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In the wake of such blockbuster films as Dilwale Dulhania Le Jayenge (DDLJ) film-related travel from India has become an important economic factor in the tourist industry in Switzerland, to the point where the luxury suite in one of the most prestigious five-star hotels in the country is now dedicated to the style and memory of pioneer producer Yash Chopra. Tracing the romance between commercial Hindi cinema and Switzerland from the 1980s to 1990s onwards, the Chopra suite in the Viktoria Jungfrau hotel in Interlaken can also be read as an indicator of an important cultural constellation: a composite style in visual and design culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of watercolours from Michel van Meeyer's «Friends' Album» reveals the unique characteristics of the work and its relevance to source criticism. The study suggests that van Meeyer might not have directly witnessed the events he depicted. The album's role before becoming a primary source demonstrates a fascinating blend of visual and textual cultures in early modern Europe. Two watercolours portray James I in significant contexts: one shows him in the English Parliament, and the other depicts him among spectators at a rooster battle. These images provide insights into contemporary perceptions of James I and the interactions between the king and society. The purpose of this article is to analyze Michel van Meyer's friends' album, focusing on depictions of King James I Stuart (1603-1625) and royal authorities. It aims to examine the representation of power from the perspective of a traveller and compare it with the official image constructed by governmental institutions. In conclusion, at the presource stage, the album amicorum functioned much like modern social media, capturing life moments to share with family and friends. These «travel notes» were similar to contemporary photography, often signed and dated. The results of this analysis show that the albums provide insights into the perception of the king and its origins. Watercolours can be examined both as reflections of van Meyer's receptive attitudes and as sources of royal representation for acquaintances. This historical artifact actively participated in its time, rather than merely representing a tradition. In the watercolours, King James I is depicted as a proponent of chivalrous ideals, emphasizing his affiliation with the Order of the Garter and traditional equestrian portraits. Early Art England preserved representative strategies from the Tudor dynasty, such as the cult of St. George and the king's procession on St. George's Day. The king's title as a «blessed peacemaker», continuing the Elizabethan imperial tradition, is also maintained. The watercolour depicting a cockfight highlights the king's leisure activities and serves as a symbolic representation of social hierarchies. The originality of this analysis lies in its examination of Michael van Meyer's album as an object representing the image of King James I in society for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Res Historica is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Luciano Del Castillo is a press photographer, who took a large series of pictures of the demonstrations organised on 20 and 21 July 2001 against the G8 Summit in Genoa. His image of a hooded man on an overturned car was published on the front page of the Corriere della Sera on 22 July. This is one of the main immediate framings of the stretched historical sequence known as “Genoa 2001”. This triple-voice panel, following on from a roundtable, held on 10 September 2021 during the “Genoa 2001-2021” conference at the ENS in Lyon, opens his personal photographic archive in several directions: the Italian history of the past half century and the visual construction of the G8 days, analysed from rare sources of the autonomous movement of the 1970s collected and commented by Jacopo Galimberti; political symbolism and its iconographic survivals in history; and, first of all, the sensitive memory of a photographer, witness and actor of the Genoa counter-summit, narrated in a passage in his book Pesto alla genovese (2021), some of whose photos are shown here for the first time.

Copyright of Community Connections: Studies on Education, Culture / Közösségi Kapcsolódások: Tanulmányok Kultúráról és Oktatásról is the property of Szeged University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the article is to study the heuristic potential, methodological framework and research direction of two (sub)disciplines -- political iconography and post-war imagology. The scientific novelty consists in revealing aspects of the development of political iconography and post-modern imagology that have not been sufficiently studied by historical science, in particular on the example of Ukrainian historiography at the current stage (1991-2022). The research methodology involves adherence to the principles of scientificity, development, systematicity, historicism, and historiographical tradition. Research methods are general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, and deduction, as well as historical methods, in particular historical-genetic, historical-systemic, and the method of source criticism. The source base of the research consists of the texts of Martin Warnke, Abi Warburg, Alois Riegl, Mikhail Boytsov, in which the terminological apparatus of art history, visual history, political iconography, and post-historical imagology is partially or fully substantiated. It has been found that there are almost no studies in the framework of political iconography in Ukraine, but studies using the methods of imagology, post-historical imagology, and historical imagology have gained active development. Post-test imagology, proposed by M. Boytsov, continues research in philology, comparative linguistics, and political history. The problems of post-war imagology cover, first of all, the problems of alienation, the mechanisms of creating and functioning of stereotypes, images of power, and the effects of images on society. Political iconography proposed by M. Warnke at the beginning 1990s, is a logical continuation of Warburg iconography, art history and visual studies. Recognizing that the main political center is not narrative, but visual sources, researchers of political iconography analyze the communicative space in which the image (German: bild) is an independent actor that implements its own policies. Thanks to the images, the space is semiologized and transformed into a political space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most formative narratives of the reform movements around 1900 was a departure from earlier creative principles of imitation, now defamed as an inadequate approach. Thus, artists, architects, and designers were called upon to formulate freer approaches to artistic design. Precisely because this narrative of the new and the free, which had become a myth, excluded art of the later nineteenth century—which supposedly only imitated older styles—little attention was paid to how exactly the ornamentation of Islamic art was taken up and artistically exploited in the decorative arts around 1900. Yet, what else can be classified as stylistic imitation and what as freer abstraction? After all, the geometric derivation of Islamic ornamentation offered rich material for abstractions in the sense intended by the reform movements, before it was radically, and very lastingly, banned from the discourse a short time later along with all other ornament. It will be shown that the abstraction of Islamic ornamentation around 1900 was not only triggered by the objects that were increasingly accessible in exhibitions and as holdings of ethnological or applied arts museums at the turn of the century but was already influenced by scientific research and by the textbooks with historical models as they appeared in the course of the nineteenth century.

COVID-19 is described as 'novel' largely because the virus has rarely been studied. Without any vaccine, the key to containing the virus was the timely delivery of educative public health information to people. With a population of 29 million composed of small urban segments, Ghana has enormous rural enclaves where most of her citizens live. This study seeks to explore the nature of Ghana's COVID-19 campaign, focusing on the communication strategies and the extent to which indigenous communication tools (ICTs) have been employed. Relying on document analysis, Ghana's COVID-19 campaign rarely deployed ICTs but rather paid lip service to the country's indigenous resources in public addresses to the nation. It also found that the fight against the virus metamorphosed into political campaigns making WHO's vital information subservient to images of political figures and political iconography in general. We argue that the nature of the campaign created generalized awareness of the pandemic, but did less to educate the masses on the WHO preventive protocols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this work believe that the fact that political iconography can influence reality and intervene in actual events -sometimes by using reinvented motifs and visual narratives from previous iconographic sources, after Warburg’s Pathosformel fashion–, is of utmost importance in political campaigns. In modern electoral campaigns, the use of visual themes that represent different emotions constitutes a clear link with the use of pathos in current political communication. From the perspective of political communication, this work analyses the use of iconography in modern electoral campaigns. In doing so, we trace a link between Warburg’s concept of the pathos formula and the use of different motifs of pathos developed in modern electoral campaigns. Electoral communication uses images linked to emotions such as enthusiasm, hope, fear and identity, which in this paper are studied from a database of posters and electoral spots from recent Spanish campaigns. The study also makes reference to visual motifs of pathos aimed at activating these emotions in the voters in different comparative campaigns and in electoral propaganda.

The authors of this work believe that the fact that political iconography can influence reality and intervene in actual events - sometimes by using reinvented motifs and visual narratives from previous iconographic sources, after Warburg's Pathosformel fashion-, is of utmost importance in political campaigns. In modern electoral campaigns, the use of visual themes that represent different emotions constitutes a clear link with the use of pathos in current political communication. From the perspective of political communication, this work analyses the use of iconography in modern electoral campaigns. In doing so, we trace a link between Warburg's concept of the pathos formula and the use of different motifs of pathos developed in modern electoral campaigns. Electoral communication uses images linked to emotions such as enthusiasm, hope, fear and identity, which in this paper are studied from a database of posters and electoral spots from recent Spanish campaigns. The study also makes reference to visual motifs of pathos aimed at activating these emotions in the voters in different comparative campaigns and in electoral propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intended to promote the success of rapid industrialisation, especially at the time of the first Five-Year Plan (1928–32), Soviet photography was disseminated to other countries through the networks of the Communist International. The circulation of Soviet photographs in the press helped define a specifically communist visual culture, characterised by idiosyncratic visual tropes and graphic treatment of images through photomontage and dynamic page layout. This article highlights the role of graphic designers and illustrators in the development of political photomontage in France, particularly through periodicals associated with the Communist Party such as Regards and the Almanach ouvrier et paysan. These illustrated publications often borrowed their iconography and innovative page layout directly from Soviet magazines such as USSR in Construction. By showing how images have been appropriated and transformed, I suggest that communist editors in the early 1930s encouraged a type of militant participation that challenged individual authorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most formative narratives of the reform movements around 1900 was a departure from earlier creative principles of imitation, now defamed as an inadequate approach. Thus, artists, architects, and designers were called upon to formulate freer approaches to artistic design. Precisely because this narrative of the new and the free, which had become a myth, excluded art of the later nineteenth century—which supposedly only imitated older styles—little attention was paid to how exactly the ornamentation of Islamic art was taken up and artistically exploited in the decorative arts around 1900. Yet, what else can be classified as stylistic imitation and what as freer abstraction? After all, the geometric derivation of Islamic ornamentation offered rich material for abstractions in the sense intended by the reform movements, before it was radically, and very lastingly, banned from the discourse a short time later along with all other ornament. It will be shown that the abstraction of Islamic ornamentation around 1900 was not only triggered by the objects that were increasingly accessible in exhibitions and as holdings of ethnological or applied arts museums at the turn of the century but was already influenced by scientific research and by the textbooks with historical models as they appeared in the course of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present essay attempts to bring into light some discontinuities between two theoretical attitudes conventionally considered as belonging to the same tradition of studies, a tradition supposedly originating with Aby Warburg's method and his «Geistespolitik», and persisting through the present mainly due to the image studies reinvigorated in the mid-nineties by the restoration and programmatic rebirth of the Warburg-Haus in Hamburg. Namely, the political iconography of the art historian Martin Warnke (1937-2019), the main catalyst of such a «Nachleben», comes here into question with respect to its controversial relationship with the theoretical gesture of the culture historian Aby Warburg (1866-1929). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Montpellier parchment (made circa 1467-1477), now kept in the Bibliothèque Municipale de Montpellier, is an enigmatic image from Valois Burgundy. In this article, I argue that its peculiarities result from its attempt to synthesise two conceptions of authority: firstly, the virtues of rulers and of councils, and secondly, divine and feudal hierarchy. To make this synthesis, the parchment depicts Iustitia as a signature: a sign that translocates presence and authority between two realms. Iustitia translocates Christ's authority in the earthly realm, as well as extends worldly judicial hierarchy into the heavenly sphere. In depicting the duke and his councils as fulfilling divine providence, this rhetoric suited the politics and learned culture of the later Burgundian state, and the inscriptions in the Montpellier parchment as well as iconography could have been devised by the Burgundian poet and chronicler, Jean Molinet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article takes Cornelius Castoriadis' concept of the 'political imaginary' as an invitation to reflect on the role of pictures in politics and in facilitating alternative policies. For this purpose, pictures are not understood as merely rhetorical or propagandistic representations of political statements, which are actually to be thought of independently of the particular picture. Instead, by means of their specific pictorial qualities, pictures also influence the ways politics are negotiated or pursued and, moreover, they can stimulate alternative forms of political thinking. In order to argue for this understanding of the politics of pictures, the article proceeds in three steps: a brief review of the research on political iconography is followed by thoughts on Jacques Rancière and his concept of the 'distribution of the sensible'. On this basis, an understanding of pictorial politics is finally sketched that asks for genuinely political potentials that are directly linked to the specific qualities of the image: its duality, its vagueness, and its temporality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Oficina do Historiador is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Volume! is the property of Editions Melanie Seteun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Historiae Artis Slovenica is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the role of Official White House Photos for political image-making and image management during the Obama presidency. Official White House photographers have privileged access to the president in domestic and public situations. They provide high-quality handout photos reflecting the intentions of the Obama administration and are responsible for some of the best-known photos of the President with strategic and historical value. Distributed via the social networking services of the White House, these photos can bypass mainstream journalistic outlets and limit what the public gets to see of certain situations or events. Taking the 'Years in Photos' galleries on the official White House Flickr account as a case study, the article qualitatively examines visual choices by the Obama presidency. The dataset consists of 639 photos posted between 2009 and 2015. The author draws on the method of political iconography to reconstruct core motifs of political self-representation. The analysis gives insight into visual strategies central to the President's image management by focusing on visual portrayals in different roles, settings and relation to others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The black bloc is an urban tactic through which activists seek anonymity by wearing collectively black masks and clothes. Used in the anarchist and autonomous militant circles of West Germany during the 1980s, this tactic has been rapidly re-appropriated on a transnational scale. According to a transdisciplinary understanding of political visibility, this article focuses on the globalized political iconology of the black bloc, understood as a « global visual fieldwork ». The analysis of the anti-globalization imagery is focused on the archives of the G8 summit of Genoa (2001) and more specifically on iconographical ramifications in the Italian national political history, as a case study of articulation of global and local scales in visual theory.

Over the course of the twentieth century, various political regimes in Europe used medieval images to demonstrate and legitimize their power. The present study takes as its focus the case of Portugal and, more precisely, an illumination in the twelfth-century Portuguese manuscript known as theLorvão Beatus, a copy of the Commentary on the Apocalypse written in northern Spain in the eighth century and attributed to the monk Beatus of Liébana (c. 730–800). This manuscript's depiction of the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse was frequently utilized during the first decades of theEstado Novo(New State), a dictatorship that ruled Portugal from 1933 to 1974. TheEstado Novowas headed by António de Oliveira Salazar (1889–1970) until 1968, when Salazar retired due to ill health and was replaced by Marcelo Caetano (1906–1980), who ruled until 1974, the year of theRevolução dos Cravos(Carnation Revolution) which returned democracy to Portugal. TheEstado Novodeveloped the so-calledPolítica do Espírito(Politics of the Spirit), a cultural policy that attempted to reinvent Portuguese national identity in order to advance its own ideology. In conjunction with this effort, the artists who worked with theSecretariado de Propaganda Nacional(Department of National Propaganda) appropriated the depiction of the Four Horsemen in theLorvão Beatus– either adopting it as a direct model or more loosely alluding to it – as a symbol of Portuguese identity. The example of the Lorvão Horsemen reveals how theEstado Novoused medieval images for propagandistic purposes, to help legitimize their rule and to assert their own place in Portuguese history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to explore specific modes of visual communication concerning the so called 'Islamic State of Iraq.' As an alliance of some Jihadist groups under the lead of al-Qa'ida in Iraq, this movement managed after the year 2003 to temporarily seize control of some parts of the Iraqi soil and perpetrate mass-casualty attacks. Hence, it still poses one of the most serious threats for the young Iraqi republic. Regardless of the actual validity of this 'state', the article argues that Jihadist groups are able to operate in the Middle East, among other things, because they manage to connect their ideas, norms and beliefs to the cultural memory of their recipients. They employ symbols and semantics that gain effect through reconnection to the religious and cultural heritage. These symbols and semantics are, at the same time, used to frame reality in a specific way and portray the Jihadist ideology as the serious basis for an alternative model for society. The article will examine the political iconography of the 'Islamic State of Iraq' in digitally circulated images. It will present an iconological analysis of the composition and construction of paradigmatic icons and images and will show which motifs, themes and narratives are employed to give meaning to iconographical representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of advertising in the Mexican press, specifically between 1910 and 1960. The author comments on nationalism in Mexico, the media and nationalism, and social constructions due to media influence. The development of consumer habits and behavior, national commemorations such as the centenary of independence, and advertising discourse are explored. Other topics mentioned include symbolism in the media and the press, newspaper advertising, as well as politics and government in 20th century Mexico.

The article embeds the arguments of cultural theory and art history in a political science framework, in order to explain the construction of national identities. In comparing the French national allegory Marianne and her Indian counterpart Bharat Mata, the authors set out to trace the conceptual development of the icons, the psycho-history underlying their ongoing formative processes and their strategic function as signifiers that reinforce national identity. The conceptual prism of icon-ising, as one learns from this comparative analysis is what makes the study of processes of cultural negotiation, and an exploration of their impact on identity-formation possible. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the symbolic appeal of Che Guevara within radical Left circles of the 1960s and 1970s. Che's importance as a shared political reference offers a unique window on aspirational symbols and the desire for meaningful transnational solidarity. By tracing Che's resonance in Latin America, western Europe, the United States, and the Middle East, the article brings into conversation the study of post-war radicalism, political iconography, and the cognitive dimensions of interconnectivity. As a means of understanding Che's appeal to both protest movements and guerrilla organizations, the article develops the notion of a ‘transnational imagination’, or mode of perception that frames local circumstances in a world historical trajectory and thereby affects collective aspirations and actions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

After the work of Horst Bredekamp and Quentin Skinner, the hypothesis I intend to defend here consists in demonstrating if the famous Prologue that adorns the major philosophical work of Hobbes, the Leviathan, makes of the figure of Leviathan the foundation of our political iconography. The double success of Hobbes, at the same time theoretical and iconographical deserves an explanation. As a matter of fact, there is solid reason to believe that the author could not limit himself to the written conceptual explanation, as political philosophy cannot limit itself to demonstrative discourse. It also requires literary and visual rhetoric due to the intersubjective nature of politics. Consequently, our vision of State plays a part in the history of its iconographical representation. To discuss and compare this hypothesis two moments in the history of reception of Leviathan are considered: Kant's Critic of judgment and the works of the Spanish painter Francisco de Goya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An art work consisting of deposits of earth from each of the constituencies represented in the German Bundestag has been conceived by the New York based artist Hans Haacke for the courtyard of the former Reichstag building in Berlin. Growing plants from seeds of each region symbolizes the unity of Germany after its reunification. Assembling natural materials from different regions of a country or an empire belongs to an enduring tradition of political symbolism. Though often more precious and durable material have been deployed, there are political rituals which focus on lowly earth which represents the country's population. Haacke's art work for the Bundestag seems to actualize the material's political iconography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of communism in 1989/1990 has led not only to the establishment of new political systems and ideologies, but also to significant modifications in the visual self-representation of the respective states in Eastern and East Central Europe. Statues of communist heroes were abolished and replaced by monuments and memorials reflecting the new political situation. New state buildings were erected, and the old ones remodelled and adapted to the representational needs of the new authorities. In some cases, the political changes even have had a strong impact on principles of city planning, effecting urban structures of symbolic value. The focal points of these developments are the capital cities, being principal places of the execution of state power as well as of its self-representation. However, the conditions for the staging of the state in the capital are in each case different. They depend on one hand on the architectural shape and historic role of the city, and on the political situation and self-image of the state on the other. The article provides a comparative analysis of the changes in the political iconography of four East Central European capitals - Berlin, Warsaw, Prague and Bratislava - since 1989, focusing on selected monuments, architectural projects for state institutions and concepts of town planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Money is a powerful ideological messenger because of its omnipresence in everyday landscapes. Recent research on banknotes shows that images printed on money support the production and maintenance of national narratives, thus helping to legitimize power structures in the finest tradition of “banal nationalism.” We expand this scope by examining the carefully balanced coexistence of supranational cartography and national imagery on 120 euro coins. Our empirical study demonstrates the significance of metal money as a multi-faceted tool of political identity projects within the European Union. The study shows how recent contributions to visual methodologies are useful in the interpretation of monetary iconography. The findings are applicable to postage stamps and street names, the messages of which are similarly controlled by political elites. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]