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This research paper presents a novel contribution to the field by addressing an important and previously neglected issue: the impact of debt enforcement actions on the political views of Czech citizens. The study employs a qualitative research design and draws on data collected through interviews with individuals who have experienced debt enforcement. Specifically, the study focuses on how these individuals perceive state power and politics, revealing a concerning pattern of alienation from the state. Notably, most participants did not seek assistance or advice from state institutions when facing debt enforcement, exhibiting apathy, critical attitudes and civic passivity. These results are significant, as they introduce a potentially important explanatory variable in citizens’ political attitudes, with potential implications extending beyond the Czech Republic to other former Eastern Bloc countries.

IntroductionPolitical apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it.Materials and MethodsThis study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including:Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective.Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.Specific research method: Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research.Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports.Clarity of statistical findings: In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software.The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research.Results and DiscussionThe study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy.ConclusionThe study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.

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IntroductionDistribution and redistribution, as one of the specialized functions within the political system, aims to address inequalities and reduce socio-economic disparities. It holds a pivotal role in the systemic approach, as the success or failure of these efforts can significantly influence the level of support for the political system. Following the Revolution, the Islamic Republic embarked on a mission to narrow the class gap across various strata of society by adopting distribution and redistribution policies with the ultimate aim of realizing justice. The Iranian political system thus adopted a proactive stance and function regarding distribution and redistribution, commencing with land reforms at the onset of the Islamic Revolution and progressing through various policy initiatives over the span of four decades. While the impact of the distribution and redistribution policies can be objectively assessed through statistical data and indicators, it is equally crucial to take into account people’s subjective perceptions of such policies. This subjective perception often carries substantial weight, sometimes even outweighing the tangible outcomes of policies, significantly influencing the political behavior of individuals within society. In this respect, the present research tried to address the degree of success of the post-Revolution distribution and redistribution policies, and their impact on people’s political action.Literature ReviewMehrgan and Ezzati (2008) delved into the impact of various factors, including taxes, per capita income, literacy levels, unemployment, and inflation rates, on citizens’ political participation. The findings revealed that inflation and unemployment significantly reduced electoral participation in the provinces. Conversely, higher levels of literacy and per capita income were associated with increased political engagement of citizens. Saboktakin et al. (2015) concluded that a substantial 99% correlation exists between social and political participation, with a 53% correlation observed for political satisfaction and an 18% correlation for social satisfaction. Furthermore, there is a significant relationship between the socio-economic base and political participation. The results of the regression analysis indicated that among these three variables, political satisfaction had the most significant impact on participation, while social satisfaction had the least impact on social and political participation. Analyzing the economic redistribution policies, Hatami (2012) demonstrated that during the 9th and 10th governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, there existed a set of peripheral economic policies, such as Justice Shares (Saham-e Edalat), Mehr Housing Plan, and targeted subsidies. These policies interacted with the broader social and electoral context, leading to a complex reciprocal relationship. As a result, Hatami identified two distinct syndromes in the redistribution policies of the governments. The first syndrome pertained to how the peripheral policies of the government exacerbated the conflict between the center and periphery and turned invisible economic conflicts into socially determining issues. The second syndrome involved the interplay between class aspects of the government and its political ramifications. Instead of the government acting as a party to these conflicts and as an agent in class conflicts, it should play the role of a neutral arbitrator and mediator in resolving class conflicts. This suggests that the government should work towards enhancing its public image and role in this regard.Materials and MethodsThe present research adopted a descriptive–analytical approach and a documentary method. The study aimed to propose a theoretical framework by adapting the systems theories of Almond and Powell as well as Robert Merton’s theory.ConclusionBoth statistical data and public perception of policy outcomes showed that these policies and institutions exhibited relative inefficiency during the period from 2011 to 2020, leading to exacerbating the existing inequalities and fostering a perception of injustice. Additionally, people’s assessment of the economic situation underscores the inefficiency of such policies, particularly evident in the feedback loop within the system. It is worth noting that a key indicator of support for a political system, particularly in electoral systems, is the level of political participation. An increase in political participation signifies the effective functioning of the political system, while a decline serves as a warning to the political system, indicating diminishing support. A comparative analysis of the outcomes of distribution and redistribution policies, coupled with the levels of political apathy and the participation rate from 2011 to 2020, clearly revealed a significant connection between the effectiveness of resource (re)distribution and the electoral participation rate as an indicator of the level of support for the political system. The inefficiency of these policies and institutions has grown increasingly conspicuous, exacerbating economic and social inequalities and fostering a prevailing sense of political apathy and hopelessness among the citizens. This factor can be considered one of the root causes contributing to the declining participation rates in both presidential and parliamentary elections.

IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021. Materials and MethodsThe research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%). ConclusionThe results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.

This study relies on the life story narratives of 48 young members of the Egyptian Muslim Brothers in identifying the different reasons behind their political disengagement in the aftermath of the 2013 military coup. Unlike the SMT scholarly writings addressing Islamists' political disengagement within a limited scope of analysis that focuses on members leaving their groups rather than politics, this study presents a multi-layered approach that examines the interplay between youth's personal experiences, the repressive macro political conditions, and the organizational decay in shaping young Muslim Brothers' positions towards political activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Conspiracy theories are the beliefs that play an important role in individuals' decision-making, and studies indicate that they also have a significant effect on political behavior. The present study explores the relationships between belief in conspiracy theories, political powerlessness, and political apathy in an Iraqi sample (N =188) from a local community in which they have answered the study questionnaires. Belief in conspiracy theories has been linked to both political powerlessness and political apathy. Further analysis revealed that the relationship between belief in conspiracy theories and political apathy was mediated by political powerlessness. The findings suggest that conspiracy theories related with many political factors, the mediation model explained 30% of the variation in political apathy; other elements appear to contribute to it, also it appears that members of the research community have gravitated toward political apathy as a result of their sense of political powerlessness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 594 BCE, the Athenian lawgiver Solon, called upon to resolve a deepening social crisis, introduced a new constitution and mandated that in civil conflicts, no citizen is to remain apathetic and must take sides. Because the law seemed to support strife, it presents a puzzle. The paper offers a political economy rationale for Solon's law against neutrality, modeling social conflict as a rent-seeking competition. We divide society into three groups, a hereditary aristocracy, which monopolized power before the Solonian constitution, a rival wealth-based commercial elite, called the new Solonian elite, and the poor, who are enfranchised only partly. We then identify the conditions under which the third group is better off by allying with one of the other groups, protecting the Solonian constitution. In our framework, Solon's ban on neutrality is an attempt to change the payoffs from violent redistributions of rents, so that conflict is avoided. Accordingly, the ban should not only impede excessive rent seeking, but also prevent the exclusion of any social group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: ‘The Politics of Uncertainty’ in Practice: The 2020 Presidential Election that Changed Belarus Abstract: ‘The Politics of Uncertainty’ in Practice: The 2020 Presidential Election that Changed Belarus Up until 2020 Aleksandr Lukashenka’s authoritarian regime had ruled Belarus for 26 years without major challenges. Thus, the popular mobilization that took shape in connection with the August 2020 presidential election came as a surprise. It was not the first time that elections in Belarus were not fair – but it was the first time that large sectors of the population reacted openly. Six months later, Belarusians all over the country were still contesting the falsified results. What contributed to this mobilization and politicization of a previously largely apolitical society? Why does that development represent such a serious threat to the authoritarian system? This study sees the Belarusian presidential election and its aftermath as illustrating the ‘politics of uncertainty’ of electoral authoritarian regimes. Because of the intrinsic insecurity of authoritarian systems, all regular elections in that context entail risks, which in theory might lead to change. In Belarus, the emergence of latent threats to the regime’s legitimacy in the form of social cleavages and an economic crisis, combined with the fundamental dynamics of the ‘election game’, amplified this instability. The election served as the starting point for a process of transformation that became the most serious threat ever faced by the Lukashenka regime.

The decline in youth participation in elections has been an ongoing concern in Australia, in spite of the requirement for compulsory turnout. In 2018, and in response to these concerns, the Australian parliament debated an electoral amendment that would lower the national voting age to 16 years. The Bill, however, did not succeed even though two opposition parties—the Australian Labor Party and the Australian Greens—supported the reform and the Morrison Government accepted the premise that youth electoral disengagement was a troubling phenomenon. Drawing on veto player theory, this article examines how the legislative dynamics intersected with partisan self‐interest and party value priorities to undercut the case for lowering the voting age to 16. The Australian case highlights the ways in which latent ideological differences among parties can serve to divide them on the inclusiveness of franchise, and the democratic goals to be served by voting. Related Articles: Cormack, Lindsey. 2019. "Leveraging Peer‐to‐Peer Connections to Increase Voter Participation in Local Elections." Politics & Policy 47 (2): 248‐266. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12297 Fisher, Patrick. 2020. "Generational Replacement and the Impending Transformation of the American Electorate." Politics & Policy 48 (1): 38‐68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12340 Ike, Vivian. 2020. "The Impact of Veto Players on Incremental and Drastic Policy Making: Australia's Carbon tax Policy and its Repeal." Politics & Policy 48 (2): 232‐264. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12346 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spate of youths' political apathy in Nigeria remains a constant source of worry to stakeholders. Nevertheless, efforts to stem the tide have been largely unsuccessful. Studies indicate that many youths rely on newspapers and other mass media for political information, and such reliance may influence their general political behaviour. This study examines the influence of newspaper reports on the extent of political apathy among young people in Southeast Nigeria using a sample of 384 respondents selected through a multistage sampling technique. It also evaluates the roles played by political efficacy and news perception in youths' extent of political involvement. Findings show that obtaining political news from newspaper is positively associated with an increased feeling of political efficacy (rs(379) = .567**, p = <.05) but negatively related to reduced political apathy among youths (rs(379) = -.525**, p = <.05). Also, many young people tend to perceive newspaper political reports to lack depth, objectivity, and accuracy. This perception tends to be negatively associated with their extent of political apathy (rs(379) = -.427*, p = <.05). Therefore, newspaper coverage must pay more attention to reporting on important political issues that will enable the public to take self-determined action consistent with the social responsibility of the press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is difficult to characterize the Russian society as completely active or passive due to the high voter turnout, but simultaneously, a low level of involvement in political life. The research focuses on determining the extent of activity/passivity of the Russian society in the years 2000 – 2012. Results of the analysis revealed a degree of participation of the Russian citizens in the electoral decision-making process and their involvement in political life. It was answered to the question: to what extent Russian legislation allows society to participate in the political life, by estimating a political activity index (Wap(ap)). Additionally, the political activity correlate index (Wap(k)) was checked, that enable to correct the obtained result on the basis of legal provisions according to the real dimension of the Russian political activity.

The role of emotions in social movements and mobilization has been an important focus of recent research, but the emotional mechanisms producing apathy and non-participation remain under studied. This article explores the thinking and feeling processes involved in the production of apolitical attitudes, paying particular attention to their social and cultural context. Cultural norms of appropriateness and emotional expression can hinder or boost the emotions involved in the mobilizing processes. Based on 60 interviews with young people in two Russian cities, collected during and in the aftermath of the anti-regime protests of 2011–12, I explore the apathy syndrome—a combination of emotional mechanisms and cultural norms that produce political apathy. Personal frustrating experiences develop into long-term cynicism and disbelief in the efficacy of collective action, a process exacerbated by the transmission of apathy in families and educational institutions, as well as by cultural norms of appropriate emotions. Cultural clichés and dissociation from others help people cope with the trap and justify inaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship recognizes the importance of information and communication technologies (ICT), particularly the Internet, in helping to overcome challenges to political participation. The advent of Internet voting or I-voting in encouraging youth political participation has been framed within the context of convenience voting which can help to strengthen democracy by encouraging voting, especially among the more technologically-savvy youth population. This paper explores the relationship between Internet voting and youth political participation in the Jamaican society through a survey of 600 youth. The findings suggest that while it may not substantially reduce apathy, which is more generally linked to perceptions of political efficacy, Internet voting holds the potential to improve voter turnout among Jamaican youth. While convenience was not a major factor driving political apathy, it was an important factor in encouraging participation at the polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media [SM] has become a political platform in new public sphere for the politicians, governments and citizens. It is rapidly becoming a popular tool for political and social activism. It has become a smart instrument of protests and communication. Digital revolution is igniting political and social revolutions through social media using leading edge communication and data sharing gadgets. Social media has been found supporting civic-state engagement [CSE] and helpful in reducing political apathy [PA] particularly in the developing states like Pakistan. The events of last decade in the 'Middle East have verified the powers of SM in political activism and breaking the ice of PA. This study explores the same theory of relationships among the academicians of higher education in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The results confirm the hypotheses by giving significant statistics regarding both positive and negative relations of SM with CSE and PA respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, political apathy among young people has been a recurrent issue in political science. This article examines, on the basis of a survey of the current debate about political apathy in Germany and an analysis of civic education textbooks for the lower secondary level in BadenWürttemberg, how contemporary German textbooks reflect young people's interest in politics. This article will show that, while political apathy in textbooks can be explained as the result of either an individual deficit on the part of the reader or a structuralist deficit of the political system, the latter explanation is more likely to encourage critical political thinking among young people in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political participation is one of the most studied aspects of the contemporary development of western democracies. A recent trend focuses the lack of political participation among younger generations. At the same time, the last decades have also witnessed a growth in the share of young European Union (EU) citizens who express alienation, and distrust toward social and political institutions at the national as well as the European level. By studying young people across different countries of the EU, the current study aims to examine if youths’ political passivity is better explained by political apathy or alienation. Our analyses are based on a comparative survey data collected by the Catch-EyoU project comprising approximately 4 454 late adolescents assembled from eight member countries of the EU. Results from logistic regressions predicting non-voting from apathy and alienation support the idea that political passivity is best understood as the result of political apathy. Moreover, it seems that the underlying separator of apathetic and alienated youths is cognitive awareness of political life. These results are discussed in relation to potentially built-in paradoxes of apathy present in efficient and well-functional welfare-state democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wakaidesu (若いです) or Young Japanese have been seen as being indifferent to politics and do not seem to regard political parties as representing their concerns. This is a blow to the Japanese democracy as the great majority of youth are politically apathetic and they are distancing themselves from active participation in politics. This paper describes the growing political apathy among young Japanese citizens aged between 20 and 35 that needs to be changed. Policies of the state should advocate for issues of interest to younger voters. The engagement of Japanese youth is reflected in three major issues: the feminist movement, community service and environmental protection, all of which will be discussed in this paper. The country urgently needs more young Japanese to be engaged in issues concerning the relationship between the economic and political state of the nation. The paper argued that the political involvement of young Japanese is not being attended to seriously. Instead, political parties are busy securing votes from the largest group of voters, ignoring the young. This has led to the increase of political apathy among young voters, bringing the Japanese democracy into decline. Finally, the paper will also discuss a cultural ethnographic study on the use of the media among Malaysian youth as a comparative analysis to show how self-identity and social identity can be built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proceeds from the premise that, even if you accept the principle that justice is impossible in the complete absence of virtue, a good political system ought to be parsimonious in any requirement of virtue as an input, so as not to impose undue restrictions on its own ability to function. Assuming a more or less random distribution of virtue through time and space, it would be preferable, all other things being equal, to have a system equipped to operate not only in periods of abundant moral and ethical virtue, but also — and particularly — in periods of scarcity, when such qualities seem depleted in human nature. This exigency grows critical in the context of a modern society, in which the ever-increasing complexity and impersonal nature of social relations will produce anonymity that would urge extreme caution in the presumption of virtue as an element of social relations — a caution that sociology unanimously teaches us. In such a context — one in which not all issues will involve everyone equally, nor will all voices be always audible — prudence advises and tolerance demands that political apathy — or, rather, mere abstention — should be recognized, if not as a new modality of virtue, at least as a basic right: in the exercise of which, I will respectfully silence myself whenever appropriate before the judgment of actors more intensely immersed than I, and let myself hope for silence from a few so as to be heard when I see fit to express myself.

While Palestine is often approached either as a site of ‘resistance’ or of recent neoliberal de-politicization, the case of young university students defeats dichotomous categorizations and points to the more complex and layered nature of political subjectivities. Drawing on unique ethnographic fieldwork as a student at Najah University in Nablus, this article addresses students’ political subjectivities against the backdrop of three macrochanges in Palestinian recent history: the professionalization of politics, the tightening of internal repression, and the neoliberal economic turn. Overall, the study argues that, while Najah undergraduates maintain a strong nationalist discourse, they have come to conceptualize ‘politics’ as negative, at once ineffective and dangerous. Caught up in a web of conflicting social expectations, the pessimism vis-à-vis the political field leads them to abandon traditional sites of participation and to adopt a cynical yet ultimately political approach to consumption in an attempt to ‘change air’ and ‘just live’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]