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Following identification of the areas of electoral support for the ruling parties since 1996 and subsequent analysis of the selection of ministers by each party, it was found that centre-right parties nominated more ministers from their areas of electoral support, mainly from Prague and other large cities. On the other hand, left-wing parties nominated ministers from similar areas to centre-right parties, even if they did not draw their electoral support from there. The Public Affairs party, which was established in Prague, nominated all its ministers from Prague, despite the fact that for the party it was not an area of electoral support. It is evident that, for the completion of a minister’s mandate, it is not important whether he or she comes from an area of electoral support. Only TOP 09, the Greens and KDU-ČSL (1998 elections) used the nomination of ministers to maximise votes within electoral regions, which could be identified as areas of electoral support in the previous elections. On the other hand, with ODA and ANO 2011, ministers were used outside the territory of electoral support, which may be related to the improvement of the election result in regions where the party was not so successful.

This article explores the understudied question of who is likely to become a minister in the Czech Republic. It analyses some of the key characteristics of Czech ministers in the period from 1993 till 2018: we focus mainly on education and carriers before and after the office. The first goal is to identify reservoir pools from which Czech ministers tend to be recruited. The second is to apply a new typology based on Blondel's distinction between specialists and generalists, combined with the distinction between politicians and technocrats. Individual governments are then compared based on the relative representation of each of these types of ministers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article estimates seat distribution among political parties in Slovakia's Parliament using the most recent electoral outcomes and varying a constituency magnitude and a seat distribution formula. The goal of the article is to discuss introducing possible minor reforms of the electoral system with the aim to eliminate party system fragmentation and to reinforce governing efficiency. Consideration is given to the historical evolution of the electoral system and past amendment proposals. Results demonstrate that minor electoral reform would not by itself lead to the desired changes in the party system. In an endeavour to reduce the number of political parties in the Parliament, a change of at least two aspects of the electoral systems would be necessary - seat distribution formula and constituency magnitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the relationship between electoral support of the Green Party in the Czech Republic and the level of post-materialism on municipal level. Indicators of post-materialism (lower age, university education, middle and upper class/income, lower unemployment rate in the municipality, and larger municipality size) are based on the concept of post-materialism developed by Ronald Inglehart as well as other studies. The study analyses data aggregated at the municipal level, first for the whole nation and then in more depth for two selected regions. Quantitative methods and techniques, mainly correlation and regression, are used to determine the relationship between the variables. We find that although there are connections and influences between post-materially oriented regions and support for the Green Party, the relationship is not particularly strong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the possibility of introducing a majority electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic, and discusses the virtues and drawbacks of such a system. It recalculates the electoral results from two previous elections using majority electoral systems (first-past-the-post and two round majority system) to examine how such a change could influence the formation of governmental majorities in the chamber and what the possible consequences for the quality of democracy in the Czech Republic could be. The results show that majority system would likely radically simplify the formation of governments with clear majorities, and hinder emerging populist parties as well as weaken the communist party. On the other hand, the adoption of a majority system would substantially lower barriers to enter the chamber, which could lead to the disintegration of the party system and its increased fragmentation. Combined with the common practice of Czech politicians to hold various mandates at different levels of the political system at the same time, this could be a significant risk factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this work is to describe the spatial distribution of the electoral base of the French radical right-wing party National Front between the years 2002–2014 and its spatial transformation after the change on the party's presidential post. The analysis is based on the results of the presidential, legislative and European elections. Common electoral geography methods illustrated by maps of electoral support are used in this work. The examined spatial unit is a departement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to discuss the electoral base of left-wing political parties in the Czech Republic and Slovakia after 1993, i.e., after the breakup of the joint federal state. The main focus of research is the distribution of electoral support in these countries, its evolution, and the mutual stability among parties it has shown in elections to the legislatures of both countries. Each country is divided into fairly similar units. In the Czech Republic, these are municipalities with extended powers and, in Slovakia, districts. The election results presented are compared with the demographic structure of selected individual regions and subsequently analyzed. The result addresses whether and to what extent the electoral base of relatively similar left-wing political parties in these neighbouring countries are alike or unalike. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2010 Senate Elections and Voter Shifts between the First and Second Rounds. The article concerns elections to the Senate of the Czech Parliament. Primarily, it refers to potential shifts of voter preference between the first and second rounds of the Senate elections. The fundamental tool for determining this trend is the Bayesian ecological inference model, through the use of which the authors attempt to answer the question of how the voters from the first round voted in the second round one week later when the options were reduced to only two candidates. The text analyzes these processes in detail in five electoral districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the electoral results of Slovak national party in two last parliamentary elections and its main aim is to analyze the decline of voter support for the extreme right electoral list in the last parliamentary elections. The text is a comparative study using mainly two statistical instruments: correlation analysis and variation of electoral results analysis. The analyses is based on data aggregated on the level of 79 Slovak districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis focuses on distribution of electoral support of social democratic parties in both former Czechoslovakian countries. The main object of research is distribution of electoral support of Czech Social Democratic Party and SMER - Social Democracy in 2002 and 2006 Parliamentary election. The geographic stability of vote distribution is compared in 91 Czech counties and 79 Slovak counties. The changes of regional support are expected mainly in case of Slovakian SMER - Social Democracy. In the Period of 2002 and 2006 The Party shifted: as a non-ideological centre party at the beginning of party existence, SMER - Social democracy became the main left-wing party in Slovak politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]