the benefits of public deliberation in empowering politicians to make informed compromises and resist the influence of bad apples. The article emphasizes the complexities and challenges of achieving political competence in representative democracies. [Extracted from the article]

Political philosophers rarely take on the topic of political corruption, despite the fact that corruption is so costly to human wellbeing, and so clearly separates well-governed from poorly governed polities. Ceva and Ferretti's book is the most complete attempt to remedy this deficit to date. Their key contribution is to conceptualize institutions in such a way that the offices they define link clearly to public ethics. Officeholders are accountable for their power mandate, not just within a hierarchy, but ethically, because their duties serve the public purposes that justify the institution. This said, their approach works best for impartial institutions in which the public duties of offices are clear and actionable, such as professional bureaucracies. We also need an ethically driven conception of political corruption for political institutions that contain and channel political partiality, especially democratic institutions within which the ethical purposes of public legislation are argued, deliberated, and voted. Extending a public ethics account of political corruption to democratic institutions can and should be a next step in this important project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an interview with ethicist and legal educator Richard Painter, various issues are discussed, including potential bribery by former President Trump, the need for campaign finance reform, the importance of representative democracy, and the role of the Supreme Court. Painter suggests investigating Trump's actions and emphasizes the need for campaign finance reform to address corruption. Concerns about growing authoritarianism and the erosion of democracy are expressed. Painter criticizes Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and John Roberts and calls for transparency and accountability in the judiciary. The text also covers topics such as disqualifying candidates based on conduct, interpreting the 14th Amendment, absolute immunity for public officials, and the Israeli-Hamas conflict. Concerns about insurrectionists holding public office and granting immunity to officials who commit crimes are highlighted. Compliance with international law and recognizing Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state while supporting an independent Palestinian state are emphasized. Extreme views on the Israel-Palestine conflict are rebuked, acknowledging Israel's right to exist while questioning its response to attacks. The importance of holding Israel accountable and reevaluating foreign policies is discussed. The text also covers corporate profiteering, clean energy, antitrust laws, social media consolidation, and public funding for professional sports stadiums. Mitigating corporate profiteering through enforcing antitrust laws and promoting competition is emphasized. Clean energy and reducing reliance on fossil fuels are seen as important for long-term sustainable energy needs. The consolidation of social media platforms is seen as a risk to democracy [Extracted from the article]

The aim of the present research was to examine the ethics-oriented and anti-ethical political conduct of rulers in the political society of Iran based on Karen Horney's theory, with a review of historical books. Due to the nature of the research, we have employed a descriptive-analytical method based on documents and evidence. Ethics, by fostering a sublime and valuable spirit in the political sphere, prevents the emergence of social challenges, conflicts, and disputes, and by disseminating human values among the members of society, increases social cohesion and solidarity. In this regard, whether we consider politics as a profession or as a field that affects and is affected by all people according to their responsibilities and multiple roles in life, it is necessary to introduce specific ethical codes for this field. Regarding political ethics, no code or indicator has been introduced so far by scientific or political institutions. The book Kalila and Dimna, as a historical work, is a multi-layered and hybrid piece in which glimpses of three civilizations-India, Iran, and Islam (even a faint touch of Greek civilization)-can be observed. Centuries after the writing and translation of this book in the West, Machiavelli's The Prince was written with the same theme. The main question is: What perspectives do Kalila and Dimna and The Prince, as two historicalliterary works, have on political ethics in society, and what are the similarities and differences between the two books? The method used to analyze and explain the subject is Karen Horney's psychological approach, which dissects four personality types: compliant, aggressive, detached, and idealized self. The conclusion drawn from this study is that in both books, political ethics is the central issue. However, in Kalila and Dimna, anti-ethical behavior is despicable and condemned, and anti-ethical figures like "Dimna" meet a bitter end, while in The Prince, the anti-ethical ruler faces no punishment for his conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic economists working in and adjacent to government have tremendous influence in law and policymaking. Judges, elected officials, and federal regulators rely on economic opinions and scholarship to guide decisions that impact the greater public. At the same time, it is common practice for academic economists to have close ties to private industry—for example, serving as highly paid consultants for firms—and conflicts of interest inevitably arise. Yet, despite these dual roles, economics has no code of ethics or rules that proscribe conflicts of interest or require their disclosure—making it an outlier among peer disciplines like medicine and law. This Article explores the role of academic economists in federal government and the issues that their financial conflicts of interest can create. Beginning with a foundational overview of ethics in government, this Article examines the history of conflict-of-interest laws for federal employees, as well as the emergence of professional ethical standards across many fields in the early 1900s. The Article then explores how courts and regulators have come to define conflicts of interest and the terms of their disclosure. Turning to economics, the Article traces the impact and role of economists in government, beginning before World War II and continuing through today, and discusses how, by failing to adopt ethical standards, the field of economics was and continues to be at odds with other professions that influence policy. This Article then provides a number of examples of how academic economists’ financial conflicts of interest have impacted their findings, research, and work when advising government and the issues that have emerged as a result. Finally, this Article calls for greater disclosure standards for academic economists working in government and puts forth policy recommendations to advance greater transparency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can there be an ethics of politics or political ethics in populist authoritarian democracies? Given that politics operates under potentially risky and morally ambiguous methods that involve strategic calculations with some elements of irrationality, developing an ethics of political leadership can be an abstruse exercise. The frequent mismatch between political methods, objectives, and outcomes exemplifies the complexity of political reality and its unpredictability. The existential tension between utilitarian and deontological approaches to ethics frequently arises in politics. However, to address the failures of democracy in political leadership, it is imperative to explore the ethical implications of populist authoritarianism. By scrutinizing how populist authoritarianism undermines democratic principles and polarizes societies, one can better understand its moral challenges and work towards developing a more ethical framework for political leadership. This article discusses Catholic political ethics in response to populist authoritarianism from three different perspectives: first, it analyzes what populist authoritarianism entails and its limitations in political governance; second, it discusses diverse components of political ethics, highlighting realistic dilemmas in the application of each component; and third, it makes an ethical evaluation of populist authoritarianism from the Catholic social ethics perspective, emphasizing human dignity, common good, and solidarity as key to countering populist authoritarianism. The article makes two ethical suggestions in line with Catholic political ethics to address populist authoritarianism. The first is the principle of social cohesion, aimed at addressing the social, ethnic, racial, political, economic, and religious divisions that characterize populist authoritarian leadership. The second is the principle of social recognition, used as a strategy for safeguarding the common good by centralizing human dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of shu, or considerateness, in Confucian ethics. It compares the negative formulation of shu with the positive formulation of the golden rule in other cultural traditions and discusses different interpretations of the two formulations. The author argues that Confucius advocated two versions of the golden rule: the negative version of shu for interpersonal relations and the positive version of ren for self-cultivation. The article also examines the etymology and definition of shu, emphasizing its role as a common ethical principle for maintaining interpersonal relationships and social order. Additionally, the text discusses the concept of ren in Confucianism and its relationship with the concepts of zhong (loyalty) and shu (reciprocity). The author argues that while zhong and shu are important ethical principles for interpersonal relationships, they should not be equated with ren. Ren, or humaneness, is presented as a higher moral virtue that involves caring for and helping others. The author suggests that Confucius proposes two versions of the golden rule: a negative version using shu for general interpersonal relations, and a positive version using ren for individuals to cultivate themselves. Finally, the text discusses the interpretation of the concept of ren in Confucian philosophy. Scholars have often misunderstood ren as being synonymous with the practice of shu, which involves treating others as one would like to be treated. However, ren is actually about caring for and helping others as one cares for and helps oneself and one [Extracted from the article]

This is a review of contemporary philosophical discussions of population policies. The focus is on normative justification, and the main question is whether population policies can be ethically justified. Although few analytical philosophers have directly addressed this question – it has been discussed more in other academic fields – many arguments and considerations can be placed in the analytical philosophical discourse. This article offers a comprehensive review and analysis of ethically relevant aspects of population policies evaluated on the basis of the main ethical theories. This analysis is preceded by a brief historical contextualisation of when and how population policies became ethically contentious and how this relates to philosophical debates in environmental ethics, population ethics and political philosophy. The article also includes a conceptual analysis of population policies in which the empirical intricacies around individual fertility decisions are sorted out and the different ways in which they can be affected are categorised in a taxonomy which highlight the most relevant ethical aspects of population policies. The ethical analysis shows that while population policies can be justified on the basis of most ethical theories, it all depends on what prior assumptions are made about what is at stake. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the connection between John Dewey, a prominent American philosopher, and Bhimrao Ambedkar, an Indian thinker and leader. While Dewey's influence on Chinese reformers like Hu Shih is well-known, his connection to India is less explored. Ambedkar, who studied under Dewey at Columbia University, went on to become a profound thinker and leader in India, incorporating Dewey's ideas into his own philosophy. The article also discusses Dewey's limited knowledge of Indian philosophy and the concept of caste, highlighting the potential influence of India on Dewey's work. [Extracted from the article]

Joan C. Tronto is a prominent figure in care ethics and American political theory. Her work has had a significant impact on various fields, including public policy, democratic institutions, healthcare, and urban planning. Tronto argues that care should not be confined to the private sphere and should be a collective responsibility. The text discusses the concept of care and its implications in various fields, emphasizing the need for care to be integrated across different disciplines and frameworks. Tronto also explores the concept of "caring with" and its role in creating reliable and shared care relationships. She concludes by discussing her current work on understanding and improving bad care. [Extracted from the article]

The article is a review of Federica Liveriero's book, "Relational Liberalism: Democratic Co-Authorship in a Pluralistic World." The review discusses Liveriero's analysis of the justificatory dilemma faced by liberal theories, which involves providing normative arguments while also guaranteeing the endorsement of political principles by real-world individuals. Liveriero proposes a framework that combines a loose normative framework of liberal ideals with procedures and concrete proposals that take into account the perspectives of reasonable citizens. The review acknowledges the merits of Liveriero's approach but also highlights some uncertainties and compromises within her framework. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Hacettepe University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Hacettepe Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University, Faculty of Economic & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article titled "The Epic Mirror: Poetry, Conflict Ethics and Political Community in Colonial Peru" analyzes three important texts of Peruvian colonial poetry and traces a genealogy of their ethical and political ideas. The first chapter contextualizes the city of Lima in the late 16th century and establishes concepts such as political community, just war, republic, and empire. The second chapter analyzes the dialogue between La Araucana and Machiavelli's political treatises, focusing on the ideas of republic, real power, and just war. The third chapter focuses on Pedro de Oña's poem Arauco domado, exploring the mechanisms of power in early modernity and the representation of the Araucanian political community. The text analyzes two colonial epic poems: "El Arauco domado" and "Armas antárticas". In the case of the first one, the centrality of the viceroy's authority in relation to monarchical power is highlighted. The analysis also establishes parallels between the Araucanian celebrations and the rebellious communal festivities of Quito. As for "Armas antárticas", the heterogeneity and fragmentation of the plot are emphasized, as well as the limited attention to indigenous communities. The book offers a political interpretation of both poems, highlighting the importance of community in the defense of power. [Extracted from the article]

Talking about 2024 is of course talking about the political year in Indonesia. 2024 is the year when legislative candidates and of course presidential and vice presidential candidates will begin to fight. Currently, one of the presidential candidates from the party that is the current government party is Anies Baswedan. Based on what has been regulated in political ethics and election ethics, it is certainly not allowed to campaign by presidential candidates before the campaign period is carried out, but what happened was the emergence of social media content from Anies Baswedan containing campaigns with disguised signs and also camouflaged content so that what the public eye sees presented in cyberspace is only the content of his daily activities. This study aims to determine how Anies Baswedan's political branding simulation in preparation for the 2024 Presidential Election. This research uses simulation analysis on Jean Baudrillarde's theory based on big data analysis on Tiktok social media through content related to Anies' candidacy as a 2024 Presidential candidate. The focus of the research is the arrangement and meaning of #aniesPresiden2024 signs and messages on mainstream social media received by the digital community and then forming a simulation of Anies Baswedan's political branding which is the result of the digital communication process towards Anies' political representation as a 2024 presidential candidate. The results of this study found that tiktok social media has a huge influence on the political branding of anies baswedan, digital society widely receives and consumes information related to the intellectual sign of anies baswedan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political bravery of An Giang University students is essential in the political and ideological education of the Communist Party of Vietnam. It is an integral part of the educational program in universities to improve High political bravery, forming and developing political qualities, ethics, and lifestyle for students. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the education of political bravery for students, create a team of future intellectuals with correct political awareness and intense bravery, and contribute to forming a worldview and a view of life revolution and scientific methodology. Within the scope of the article, the author only explores the factors affecting the political bravery of An Giang University students today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This chapter examines the French integrity framework from the point of view of interactions between public officials and foreign influence actors. First, it makes recommendations on strengthening the integrity framework applicable to public officials and civil servants as part of a framework for foreign influence, and to persons acting on behalf of foreign state interests. The chapter also suggests ways in which the control of public/private mobility can be better adapted to the risks associated with foreign influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the concept of epistemic constraints on voting (ECV) and their compatibility with political equality. The author argues that ECV can be justified without violating political equality by proposing a civic accountability justification. This justification emphasizes the normative relation between voters and their obligation to act in an epistemically responsible manner. The author addresses concerns about disrespect and hierarchy, arguing that the civic accountability justification avoids these issues. They propose a model of Enhanced Civic Voting (ECV) that includes competence-enhancing training as a prerequisite for voting, but not a test or examination. The text emphasizes the importance of mechanisms that hold voters accountable for their responsibilities, rather than sanctioning them based on the content of their decisions. The civic accountability justification argues that participation in shared institutional practices, such as voting, imposes normative demands on citizens to honor their epistemic responsibilities. It does not rely on disrespectful or comparative assessments of political competence, but rather emphasizes the importance of epistemically responsible conduct in voting. The justification suggests that constraints on voting should focus on promoting meaningful discussion, autonomous assessment of public disputes, and exposure to competing political arguments, rather than demanding a predetermined bundle of information or favoring certain political views. The author argues that if we value relational equality, then everyone should have equal power in determining political decisions. They reject competence-based restrictions on participation, as it would create a hierarchy where some citizens are subjugated to the authority of others. Instead, the author proposes a civic accountability justification for [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article surveys three possible ways to assess morality in the Hanfeizi. The first is the "traditional" outlook, according to which Han Fei disregards all moral considerations in politics. The second acknowledges the presence of moral questions in the text but maintains that it ultimately promotes amoralism as an essential feature of the Legalist state. A (less common) third way is to say that there is a moral core to Han Fei's political philosophy. I will defend the third way, which shifts the perception of the Hanfeizi from a mere manual of political manipulation to a comprehensive ideal vision for the world. This interpretation necessitates a recognition of how political morality can coherently exist alongside an apparent divide between private ethics and political action. This is something that those seeking more systematic forms of ethics in the Hanfeizi might overlook. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pandemic significantly raised the stakes for the translation of bioethics insights into policy. The novelty, range and sheer quantity of the ethical problems that needed to be addressed urgently within public policy were unprecedented and required high‐bandwidth two‐way transfer of insights between academic bioethics and policy. Countries such as the United Kingdom, which do not have a National Ethics Committee, faced particular challenges in how to facilitate this. This paper takes as a case study the brief career of the Ethics Advisory Board (EAB) for the NHS Covid‐19 App, which shows both the difficulty and the political complexity of policy‐relevant bioethics in a pandemic and how this was exacerbated by the transience and informality of the structures through which ethics advice was delivered. It analyses how and why, after EAB's demise, the Westminster government increasingly sought to either take its ethics advice in private or to evade ethical scrutiny of its policies altogether. In reflecting on EAB, and these later ethics advice contexts, the article provides a novel framework for analysing ethics advice within democracies, defining four idealised stances: the pure ethicist, the advocate, the ethics arbiter and the critical friend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This documentary research develops a study on the School Environmental Projects Program (PRAE), focusing on its theoretical and pedagogical aspects, and its influence on the formation of environmental subjectivities in the school context. The article advocates for a critical interpretation of environmental education from the principles of ecological ethics and political ecology. It problematizes the instrumental, extractivist, and conservationist approaches that have historically predominated within the field. In methodological terms, the research adopted a framework of documentary analysis, with a dual hermeneutic-emancipatory interest, and divides its structure into two complementary parts: the development of an analytical review on the institutional emergence of the PRAE under educational policies of Decree 1743 of 1994 and the National Policy of Environmental Education of 2004. This constitutes a prelude to the critical evaluation of its qualities and gaps in terms of its capacity to agency ecological subjects. It also explores the pedagogical potential of the categories of subjectivity and experience, as possible catalysts for a transcendental and meaningful environmental education through the PRAE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political candidates choose to highlight morality in their campaign speeches in various ways. In particular, we expect presidential candidates to highlight moral principles in introducing themselves to voters early in the campaign. However, usage may not be the same across candidates. Existing research suggests that, in general, women focus on different moral values than men. The question is whether such findings in the mass public translate into rhetorical differences between men and women presidential candidates. We know little about whether such gender differences exist, and if so, how they might influence voters. We examine a unique data set of presidential candidate speeches given in Iowa in the 2016 and 2020 nomination campaigns, developing and testing hypotheses about gender, the use of moral language, and its effects on vote outcomes. Using automated text analysis, we find that all else equal, while women candidates do not use more moral language overall, they do emphasize care and fairness more than men, and in doing so, they may be disadvantaging themselves, especially when using language related to fairness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Procedure of Morality" is an article that examines the concept of procedural norms in moral discourse. The authors argue that procedural norms, similar to those found in law, also exist in morality. Procedural norms are second-order norms that guide how to engage with other norms, and they are outcome neutral. The article addresses objections to the existence of procedural moral norms and provides examples to support its argument. It aims to offer insights into the structure and tensions within moral discourse. [Extracted from the article]

The article "Parfit's Mixed Maxim Objection against the Formula of Universal Law Reconsidered" examines Derek Parfit's criticism of Kant's Formula of Universal Law (FUL) and its implications for Kantian ethics. Parfit argues that FUL should be revised and that the concept of a maxim should be abandoned. However, contemporary Kantians have not taken Parfit's criticism seriously and believe that his project is too different from Kant's to engage in fruitful dialogue. The article explores Parfit's "Mixed Maxims Objection" and proposes a response to it, arguing that a notion of maxims as policies can still be ethically evaluated. The author distinguishes different versions of the objection and focuses on the version that poses a fundamental challenge to Kant's ethics. They argue that Kantians can respond to some versions of the objection but must address the version that questions the bridge between evaluating maxims and evaluating actions. The article concludes that it is possible to evaluate maxims as policies while making plausible judgments about the morality of actions. [Extracted from the article]