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This study explores social studies teachers' self-reported instruction about teaching the 2020 election in U.S. secondary schools. We analyzed survey responses from 1,723 secondary social studies teachers from 12 states (3 left-leaning, 3 right-leaning, 6 battleground) collected in the weeks after the election, examining self-reported pedagogies, topics taught, and overall frequency of teaching about the election. Respondents reported teaching about the election more frequently if they taught courses in civics or government and/or if they had greater control over their curricula. Analyses indicated that teachers' demographic characteristics, teaching contexts, and ideologies about civic education were related to the election-related topics they taught and the instructional practices they employed. Our findings have important implications for educators, administrators, policymakers, and others interested in strengthening civic learning.

In this study, since no candidate received more than fifty percent of the votes in the TRNC Presidential election held on October 11, 2020, the election campaign visions of the candidates who made it to the second round and their latest commercials were analyzed using discourse analysis. For this purpose, the political advertising campaign contents of Mustafa Akinci and Ersin Tatar, who made it to the second round of the Presidential election, were examined under the four headings of language clarity and understandability, transmission of political messages, informative content, political ethics and impartiality, which are four items within the scope of educational language in political advertising, and their contribution to the election result was evaluated.

New communication technologies express the transformation of traditional communication technologies in parallel with technological development. New media tools, such as propaganda tools in political elections, have become widespread in recent years. The use of social media in political elections has gained significant importance in recent years. Social media platforms provide an environment where political campaigns, candidates and voters can interact, and information sharing occurs quickly and widely. Candidates and political parties use social media platforms to deliver campaign messages, announce their policies, and communicate with voters. Through visual and written content, videos, live broadcasts and posts, candidates directly interact with voters and mobilize their supporters. Social media is an effective tool for spreading political propaganda and reaching large audiences with political information. Candidates and their supporters share various social media content to influence voters, defend their policies and persuade voters. Social media platforms gauge voters' opinions and preferences through surveys and feedback. Candidates and political parties seek feedback on social media to identify voters' expectations and concerns, shape their campaigns accordingly, and improve their policies. TRNC 2020 Presidential Elections is an essential topic for political science and international relations thesis studies. These elections provide a rich source for examining the political atmosphere of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the election process, competition between candidates, election results, and political transformations. By discussing the use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections, this research examined how the candidates used social media channels and what the reflections were by revealing the political communication languages of the propaganda and the differences it created in social perception. Qualitative research methods and scanning models will be used in the research. The candidates' use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections was examined with their propaganda languages and statistics obtained in new media.

In the late nineteenth century, adult and public learning pedagogy were the key instruments utilised in the campaign to achieve Victorian Women's Suffrage. The democratic process of changing state government legislation on franchise demanded multiple pedagogical methods. Through the actions of Bessie Harrison Lee (1860-1950), this paper identifies the reaching out to urban and rural women by the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), where they engaged in a transformative exercise in consciousness-raising. This helped women visualise the possibilities of improving their lives through the democratic process. The WCTU taught Lee the value of female-centred political action. The WCTU and Lee's involvement successfully influenced the suffrage debate and contributed to the emerging international women's culture (McLean & Baroud, 2020, p. 506). Part of this culture featured Australian women adopting the petition as a political instrument. The petition had already had a long history in Britain, used by groups with little political influence. Ian Fletcher's conception of the British Empire as "a set of relations, rather than the sum of their parts, as frameworks structuring political, economic and cultural exchanges between metropole and colonies" is useful in understanding how political ideas travelled to and were adapted in the Australian context (Fletcher, Levine & Mayall, 2012, p. xiv). This paper argues that new ways of knowing were made possible by Lee, who, empowered by the evangelical faith (her cultural capital) spoke out confidently in public spaces such as town halls, outside public bars, and on the front doorsteps of women's homes in both cities and rural towns. These spaces were the places of learning, or as Bourdieu described, the field. Also, the meeting places of the WCTU, whether private lounge rooms or church halls, enabled women to support each other in the political process of debate, addressing community issues, and devising strategic plans to improve the lives of women. Through critical discourse analysis of newspaper reports, WCTU's publication The White Ribbon, the Victorian Alliance publication Alliance Record, and Lee's autobiography, this paper identifies these learning spaces. It also explores the community of practice in WCTU meetings, doorknocking, pamphleteering and the physical act of collecting signatures for the 1891 'Victorian Monster Petition'. The language and actions used to enact democratic activity that involves women in ways of saying, doing, and being full citizens are unlocked; however, the WCTU was exclusionary of Indigenous and non-Anglo-Celtic ancestry. Therefore, their learning spaces were complicit in the Great Silence (Stanner, 1968).

Preparing students to enter the workforce and attracting and retaining good teachers are Americans' top educational priorities for the next administration in Washington, regardless of who wins the upcoming presidential election, the 2024 PDK Poll finds. While eight in 10 or more Americans pick those two items as priorities, other policy priorities also win broad support. Seven in 10--or more--favor an increased focus on addressing student mental health, helping students who have fallen behind academically, and college affordability. The survey was produced by Langer Research Associates for PDK International, with data collected June 21 to July 1, 2024, in English and Spanish, among a representative, random national sample of 1,009 adults.

For the first time in U.S. higher education history, new international student enrollment at four-year U.S. institutions declined for the second consecutive academic year in 2017-2018. Many studies have investigated why international students choose to pursue U.S. higher education. However, scant research has explored how U.S. politics affects the number of new international students studying in the U.S. We explore whether there was a "red effect" (Republican counties) or a "blue effect" (Democratic counties) experiencing declines in international student enrollment. Using institutional-level fixed effects approaches, new international student enrollment declined at many institutions in Republican-voting counties, while new international student enrollment remained steady or increased at institutions in Democratic-voting counties. Implications for research, practice, and international education are addressed.

Given the pervasive influence of patriarchy in politics, women in the political arena must be equipped to address the various challenges that come with it. Therefore, there is a need for political education tailored to their specific needs. Women's political representation plays a vital role in advancing democracy. This study investigated political communication strategies and ideologies of Islamist parties in Indonesia, with a focus on enhancing female politicians' voters through political education. One of the Islamic parties in this research is the Prosperous Justice Party, also known as Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). The study employed a qualitative approach as the primary research method. The research suggests that Islamic parties can enhance their political communication strategies by integrating their political ideology. This political ideology can be transformed into guiding principles and spiritual development platforms that serve as a form of political education for political party cadres. This study highlights the challenges faced by those who may be reluctant to fully support women in politics. The strategy employed by PKS does not involve the abandonment of its core party ideology but rather focuses on reinforcing and promoting this ideology among its cadres and sympathizers through effective da'wah and cadre development.

Background: Political scientists have repeatedly argued that politicians' behaviour can be influenced by their beliefs about their constituents' ability to hold them accountable. Yet, how such accountability beliefs affect politicians' information processing or behaviour remains understudied. Aims and objectives: I investigate how accountability beliefs influence information processing of members of parliament (MPs). I analyse whether MPs, who believe that their voters can hold them accountable, evaluate expertise in the news differently than their colleagues, who perceive less voter control. Method: I rely on original data from a survey experiment carried out among 1,191 Swiss MPs. In the experiment, MPs evaluated expert statements in the news on health policy issues that varied regarding the source, the evidence base and the degree of advocacy. I then analyse how these evaluations vary, depending on MPs' accountability beliefs. Findings: Accountability beliefs indeed affect evaluations of expert credibility: MPs with strong accountability beliefs tend to be not only more sceptical about experts, who may be deemed biased (corporation experts), they also perceive experts advocating for specific policy solutions less negatively. However, contrary to expectations, MPs with strong accountability beliefs prefer experts using an opinion-based instead of an evidence-based language, at least on some issues. Discussion and conclusion: This paper highlights the importance of accountability beliefs when seeking to understand how MPs evaluate and eventually use expertise in the news. However, it also suggests that these relationships warrant further investigation across different political issues and geopolitical contexts.

While biographical sketches of many publicly elected leaders in the US exist, little is known about the connection between serving in college student government and running for or serving in elected public office after college. This phenomenological study explored the experiences of 19 former college student government officers in elected, post-college public office. Notably, former college student government officers felt like they were in public office all along and that student government was a microcosm of post-college public life. College campaigns and elections were preparatory experiences, and college student government was a "training ground" for later elected office and representational leadership.

Our research team explored a political campaign that targeted the Magic City Acceptance Academy (MCAA) as the 'first transgender public school in the South'. Located near Birmingham, Alabama, MCAA opened in fall 2021 as one of the first LGBTQ + affirming charter schools in the United States. In spring 2022, gubernatorial candidate Tim James launched a series of negative TV and radio ads that defamed MCAA, ostensibly to generate votes from the ultra-conservate right wing of the Republican party. Our team conducted an embedded case study of the Tim James campaign as part of a multifaceted phenomenological case study of MCAA. We drew data from media coverage, key informant interviews, and a student focus group. Study findings revealed three themes: concerns for student safety, community support, and unanticipated benefits. Findings further suggested that Tim James' overt heterosexist actions inherently endorsed binary framings of sexuality and gender, which served his political interests and sought to normalize and privilege cisnormativity and heterosexuality while marginalizing and excluding the needs of LGBTQ + students. The hate speech comprising James' TV and radio ads reflects anti-LGBTQ + ideology and may serve as a preview of future campaigns that seek to demonize the LGBTQ + community for political gain.

Two movies about events in 1963 and 1972 are discussed. They are Rustin and Shirley. The movies concern the actions of Bayard Rustin in organizing the March on Washington for Peace and Jobs and the actions of Shirley Chisholm in organizing her campaign for the Presidency of the United States. The events took place more than half a century ago. They are important historically, but they are rarely referred to in relation to current issues. The participation of Rustin and Chisholm are almost forgotten by the general public. The appearance of the movies suggests the possibility of renewed interest in those events and those times. The significance of the events and the movies is explored, and their relevance to current issues is discussed.

What do pupils learn from bilingual interventions of civic education? This paper addresses this question by analyzing survey responses of 301 pupils who participated in a bilingual role-play about a televised debate on the 2022 French presidential election in French foreign language classes. The study shows, first, that the intervention significantly strengthened the specific interest in the election campaign. Second, both internal efficacy and subjective knowledge increased, as did, third, pupils' actual knowledge about the election. Fourth, it appears that the pupils were able to sharpen their understanding of French political culture. However, it should also be noted that all other constructs that can be attributed to intercultural learning did not experience any changes as a result of participation in the intervention. This is also true for participants' general interest in politics, basal and advanced participation intentions, and external efficacy. I identify subjective knowledge about the French presidential election, internal efficacy, advanced participation intentions, and pupils' cultural self-reflexivity as key drivers for strengthening intercultural understanding about the French political culture. Our paper concludes by discussing the limitations of the study and its implications for empirical research and practice in bilingual civic education.

Using a social justice framework provides opportunities to engage pre-service and in-service teachers in reflexive thinking centered on issues of access, equity, and social justice. This is particularly prudent in light of recently documented cases of injustice. In attempting to undertake a critical stance, there is value in embracing what Freire (2000) describes as "conscientization" or critical consciousness; acts which directly challenge marginalized thinking. In this time of post-truth politics, there is an even greater moral imperative to explore the covert and overt subversions being used to normalize the undermining of the BIPOC community and instructors whose work pushes students to confront issues of race, racism, marginalization and privilege. In this article, personal narratives are used to discuss an African American faculty member's experiences preparing teacher candidates before, during, and immediately following the 2016 election in the United States.

This study examines the effectiveness of a race and reporting course-based student journalism project, a partnership between a university and a national media outlet, which aimed to center the concerns of young voters during the 2020 presidential election and expand training of student journalists. This qualitative study explains how student journalists' training in intersectional reporting helped them to produce complex stories about diverse young voters' presidential election concerns during one of the most unique presidential elections in American history--one held during a global health pandemic and on the heels of a racial justice uprising.

This article examines the educational experiences of undocumented high school students during the Trump administration--a time marked by the intensification and expansion of immigration enforcement practices. Drawing on 24 in-depth interviews, we find that undocumented high school students experienced increased instances of bullying near the time of the 2016 U.S. presidential elections. Our respondents also worried about the growing uncertainty surrounding immigration policies and the future of DACA. This uncertainty shaped their plans; many students felt compelled to prioritize working and delay starting college to make use of their work permit while they had access to DACA and build emergency savings. While the current political climate gravely exacerbated students' fear and anxiety, students demonstrated a tremendous amount of resiliency, agency, and determination to achieve their goals. We find that access to a support network and encouraging school personnel played a key role. Thus, we conclude this article with a set of key recommendations for educators and counselors who are working with undocumented students and their families on the ground. [Additional funding for this project was provided by North County Higher Education Alliance, Latino Center for Leadership Development, the Sociological Initiatives Foundation, National Latino Research Center, and UndocuScholars at UCLA.]

Using the ecological systems theory, this study highlights the significant impact the political climate in the United States (i.e., anti-immigrant sentiments and violence) has on undocumented Latinx parents' engagement in their children's education. Drawing from a larger qualitative, interview-based study that explored how undocumented Latinx parents were involved and engaged in their children's postsecondary access and success (Cuevas, 2019; 2020), this study focuses on undocumented parents' experiences and processing of the 2016 Presidential Election. Findings illustrate how the explicit racist, anti-immigrant, and nativist narratives then-Republican Presidential Candidate Donald Trump campaigned under and won forced undocumented Latinx parents to (re)evaluate how their undocumented immigration status impacted their parenting behaviors. Specifically, the election results caused parents to (1) increase their hyperawareness of the repercussions of their immigration status; (2) reconsider what their deportation would imply for their children; and (3) reflect what DACA and a college degree meant for their undocumented children. In a time of constant anti-immigrant sentiment and racialized nativism, it becomes important to consider the impact these messages have on parents, and consequently, their children and their educational futures.

This paper analyses the use of Twitter as a presidential communication channel during the first few months of the COVID-19 crisis. The aim is to determine how four recently elected presidents (those of Spain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil) managed their political communication, and to explore the thesis that they resorted to populist messages during the first months of their terms in office. Using a qualitative methodology and the XL Node tool to capture data, a comparative analysis was performed on the messages posted on their personal Twitter accounts during the first 20 weeks of 2020, classified in six categories: polarization; conspiracy; exaltation and leadership; personalisation and privacy; emotions and feelings; and media publicity. The results indicate that the four presidents share populist traits, but to a different extent. López Obrador and Bolsonaro display a more populist profile, with emotional appeals to the people and to their saving action as regards the implementation of health policies. Conversely, Alberto Fernández and Pedro Sánchez are more akin to the pop politician profile, posting photographs and media messages with a view to receiving press coverage. Both post tweets, based on values and historical events, aimed at their grassroots supporters. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has enhanced the presidential and personalist profiles of the four leaders, although their actions during the COVID-19 crisis were not necessarily in keeping with the populist paradigm. Thus, Sánchez and Bolsonaro implemented a health management communication strategy, while López Obrador and Fernández paid scant attention to health policy.

College experiences can contribute to teaching, learning, and instruction within higher education. The framework for this essay treats the college community as prototypic of the U.S. political society. Several aspects of the national political culture have been approximated within a collegiate culture. For example, every political problem within our society can be represented in a miniature fashion within a program of studies in a university. Much of students' political information can come from the interaction between teachers and students. However, a sizable portion of this learned information can extend through interaction among students. At that point, teachers would point students to information that expands their reservoir of collegiate information. Ultimately, students would refine their political information by exchanging valuable information with one another, as well as with their teachers. We have chosen to target higher education rather than pre-collegiate levels in emphasizing how higher education and our democratic system of government can be intertwined. We highlight the possibilities of college students' understanding and appreciating others' political views in working with one another rather than against one another in educational and political planning. Specifically, we include in this report the following issues: (a) political information resources routinely available in higher education, (b) college students' learning to participate in broader political conversation, (c) college students' examination of high profile U.S. constitutional declarations, (d) college students' deepened comprehension of their own political perspectives, and (e) college students' understanding that the knowledge derived from higher education can strengthen our democratic system of government.

e was the largest student journalism project ever undertaken in Australia. Approximately 1000 students from 28 universities worked to cover the 2016 federal election. The project aimed to provide effective training on political reporting in a work-integrated learning environment. Utilising a combination of analysis and descriptions of the project and a survey research methodology, the results of this project suggest that by placing student reporters in the midst of a fluid and highly contested election environment they learn by observing and doing. The project demonstrated that students' attitudes to, and aptitude for, covering politics varied greatly, but that the skills needed for political reporting can be improved through projects such as UniPollWatch.

This research aimed: (1) to study the political participation of the monk and novice students in MCUKK as the guideline to develop the political participation instruction for MCUKK students; and (2) to suggest the ways to promote the political participation instruction of the monk and novice students. The population of the research was the bachelor degree students: monks and novices (n = 266) of MCUKK. The key informants (15) including 1 educational administrator, 2 directors of Political Science Programs (Bachelor and Master), and 2 lecturers, 10 students selected by Purposive Sampling. This study was conducted by means of the mixed research methodology: quantitative research and qualitative research. The tools used in this research were the five-rating scale questionnaire and an in-depth interview. The research findings indicated that: (1) the political participation of the students in four studied aspects were statistically rated the moderate level; and (2) the university lecturers should pay attention to educating the legal rights and importance of political participation in terms of voting, political news, political campaign and political rally for the students. The finding suggested that teaching political participation should be managed properly, although there is the law that prohibits monks or novices to get involved in politics.

Recent studies on student politics and governance have shown that electoral clientelism (EC) in university student elections is often facilitated by clientelist relations between student leaders and political parties. However, there is a dearth of empirical research investigating the various forms of electoral clientelism, as manifested through vote-buying practices in campus electoral politics in African universities. This article, therefore, investigates the multifaceted and changing dynamics of vote-buying in student electoral processes in Ghanaian universities. The study adopted a qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with 15 student leaders, 4 university staff working with student leadership, and 4 focus group interviews involving students at the University of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. From our finding, we argue that electoral clientelism takes place in five crucial ways in university student elections in Ghana. These include the provision of direct cash payments, exchanging electoral support for student government positions and appointments, provision of food and beverage consumables, award of student-related business contracts, and provision of educational materials and souvenirs.

Election campaigns are constantly regarded as a persuasive campaign to convince the nation to vote for the leader of a country. Being said such, this study investigates the discourse of twitter of two political premiers in Asia: Former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Tun Razak (henceforth, Najib) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi (henceforth, Modi), in the aspects of discursive strategies and speech acts during election campaigns. The discourse of Najib and Modi are selected due to their active participation on Twitter throughout election campaigns. The data were collected over 3 months throughout the national elections of both the countries, which were from February to April 2013 in Malaysia and January to March 2014 in India. This qualitative study employs Wodak's discursive strategies to analyze the lexical choices utilized in the election tweets and Searle's speech act taxonomy to analyze the speech acts used. The presence of two major speech acts was highlighted during the elections: commissives and directives. These two speech acts collaborated under the hood of discursive strategies of predication and perspectivation that empowered Najib and Modi to establish a strong contact with citizens while creating a sense of integrity and oneness. This study is significant as it creates political and language awareness to citizens by denoting how political figures establish power through mutual consent with citizens using Twitter. Furthermore, this study enlightens citizens on how the 140-character tool can influence the political decision-making of a community.

Social workers are ethically bound to engage in political action. Serving in elected office is one influential way they can fulfill this responsibility. The purpose of this study was to identify ways social work education and professional organizations can support elected office as a social work career trajectory. Nine political social workers who held or campaigned for elected office in a Midwestern state were interviewed. Thematic analysis was used to identify and conceptualize four themes: politically focused coursework, government and legislative field placements, professional organization support, and peer support. Examples of existing supports are provided, followed by practical recommendations to increase support of elected office as a career trajectory at the program and organization level.

The benefits of experiential learning are well-documented, but large course enrollment can be seen as a barrier to providing meaningful experiential learning experiences. Political science literature on experiential learning in large undergraduate classes has prioritized simulations of political processes over direct student engagement in actual political processes. This multiple case study analyzes two in-class electoral candidate debates, one municipal and one federal, organized in a 300-student introductory social welfare course. Detailing the tensions inherent to organizing for maximum student engagement, and drawing on qualitative data from 73 student reflections, we found that in-class electoral candidate debates are feasible and effective as an experiential civic education activity. Though preparation work was complex and substantial, in-class candidate debates resulted in a rich learning foundation for the whole course. Key components for effective learning included student generated topics and questions and a wide range of candidates. Debriefing was also essential given the varied levels of prior knowledge inevitable in large classes. This paper extends the literature on teaching in the large policy classroom to a promising new experiential learning activity. It provides useful guidance for others who wish to harness the benefits of experiential civic education in large classes.

Analysis of political and visual arguments is a key exercise traditionally included in undergraduate argumentation courses. This activity teaches students how to identify and analyze political candidate arguments presented on visual social media platforms, demonstrating how argumentation theory applies to social media campaigns. In the exercise, students identify an active political candidate's Instagram account and select a recent post for analysis, focusing primarily on evaluating the visual arguments created within the post. After the analysis, students present their findings to the class, including evidence of the most compelling visual arguments identified. This activity incorporates the use of a familiar visual medium to help students connect argumentation theories and concepts with relevant social media messages they may encounter in their daily lives. It also capitalizes on students' existing use of popular visual social media to introduce basic argumentation theory, political communication practices, and visual argument analysis techniques. Courses: This single-class activity is useful in undergraduate communication courses related to argumentation, political communication, and social media messaging. Relevant courses can include argumentation and advocacy, political argumentation, or visual argument analysis units of any course. For example, this activity can be successfully deployed in an Introduction to Political Communication course's unit on the use of visual media during political campaigns. Objectives: The learning objectives of this activity are: (1) to analyze visual arguments as they appear on social media and (2) to identify specific elements of strong and weak political arguments on a visually dominant social media platform.

This instrumental case study of Generation Z preservice teachers enrolled in elementary teaching methods courses in social studies and literacy explores the impact of polarization on their political engagement and teaching. Using the 2020 presidential election as a teachable moment, participants developed and taught literacy-infused civics units in order to bring to light their understandings of their role in preparing elementary students as political actors. This study has important implications for how teacher educators can better facilitate elementary preservice teachers' own political engagement, thereby ensuring equitable democratic learning opportunities for students.

Research, media sources, and polls have identified negative effects associated with presidential elections. The aim of this research was to investigate associations between US presidential election results and mental health outcomes in university students. This investigation consisted of two independent studies. Study 1 analyzed data collected between the years 2000 and 2016 from students who utilized counseling services (N = 32,506) at a large, private, conservative institution in the western United States. Study 2 analyzed data collected between the years 2010 and 2016 from over 100 university counseling centers across the United States. Upon analyzing the quantitative and qualitative data, the results did not support the findings that presidential elections negatively impact the mental health outcomes of students who receive university counseling services. Furthermore, there was no detectable increase in student distress regardless of election year, age, ethnicity, gender, religion, relationship status, sexual orientation, geographic region, citizenship, and first-generation student status.

Conspiracy beliefs have been studied mostly through cross-sectional designs. We conducted a five-wave longitudinal study (N = 376; two waves before and three waves after the 2020 American presidential elections) to examine if the election results influenced specific conspiracy beliefs and conspiracy mentality, and whether effects differ between election winners (i.e., Biden voters) versus losers (i.e., Trump voters) at the individual level. Results revealed that conspiracy mentality kept unchanged over 2 months, providing first evidence that this indeed is a relatively stable trait. Specific conspiracy beliefs (outgroup and ingroup conspiracy beliefs) did change over time, however. In terms of group-level change, outgroup conspiracy beliefs decreased over time for Biden voters but increased for Trump voters. Ingroup conspiracy beliefs decreased over time across all voters, although those of Trump voters decreased faster. These findings illuminate how specific conspiracy beliefs are, and conspiracy mentality is not, influenced by an election event.

During modern general election cycles, information to forecast the electoral outcome is plentiful. So-called fundamentals like economic growth provide information early in the cycle. Trial-heat polls become informative closer to Election Day. Our model builds on (Linzer, 2013) and is implemented in Stan (Team, 2020). We improve on the estimation of state-level trends, the internal consistency of different predictions at the state and national level, and provide an adjustment for differential nonresponse bias across the cycle. The model forecast a Democratic win with probability in the 80-90% range during most of the 2020 U.S. presidential election campaign, conditional on the two major candidates staying in the race, no major third-party challenges, and no unprecedented challenges with turnout or vote counting.

Radical-right campaigns commonly employ three discursive elements: anti-elite populism, exclusionary and declinist nationalism, and authoritarianism. Recent scholarship has explored whether these frames have diffused from radical-right to centrist parties in the latter's effort to compete for the former's voters. This study instead investigates whether similar frames had been used by mainstream political actors prior to their exploitation by the radical right (in the U.S., Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 campaigns). To do so, we identify instances of populism, nationalism (i.e., exclusionary and inclusive definitions of national symbolic boundaries and displays of low and high national pride), and authoritarianism in the speeches of Democratic and Republican presidential nominees between 1952 and 2020. These frames are subtle, infrequent, and polysemic, which makes their measurement difficult. We overcome this by leveraging the affordances of neural language models--in particular, a robustly optimized variant of bidirectional encoder representations from Transformers (RoBERTa) and active learning. As we demonstrate, this approach is more effective for measuring discursive frames than other methods commonly used by social scientists. Our results suggest that what set Donald Trump's campaign apart from those of mainstream presidential candidates was not the invention of a new form of politics, but the combination of negative evaluations of elites, low national pride, and authoritarianism--all of which had long been present among both parties--with an explicit evocation of exclusionary nationalism, which had been articulated only implicitly by prior presidential nominees. Radical-right discourse--at least at the presidential level in the United States--should therefore be characterized not as a break with the past but as an amplification and creative rearrangement of existing political-cultural tropes.

In Fall 2022, the U.S. Education Department unveiled a drastic overhaul of federal student loan policies. The new rules serve as a key vehicle to advance the Biden administration's higher education agenda. However, some of the final regulations look quite different from the policy proposals initially outlined in President Joe Biden's campaign platform and early presidency. Biden campaigned on bold plans to expand higher education access and affordability, provide broader debt relief for student loan borrowers, and to strengthen institutional accountability measures. Shortly after taking office, President Biden signed a series of executive directives and sent to Congress a pair of expansive legislative proposals highlighting the administration's immediate priorities.

Using the concepts of apologia, image repair and rhetoric, this paper examines the strategies employed by a former president of the Republic of Ghana to simultaneously maintain his reputation after losing the 2016 Ghanaian general elections and campaign for re-lection as the standard bearer of his party. The paper finds that the former president did not accept responsibility for the electoral loss, but used several indirect ways to deny responsibility for the defeat. He employed "bolstering, accusation/attack, playing the victim, throwing a challenge" and "the God's will factor" as defence strategies in order to repair his image. He exploited the Aristotelian appeals of "logos, ethos and pathos" to boost his persuasion. In doing so, he deployed several rhetorical tools such as "metaphor, allusion, rhetorical questions" and "parallelism" to enhance the expression of the defence strategies. The analysis reveals that, as noted in the literature, some of the image repair strategies espoused by Benoit (1995, 2015), for example, outright denial and mortification, hardly apply to political contexts -- the former President's defence was indirectly expressed. Thus, the paper concludes that combining the concepts of apologia, image repair and rhetoric in the analysis of political discourse can illuminate political discourse analysis. The paper has implications for communicating defence, reputation repair and political rhetoric.

This paper is aimed at highlighting the problem of the use of emotive-evaluative vocabulary in the English-language mass media political discourse, which is a relevant topic since the scope of media texts in English is widespread in the information community and the media language is the basic means for communication, phrasing, conveying and storing information. Political discourse is a popular area of research of linguistics, as it covers all aspects of modern life and society. Being mainly broadcasted by the politicians, it is considered a complex linguistic phenomenon, whose objectives, direct or indirect, are aimed at disseminating, implementing political authorities and obtaining the majority of votes during the election campaigns. The article is devoted to the evaluation categories, which refer to the semantic and pragmatic categories and can be one of the strongest tools of influence on the public. Within the framework of our research 29 English articles, posted on the Internet, concerning the political leaders of the United States and Great Britain, attributing the personal characteristics to them, were analysed. Using the continuous sampling method there was found 214 examples of English emotive-evaluative vocabulary. During the study, the methods of compilation, interpretation, and descriptive methods were used.

This paper explores the creation and content of apps about Donald Trump (n=412) published in Google Play between June 2015 and January 2018. The relevance of the study stems from both its objectives and its methodology. On the one hand, the aim was to characterise the profile, motivations and purposes of the developers of Donald Trump apps; and on the other, to identify the main features of the discourses in the most downloaded apps. The study relied on two resources: a qualitative questionnaire of open questions for developers (n=376), and a quantitative analysis of the content of apps that exceeded 5,000 downloads (n=117). The questionnaire identified the influence of political current affairs in the developers' ideological and economic motivations, while the content analysis revealed the trends found over time, as well as the themes, discourses and ideological positioning of the most popular apps about Donald Trump. The findings provide an empirical basis for how the content of these apps was articulated with the news; the influence of content that went viral; hegemonic discourses; and the role played by developers of new expressive, commercial, informative and persuasive proposals in the intersection between mobile apps and political campaigns.

Politics and politicking in Nigeria has assumed a considerably new dimension. Actors articulate their ideology and programmes, and construct their subjects and experiences in diverse linguistic processes with a view to achieving political victory. This paper examines clause structures of President Buhari's "My Covenant with Nigerians" to reveal the transitivity processes employed by the President in this famous campaign speech in 2015 presidential election. This study utilized "Transitivity Processes," which is rooted in Halliday's (1985) "Systemic Functional Grammar," in order to uncover different process types and main participants in the speech, and to explain the functions which these processes perform in the speech in helping the speaker to convey his ideology to Nigerians and convince them to rally support for him. Specifically, objective of this study is the uncover transitivity process types in the speech, their frequency, function and ideological underpinnings. The study reveals that President Muhammadu Buhari utilized mental and verbal processes perception, affection, cognition and volition, and verbal process of "saying" to appeal to the masses, and to commit himself to serve Nigerians. He equally used material and relational processes to encode his ideology, persuade the people and achieve political victory.

This article surveys the library and information science (LIS) response to the problems of fake news and misinformation from the 2016 U.S. presidential election to the end of 2018, focusing on how librarians and other information professionals in the United States have articulated the problems and the paths forward for combating them. Additionally, the article attempts to locate the LIS response in a larger interdisciplinary misinformation research program, provide commentary on the response in view of that research program, and lay out both a possible research agenda for the field and practical next steps for educators ahead of the 2020 election.

Despite the decreasing number of immigrants and their negligible presence, migration has dominated Hungarian public discourse. The article investigates issues related to migration in three contexts. First, samples from the government's immigration discourse, including a legislative package proposal and billboards, are subjected to critical discourse analysis to establish what terminology and rhetorical devices are used to evoke particular kinds of emotion in the readers. Second, the billboards of a counter-campaign organised by a Hungarian joke political party are explored to examine how they managed to turn around the message of the official campaign. Third, the paper investigates whether state education in Hungary can establish the golden mean and provide a balanced view of migration. For exploring the latter question, documents, such as the Hungarian National Core Curriculum in general and the section on the teaching of foreign languages in particular are analysed. The findings of the analyses show inconsistencies in the use of the relevant terminology and a predominantly biased view of migration in Hungary.

Teachers' positionality within the political landscape has evolved rapidly over recent election cycles. In Texas, nationwide teacher advocacy and anti-teacher state legislation motivated teachers to become politically involved. Increased teacher voting greatly impacted the 2018 election results, which led statewide leaders and legislators of the 86th Texas legislative session (2019) to center teachers as a key component of school finance reform. Moving forward, it is important to understand other factors that are interrelated with the positionality of the education profession, such as gender, class, and the ability to run for office. Additionally, in order to maintain their centrality in the legislative decision-making process, teachers must develop action plans collectively.

Following the 2016 US presidential election, schools reported an alarming level of fear and anxiety among students of color, increased racial and ethnic tensions in the classroom, and fear of deportation for immigrant youth. Collectively, this phenomenon has been termed "the Trump effect." In this study, we examined the details surrounding a specific incident of racial violence at a high school in a Northeast town to provide an emic perspective on this phenomenon. We examined how the events, school response, and vitriolic rhetoric and political discourse in the larger culture contributed to the racialized identities of students who were at the heart of the events.