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Dental anthropology is a subdiscipline of biological anthropology that is concerned with the nonclinical study of teeth. As such, the discipline is distinct from that of forensic odontology, yet still of relevance within forensic anthropology and a medicolegal context. This review of dental anthropology differentiates it as a distinct field of study and highlights its role within medicolegal death investigations, particularly the role of the dentition in estimating parameters of the biological profile. The development and history of dental anthropology in relation to forensic anthropology are outlined. The differentiation of the roles of the dental/forensic anthropologist and the forensic odontologist is discussed. The potential role of the dentition in estimating parameters of the biological profile is discussed, as are the relevant biological processes. Finally, the need for advanced training in dental anthropology is emphasized, as is the potential for future research within this emerging field of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is broad discussion of the higher numbers of women in the forensic sciences, particularly when compared to other science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) fields. In this discussion, we focus on forensic anthropology. We begin with an historical overview of the role of women in the discipline; data are then provided that outline the numbers of women scholars and practitioners over time. We then explore the different roles of men and women in regard to leadership positions, professional awards, awarded grant-funding, job hiring trends, presentations at the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS) annual meeting, and publications in the Journal of Forensic Sciences. While the number of women in forensic anthropology is greatly increasing, the discipline has been slow to also grow the visibility of women in positions of leadership or to honor them with prestigious awards. One reason for this finding may be that women are subjected to bias and harassment, which may cause them to leave forensic anthropology at various points along the way, or lead to their contribution being less valued. These findings are discussed within the context of gendered expectations, and suggestions are provided on how to improve the retention of women as well as to diversify the discipline in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"A field that is unable to distinguish the proper from the improper, the ethical from the unethical, must tolerate all behaviors equally, since no neutral principle exists for accepting some and condemning others. As stated earlier, both reports found that Dr. Mann and Dr. Monge exhibited poor judgment; however, this conduct did not violate professional, ethical, or legal standards. C.S.A. §5510), this has a two-year statute of limitations, which the Tucker Law Group argued would not apply to Dr. Mann (as he was only responsible for the remains from 1985 to 2001, when he retired) or Dr. Monge (because she was only responsible for the remains from 2001 to 2019) (Tucker Law Group 2021, 77). The Tucker Law Group notes that the ethical code of the Society of American Archaeologists (SAA) is aspirational and has no principles that "relate specifically to the custody and use of the unidentified MOVE remains by either Monge or Mann" (Tucker Law Group 2021, 77). [Extracted from the article]

Objectives: There are currently no baseline data regarding the amount and types of case reports produced by forensic anthropologists. This research fills that gap by providing data on caseloads of practicing forensic anthropologists and identifying variables that may contribute to amount and type of casework. Materials and methods: A survey was distributed to practicing forensic anthropologists (n = 364) to explore number of case reports written and possible influential factors. Questions included demographic information, employment type, institution where master's degree or PhD were obtained, type of reports written, professional organization membership, certification, graduate research focus, among others. Data were analyzed using summary statistics, a random forest model, network analysis, and structural equation modeling. Results: The mean number of sole‐authored skeletal analysis reports per year was 12.33 and field recovery reports was 2 per year. Statistical analyses identified several variables influencing case loads which included: number of fieldwork reports per year, current employment, total number of cases analyzed, age, publication record, and institution of doctoral degree. Network analyses revealed that individuals in academic settings tended to have a bioarchaeological research focus from their graduate work, whereas those in an applied setting had a focus on forensic anthropology. Further, degree institution influenced employment type. Discussion/conclusions: These data address expectations for the number of cases analyzed by a forensic anthropologist per year and set a baseline for expectations and performance. Based on these results, we suggest that forensic anthropology is underutilized in the medicolegal death investigation system and more forensic anthropologists should be employed within Medical Examiner/Coroner's Offices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1992, Norm Sauer called for a language shift in which practitioners would move away from the socially loaded term "race" and replace it with the less provocative term "ancestry." While many heeded the call and moved towards ancestry in their research and reports, the actual approach to research and analysis did not change. In response to this change, there was a large growth in ancestry estimation method development in the early decade of the 2000s. However, the practice of ancestry estimation did not adequately incorporate evolutionary theory in interpretation or trait selection and continued with little critical reflection. In the past decade, there has been an increase in ancestry validation methods with little critique of the "race" concept or discussion of modern human variation or reference samples. To advance, forensic anthropologists need to reckon with the practice of ancestry estimation as it is currently practiced. We are calling for another reform in the axiom focusing on evolutionary theory, population history, trait selection, and population‐level reference samples. The practice needs to abandon the terms ancestry and race completely and recalibrate to an analysis of population affinity. Population affinity is a statistical approach based on the underlying population structure that would allow the understanding of how microevolutionary forces act in concert with historical events (e.g., colonization, the Transatlantic Slave Trade, etc.) to shape modern human variation. This is not to be confused with geographic ancestry that all too often can be perceived as interchangeable with social race and as an affirmation of the biological concept of race. It is time to critically evaluate the social and scientific implications of the current practice of ancestry estimation, and re‐frame our approach to studying and analyzing modern human variation through a population structure approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most biological anthropologists acknowledge that phenotypic human variation is distinct from human race. However, there is the potential for the research on human variation to be (mis)interpreted by the public as a reification of biological races. To explore this possible misuse, this study is a content analysis of articles (n = 1146) in the prominent race science journals Mankind Quarterly; The Journal of Social, Political, and Economic Studies; and The Occidental Quarterly. The goal is to investigate how race science employs research in biological and forensic anthropology to justify arguments. Articles were evaluated according to country affiliation, discipline, data sets, racial/ethnic terminology, position on racial hierarchy, position on racial segregation and eugenics, focus of study, views of scientific community, and the average power index (PI). Additionally, specific examples of (mis)appropriation are highlighted. Though the primary discipline represented in these publications is psychology, biological anthropology maintains a presence. Skeletal and dental traits, genetics, and paleoanthropological data are used to argue for biological racial differences and taxonomic distinctions. The research of forensic ancestry estimation was regularly used to legitimize the concept of biological race. While the PIs of the articles are low, they are present on the internet and circulate within social media. The continued use of biological anthropology to reinforce racial essentialism should force practitioners to question the ethical implications of their research. Finally, we provide discussion regarding shifts in methodology and terminology to address how biological and forensic anthropologists can rectify the damage this research may directly and indirectly cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To understand the implications of the forensic anthropological practice of "ancestry" estimation, we explore terminology that has been employed in forensic anthropological research. The goal is to evaluate how such terms can often circulate within social contexts as a result, which may center forensic anthropologists as constituting "race" itself through analysis and categorization. This research evaluates terminology used in anthropological articles of the Journal of Forensic Sciences between 1972 and 2020 (n = 314). Terminology was placed into two categories: classifiers and descriptors. Classifiers were standardized into one of five options: "race," "ancestry," "population," "ethnic," or "other." Descriptors included terms used to describe individuals within these classificatory systems. We also compared these terms to those in the NamUs database and the U.S. census. Our results found that the terms "ancestry" and "race" are often conflated and "ancestry" largely supplanted "race" in the 1990s without a similar change in research approach. The NamUs and census terminology are not the same as that used in forensic anthropological research; illustrating a disconnect in the terms used to identify the missing, unidentified, and in social contexts with those used in anthropological research. We provide histories of all of these terms and conclude with suggestions for how to use terminology in the future. It is important for forensic anthropologists to be cognizant of the terms they use in medicolegal contexts, publications, and in public and/or professional spaces. The continued use of misrepresentative and improper language further marginalizes groups and perpetuates oppression rooted in systemic racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The articles in this special issue grew from a symposium at the 2020 American Academy of Forensic Sciences Annual Scientific meeting, with the same title as this introduction. The symposium focused on current research and practice of ancestry estimation in forensic anthropology. The symposium concluded with a discussion of the value (or lack thereof) of ancestry estimation as a standard component of the forensic anthropological biological profile. The articles constituting this volume address these questions: What is the current state of race/ancestry estimation in practice? What terminology should we use to describe patterned variation among human populations? How do we sample contemporary populations, and how long are studies built on such samples applicable? What role does genomic data play? Should race/ancestry remain a core component of the biological profile? Further, the issue includes an examination of ancestry estimation in teaching and community outreach. While fine points are still up for debate among these authors, there is general agreement that any future of ancestry estimation must be based in cultural context and evolutionary theory, be sensitive to the importance of terminology employed, and be iteratively reflexive about the relative costs and benefits of this work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of race has a complex history in the field of biological anthropology. Despite increased recognition of the racist origins of the discipline, there remains little agreement about what the concept means, how it is used, or how it is discussed. This study presents the results of a survey of biological anthropologists to investigate the relationship of biological anthropologists with race and ancestry. The survey focuses on the areas of research, public engagement, and teaching as related to these concepts. Results indicate that a large majority of biological anthropologists agree that race (as a social not biological concept) is separate from ancestry. The majority of respondents agreed that ancestry categories should be based on geography (e.g. Asian, European, and African), and more anthropologists thought the terms "Hispanic" and "Latino" were inappropriate ancestry categories. While most respondents felt that discussions of these terms were not matters of "political correctness," nearly a quarter of respondents suggested that concerns over the moral and ethical implications of research (e.g. photos, terminology, and ancestry) result in the silencing of anthropological research. Overwhelmingly, respondents felt that anthropologists have a responsibility to ensure the avoidance of misappropriation of their work by race science and by white nationalists/supremacists. Some differences in survey responses were found relating to respondents' subdiscipline, educational level, location, age, self-identified racial/ethnic categories, and gender. In regard to teaching, survey results indicate that these concepts are minimally covered in university classrooms. When taught, topics focus on the colonialist/racist history of anthropology, the presence of white privilege/supremacy, and racism. Based on the results of this survey, the authors argue for greater public engagement on these concepts, a standardized system of teaching race and ancestry, and a disciplinary conversation about practice and terminology. In this way, biological anthropologists can best place themselves to combat racism in a socially responsible way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The qualifications for a discipline are composed of the education and/or training requirements considered necessary to provide individuals with adequate knowledge to perform discipline-related tasks, including certification or licensing (Passalacqua & Pilloud 2018). Currently there are few available guidelines and no standards for the qualifications of a forensic anthropologist. To examine the qualifications of current practicing forensic anthropologists and to generate consensus-based criteria for the development of standards for qualifications for forensic anthropology, the authors generated an electronic survey. Results demonstrate that the qualifications of practicing forensic anthropologists are varied and do not always align with the qualifications currently outlined by the Scientific Working Group for Forensic Anthropology or the American Board of Forensic Anthropology. These findings do not mean these individuals are unqualified to practice forensic anthropology, but rather that there is currently little oversight or assistance for those individuals who do not fit the current models of perceived qualification, and no means of determining who does or does not have the adequate knowledge to perform forensic anthropological analyses. As forensic anthropology grows as a discipline, the standardization of qualifications will become increasingly important, both in terms of setting requirements for education and training and for the certification of practitioners. Further, there need to be clearer standards for education and training, which are currently lacking in the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of dental morphology to estimate ancestry has become more prevalent within forensic anthropology, and several new methods have been published (e.g., Edgar 2005, 2013; Irish 2015; Scott et al. 2018). While these methods represent great advances, they are lacking in modern Asian reference samples. As such, they may be unable to adequately differentiate Asian individuals from those who express similar dental morphology (i.e., Hispanics and Native Americans). This study explores dental morphological population variation of various skeletal samples in an effort to suggest areas of improvement for methods of ancestry estimation. Biological distance analyses were conducted on dental morphological data from a Mexican skeletal collection housed at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México in Mexico City (n = 88), Hispanic dental casts housed at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque (n = 71), a Japanese skeletal sample at Chiba University in Chiba, Japan (n = 96), and a comparative global data set collected by T. Hanihara. Clear patterns emerge that align with the Sinodont/Sundadont dental variation, where Native American samples cluster with East Asian samples (Sinodont) and Southeast Asian groups cluster with Melanesia, Papua New Guinea, and Australia (Sundadont). The two Hispanic samples are found to be distinct from these Asian samples and cluster with Macro- European and West African samples. These results highlight the complexity of Asian and Asian-derived populations and underscore the need for appropriate references samples in method creation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few sex estimation methods have been developed for East Asian populations in forensic anthropology. Furthermore, odontometric techniques, particularly including cervical measurements, are underutilized by forensic anthropologists in the construction of the biological profile. This research evaluates the use of logistic regression and linear discriminant function analysis with standard crown and cervical measurements of the dentition for the estimation of sex in a contemporary Japanese sample (n = 97). While logistic regression produced equations with the highest overall correct classification rates, discriminant function equations resulted in less of a sex bias of correct estimation. Cervical and buccolingual measurements were most effective at correct allocation of individuals. This study successfully demonstrates the applicability of odontometrics, particularly cervical measurements, in the estimation of sex and the necessity for population-specific methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dental morphology is becoming increasingly visible in forensic anthropology as part of the estimation of ancestry. As methods are developed based on these data, it is important to understand the role of observer error in data collection and method application. In this study, 10 observers collected dental morphological data on 19 traits on the same set of nine plaques. Various measures of interrater reliability were calculated to assess observer error. Data were then input into one of three ancestry estimation methods based on dental morphology to understand the role of observer error in these methods. Results show low rater reliability for all dental morphological traits when all 10 observers are compared. Rater reliability increases when only experienced observers are compared and traits are dichotomized. Further, differences in trait scores by observers resulted in disparate estimations of ancestry in each of the methods. While observer error appears to be an issue in dental morphological methods of ancestry estimation, these problems can be addressed. An argument is made for advanced training in dental anthropology in laboratories and in graduate programs. Further, methods need to test for and employ traits with high rater agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study tests the relationship between third molar impaction and its concomitant effect on age estimation methods. Data were collected on radiographs of males analyzed in the Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency Laboratory (n = 114). Radiographs of skeletonized individuals were scored for dental development, and age was assigned based on the appropriate ancestry‐based method. Differences between identified age and estimated dental age were assessed to determine whether molar impaction affected root development and age estimations. Results indicate that impacted teeth tend to be underdeveloped and result in age estimates that are too low. While these results are of note to anthropologists and odontologists performing dental age estimates, more work is needed to explore the effect of impaction on development among a more diverse sample. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of crown and root morphology to estimate population relationships has a long history in dental anthropology. Over the past two decades, methods employing dental morphology within forensic anthropology have been formalized with the incorporation of statistical models. This paper presents a new web-based application (rASUDAS) that estimates the ancestry of unknown individuals based on their suite of tooth crown and root traits. The application utilizes 21 independent traits that were scored following the Arizona State University Dental Anthropology System (ASUDAS). The reference sample represents approximately 30,000 individuals from seven biogeographic regions. A naive Bayes classifier algorithm was created in the R open source programming language to assign posterior probabilities for individual group assignment. To test the application, 150 individuals were selected from the C. G. Turner II database with the proviso that an individual had to be scored for a minimum of 12 of the 21 traits. In a seven-group analysis, the model correctly assigned individuals to groups 51.8% of the time. In a four-group analysis, classification accuracy improved to 66.7%. With three groups, accuracy was at 72.7%. It is still necessary to validate the program using forensic cases and to augment the reference sample with modern skeletal data. However, results from the beta version of rASUDAS are presented as proof of concept on the potential of dental morphology in ancestry estimation in forensic contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study evaluates population variation of eight cranial morphoscopic traits using samples of known southwest Hispanics ( n = 72), Guatemalans ( n = 106), American Blacks ( n = 146), and American Whites ( n = 218). We applied the support vector machine ( SVM) method to build a prediction model based on a subsample (20%) of the data; the remainder of the data was used as a test sample. The SVM approach effectively differentiated between the four groups with correct classification rates between 72% (Guatemalan group) and 94% (American Black group). However, when the Guatemalan and southwest Hispanic samples were pooled, the same model correctly classified all groups with a higher degree of accuracy (American Black = 96%; American White = 77%; and the pooled Hispanic sample = 91%). This study also identified significant differences between the two Hispanic groups in six of the eight traits using univariate statistical tests. These results speak to the unique population histories of these samples and the current use of the term 'Hispanic' within forensic anthropology. Finally, we argue that the SVM can be used as a classification model for ancestry estimation in a forensic context and as a diagnostic tool may broaden the application of morphoscopic trait data for the assessment of ancestry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The medicolegal system relies on the ability of experts and non‐experts alike to make judgments about expertise and use those judgments to reach consequential decisions. Given the lack of standard criteria, mandatory certification, or licensure for establishing expertise required to practice forensic anthropology and testify as an expert witness, we sought to understand how individuals assess and identify expertise in forensic anthropology by using a social science tool called the Imitation Game. This tool assesses immersion in a specific area of study via discourse, with the premise that some individuals lacking expertise themselves imitate or attempt to pass as experts. For this project we recruited volunteers with varying expertise in forensic anthropology to participate in interviews which asked questions about the practice and structure of the discipline. Those interviews were transcribed, anonymized, and evaluated by other recruited individuals with varying expertise in forensic anthropology. Results found that judges who were experts in forensic anthropology performed better than non‐expert judges in determining who was not an expert in forensic anthropology based on their anonymized responses; however, nearly half of the non‐experts were still able to pass as experts in forensic anthropology. The difficulties in assessing expertise based on discourse interactions demonstrates the value and need for well‐defined credentials and mandatory certification to practice forensic anthropology. This study demonstrates that accurately identifying expertise in forensic anthropology may be challenging for both experts and non‐experts, especially when relying solely on interactional expertise rather than formal assessments of competency which directly elucidate contributory expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the hardest tissue in the body, teeth have the potential to offer a wealth of biological information to the forensic anthropologist, which can include the assessment of ancestry. Using a large data set of dental measurements, the efficacy of mesiodistal and buccolingual tooth dimensions to discriminate between broad, geographically based groups is explored. A general pattern is identified: African populations have the largest teeth, Asians possess teeth of intermediate size, and Europeans have the smallest teeth. In a discriminant function analysis using crown measurements of all teeth (mandibular and maxillary and excluding the third molar), individuals were correctly classified in 71.3% of cases. When the sex of the individual is known, classification is improved up to 88.1% in females and 71.9% of males (cross-validated). Based on these results, we argue that dental metrics can be regularly employed as part of the development of the biological profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study investigates the utility of cervical measurements in deciduous teeth and how they correlate with traditional measurements of the crown. First, this study establishes definitions by which these measurements could reliably be taken. Next, deciduous cervical and traditional crown diameters were taken on three distinct skeletal samples: a Neolithic assemblage from Central Anatolia (Çatalhöyük, n = 85), a precontact sample from Northern California (CA-ALA-329, n = 34), and a group of intrusive burials interred at Çatalhöyük that date between AD 60 and 1650 ( n = 38). Across the dentition there are positive correlations between crown and cervical measurements, which tend to be higher in anterior teeth than in posterior teeth. Both measurements show low correlations with age; however, cervical measurements show fewer negative correlations with age. An intraobserver error study found low levels of error for both types of measurements. On a subset of the Çatalhöyük sample ( n = 9), a principal components and biological distance analysis were conducted comparing the two types of measurements. Also, all three samples were subject to a canonical discriminant function analysis and the results from cervical and crown measurements were compared. All analyses produced slightly different results for each type of data suggesting that crown and cervical measurements capture different aspects of tooth shape. While cervical and crown measurements provide different statistical results, cervical measurements can provide information relevant to anthropological studies and may allow for larger datasets to be used by allowing the inclusion of teeth with modified crowns. Am J Phys Anthropol 149:299-306, 2012. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study of social groupings as it applied to the inhabitants of Çatalhöyük, a neolithic site in Turkey. It cites a belief by anthropologists that the inhabitants grouped themselves according to biological kinship, burying their relatives within their own houses. Recent findings as of 2011 have found, however, that a number of the dead grouped in the same houses were not biologically related. This reportedly suggests that either they did not group themselves according to kinship, or had different definitions of it.

Simple Summary: Forensic anthropology in the United States is a specialization within the overall field of anthropology. Forensic anthropologists are specially educated and trained to search, recover, and examine human remains within a medicolegal context. Over time, forensic anthropology has become increasingly specialized and distinct from other specializations within anthropology. As such, we argue that forensic anthropology should be considered its own discipline, with a unique knowledge base, separate from other similar forms of anthropology, such a bioarchaeology. We argue that forensic anthropologists have unique expertise, making them the only type of anthropologist qualified to perform medicolegal examinations of human remains. Finally, we contend that to perform or represent yourself as a forensic anthropologist without the appropriate expertise is ethical misconduct. The value of this paper is that it explains the importance of expertise and knowledge, and how forensic anthropology has diverged from other specializations of anthropology enough to be considered its own discipline. This paper explores the current state of forensic anthropology in the United States as a distinct discipline. Forensic anthropology has become increasingly specialized and the need for strengthened professionalization is becoming paramount. This includes a need for clearly defined qualifications, training, standards of practice, certification processes, and ethical guidelines. Within this discussion, the concept of expertise is explored in relation to professionalization and practice, as both bioarchaeology and forensic anthropology have different areas of specialist knowledge, and therefore unique expertise. As working outside one's area of expertise is an ethical violation, it is important for professional organizations to outline requisite qualifications, develop standards and best practice guidelines, and enforce robust preventive ethical codes in order to serve both their professional members and relevant stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article related to ethics and scholarship in forensic science in a March 2014 issue.

Periosteal reactions, porotic hyperostosis, and cribra orbitalia have been traditionally used in bioarchaeological studies as indicators of poor "health." However, the etiology of these conditions is greatly debated, not to mention the fact that the presence of these non-specific indicators of disease may in fact represent individuals who were able to combat the insult. Bone is limited in the way it can respond; therefore, the osteoblastic and osteoclastic responses involved in these indicators can represent a range of responses to stress (nutritional or environmental), disease, trauma, or congenital conditions. The clinical literature is quite varied on the cause of these skeletal conditions. With a reinterpretation of these pathological conditions in mind, we evaluate data on these three osteological markers of stress in a large skeletal sample from central California (n = 3000+) spanning nearly 5000 years (3050 BC – AD 1899). While there are temporal and regional trends in these skeletal markers, they do not always correspond to known periods of stress (e.g., environmental disruptions, European contact), and do not correspond with each other in terms of prevalence. We, therefore, offer an alternative explanation of these pathological conditions in light of these findings. Patterns of periosteal reactions may be a marker of survivability as they are most commonly seen in older individuals and decrease in times of extreme stress. Patterns of cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis tend to track with times of stress; however, they are predominately seen in old adults. The lack of detailed data collection further makes their interpretation difficult. • Stress and health are complicated phenomena to interpret in bioarchaeology. • Traditional nonspecific stress indicators do not always correspond to stress. • Interpretations of past health and stress should incorporate clinical literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anecdotally, it has been suggested that undergraduate anthropology students are more interested in forensic anthropology than any other specialty but that forensic anthropologists are less desired as colleagues in academia due to the nature of their work. The goal of this project was to examine two related questions: Does having a forensic anthropologist, or an undergraduate concentration in forensic anthropology, increase the number of majors in anthropology programs? And are forensic anthropologists less likely to be hired for relevant biological anthropology academic positions? To address these questions, data from a number of sources were analyzed. Results found that academic programs with a forensic anthropology concentration had large increases in the overall number of anthropology majors and that programs with forensic anthropologists as faculty produced significantly more anthropology bachelor's degrees. These data are counter to the current national trend of declining anthropology degrees. For jobs in academia specifically desiring a forensic anthropologist, forensic anthropologists were hired in only 58 percent of postings. This study shows a reluctance to hire forensic anthropologists in academia despite their positive impact on the growth of anthropology programs; it also has implications for the education of future forensic anthropologists. [forensic anthropology, academia, enrollment, career, hiring] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Catastrophic decline of Indigenous populations in the Americas following European contact is one of the most severe demographic events in the history of humanity, but uncertainty persists about the timing and scale of the collapse, which has implications for not only Indigenous history but also the understanding of historical ecology. A long-standing hypothesis that a continent-wide pandemic broke out immediately upon the arrival of Spanish seafarers has been challenged in recent years by a model of regional epidemics erupting asynchronously, causing different rates of population decline in different areas. Some researchers have suggested that, in California, significant depopulation occurred during the first two centuries of the post-Columbus era, which led to a "rebound" in native flora and fauna by the time of sustained European contact after 1769. Here, we combine a comprehensive prehistoric osteological dataset (n = 10,256 individuals) with historic mission mortuary records (n = 23,459 individuals) that together span from 3050 cal BC to AD 1870 to systematically evaluate changes in mortality over time by constructing life tables and conducting survival analysis of age-at-death records. Results show that a dramatic shift in the shape of mortality risk consistent with a plague-like population structure began only after sustained contact with European invaders, when permanent Spanish settlements and missions were established ca. AD 1770. These declines reflect the syndemic effects of newly introduced diseases and the severe cultural disruption of Indigenous lifeways by the Spanish colonial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Neolithic East Mound at Çatalhöyük, dating to 7100–5950 cal BCE (Bayliss et al. 2015), in central Anatolia is well known as a large, early agricultural village. Like other Neolithic sites in this region, the site had distinct mortuary practices, which at Çatalhöyük are dominated by primary interments beneath house floors, accounting for 83 percent of stratified individuals recovered to date (Haddow et al. in press). While commingling of skeletal elements due to repeated use of house platforms as burial locations is common (Boz and Hager 2013 ; Haddow, Sadvari et al. 2016), there is also evidence of secondary burial practices including post-interment cranial retrieval and the occurrence of loose and partially articulated skeletal elements moved from a previous location (Haddow and Knüsel 2017). Such observations suggest the practice of delayed burial for certain individuals, a pattern that appears to increase in frequency over time (Haddow et al. in press). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project examined the salaries of forensic anthropologists in the United States. Additionally, the salaries of forensic anthropologists employed in academia were compared to those of other academic anthropologists. The goal of this project was to develop baseline data in terms of salaries for forensic anthropologists while also examining various factors that may affect forensic anthropology salaries. Salary information is important because salary transparency narrows wage disparities, reduces favoritism and discrimination, increases the bargaining power of employees, and potentially causes employers to focus more on salary differentiation in terms of productivity and seniority; essentially, wage transparency generates greater equity among employees (Estlund 2014). In order to examine salaries in forensic anthropology, internet search engines were used to find open-access salary data for individuals currently listed as non-student members of the anthropology section of the American Academy of Forensic Sciences and/or the American Board of Forensic Anthropology. All variables were analyzed using random forest models. Results found that in all models, there were no differences in salary between men and women. Further, no significant differences were found between anthropology subfields in academia. Importantly, years since terminal degree was the most important variable affecting salary in all models, with academic rank being the most important variable for individuals employed in the academic sector. Further, these results demonstrate inconsistencies in pay for forensic anthropologists, especially for those working in the applied sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A glacial environment is a unique setting that can alter human remains in characteristic ways. This study describes glacial dynamics and how glaciers can be understood as taphonomic agents. Using a case study of human remains recovered from Colony Glacier, Alaska, a glacial taphonomic signature is outlined that includes: (1) movement of remains, (2) dispersal of remains, (3) altered bone margins, (4) splitting of skeletal elements, and (5) extensive soft tissue preservation and adipocere formation. As global glacier area is declining in the current climate, there is the potential for more materials of archaeological and medicolegal significance to be exposed. It is therefore important for the forensic anthropologist to have an idea of the taphonomy in this setting and to be able to differentiate glacial effects from other taphonomic agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the book "Anthropological Perspectives on Tooth Morphology: Genetics, Evolution, Variation" edited by G. Richard Scott and Joel D. Irish.

This piece, a conversation on the changing ethical obligations of forensic anthropology in the twenty-first century, arose out of myriad societal and disciplinary upheavals, including: insufficient ethical policies and recent debates about advocacy, activism, and antiracism in the American Academy of Forensic Sciences (AAFS); ongoing discussions on the intersection of forensic anthropology with important social movements (e.g., Black Lives Matter [BLM], LGBTQ+, immigrant advocacies); and critical examinations of our skeletal curation practices and our colonialist past and present. For example, more senior-level anthropologists were not involved in this discussion, and all of us who participated share the perspective that forensic anthropology should expand ethical practices to address social issues - with advocacy, activism, and antiracism playing critical roles. We started with several virtual discussions and living documents that identified two overarching themes that, we contend, require urgent responses from our field: (1) defining modern-day ethics in forensic anthropology; and (2) identifying the role(s) of advocacy, activism, and antiracism in forensic anthropology. For our advocacy, activism, and antiracism theme (2), we posed and answered the following two questions: (a) In what ways are advocacy, activism, and antiracism I essential i to the ethical practice of forensic anthropology?. [Extracted from the article]

While the Anthropology Section of the AAFS recently implemented a student liaison position to amplify student voices and issues within the section, the entire academy has not equally embraced the role of students. Testimonial "Though I can claim an immigrant identity across three countries since birth, never had I felt more othered as an immigrant than in forensic anthropology or academia generally. While these statistics show that immigrants participate heavily in society, there is no demographic data available on immigrants within forensic anthropology, whether as students or professionals, although, anecdotally, this number is likely to be small. Three in four patents from the top ten patent-producing US universities have at least one immigrant inventor (Partnership for a New American Economy 2012), and one in four new companies are created by immigrant entrepreneurs (Blanding 2016). Immigrant students may face special concerns with regards to admission, higher tuition rates, financial aid eligibility, harassment from professors and fellow students, and forced return to their home country upon graduating. [Extracted from the article]

Highlights: [•] Three forms: sharp force/projectile trauma, blunt force trauma, trophy-taking/dismemberment. [•] Violence rates highest in areas of highest population density and interface zone between groups. [•] Early peak in trophy-taking/dismemberment: Early Middle Period (500 B.C.–A.D. 420). [•] Peak in blunt force craniofacial trauma and sharp force/projectile trauma: A.D. 1720–1899). [•] Introduction of bow and arrow ca. A.D. 1000–1200 associated with increased violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: A fundamental assumption in biological anthropology is that living individuals will present with different growth than non‐survivors of the same population. The aim is to address the question of whether growth and development data of non‐survivors are reflective of the biological consequences of selective mortality and/or stress. Materials and Methods: The study compares dental development and skeletal growth collected from radiographic images of contemporary samples of living and deceased individuals from the United States (birth to 20 years) and South Africa (birth to 12 years). Further evaluation of deceased individuals is used to explore differential patterns among manners of death (MOD). Results: Results do not show any significant differences in skeletal growth or dental development between living and deceased individuals. However, in the South African deceased sample the youngest individuals exhibited substantially smaller diaphyseal lengths than the living sample, but by 2 years of age the differences were negligible. In the US sample, neither significant nor substantial differences were found in dental development or diaphyseal length according to MOD and age (>2 years of age), though some long bones in individuals <2 years of age did show significant differences. No significant differences were noted in diaphyseal length according to MOD and age in the SA sample. Discussion: The current findings refute the idea that contemporary deceased and living individuals would present with differential growth and development patterns through all of ontogeny as well as the assumptions linking short stature, poor environments, and MOD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transition from a human diet based exclusively on wild plants and animals to one involving dependence on domesticated plants and animals beginning 10,000 to 11,000 y ago in Southwest Asia set into motion a series of profound health, lifestyle, social, and economic changes affecting human populations throughout most of the world. However, the social, cultural, behavioral, and other factors surrounding health and lifestyle associated with the foraging-to-farming transition are vague, owing to an incomplete or poorly understood contextual archaeological record of living conditions. Bioarchaeological investigation of the extraordinary record of human remains and their context fromNeolithic Çatalhöyük (7100-5950 cal BCE), a massive archaeological site in south-central Anatolia (Turkey), provides important perspectives on population dynamics, health outcomes, behavioral adaptations, interpersonal conflict, and a record of community resilience over the life of this single early farming settlement having the attributes of a protocity. Study of Çatalhöyük human biology reveals increasing costs to members of the settlement, including elevated exposure to disease and labor demands in response to community dependence on and production of domesticated plant carbohydrates, growing population size and density fueled by elevated fertility, and increasing stresses due to heightened workload and greater mobility required for caprine herding and other resource acquisition activities over the nearly 12 centuries of settlement occupation. These changes in life conditions foreshadow developments that would take place worldwide over the millennia following the abandonment of Neolithic Çatalhöyük, including health challenges, adaptive patterns, physical activity, and emerging social behaviors involving interpersonal violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the ubiquitous adaptability of our material culture, some human populations have occupied extreme environments that intensified selection on existing genomic variation. By 32,000 years ago, people were living in Arctic Beringia, and during the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM; 28,000-18,000 y ago), they likely persisted in the Beringian refugium. Such high latitudes provide only very low levels of UV radiation, and can thereby lead to dangerously low levels of biosynthesized vitamin D. The physiological effects of vitamin D deficiency range from reduced dietary absorption of calcium to a compromised immune system and modified adipose tissue function. The ectodysplasin A receptor (EDAR) gene has a range of pleiotropic effects, including sweat gland density, incisor shoveling, and mammary gland ductal branching. The frequency of the human-specific EDAR V370A allele appears to be uniquely elevated in North and East Asian and New World populations due to a bout of positive selection likely to have occurred circa 20,000 y ago. The dental pleiotropic effects of this allele suggest an even higher occurrence among indigenous people in the Western Hemisphere before European colonization. We hypothesize that selection on EDAR V370A occurred in the Beringian refugium because it increases mammary ductal branching, and thereby may amplify the transfer of critical nutrients in vitamin D-deficient conditions to infants via mothers' milk. This hypothesized selective context for EDAR V370A was likely intertwined with selection on the fatty acid desaturase (FADS) gene cluster because it is known to modulate lipid profiles transmitted to milk from a vitamin D-rich diet high in omega-3 fatty acids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the current study is to explore country of origin and social race category differences in dental crowding prevalence through an anthropological approach. Data were collected from individuals within five countries (Australia, China, Japan, South Africa, United States; n = 1008) and seven social race groups in two countries (American Black, American White, Latinx, and Indigenous in the United States, South African Black, South African White, and South African Coloured; n = 654). Statistical significance between groups was assessed with a Kruskal-Wallis test, while a Dunn's post-hoc test identified which groups significantly differed. Results indicate South Africa is characterized by the lowest frequencies of dental crowding, with Coloured South Africans yielding the highest and Black South Africans displaying the lowest frequencies. Individuals in the United States exhibited relatively high levels of minor dental crowding. American Blacks had lower crowding levels, while the Indigenous group had high levels of severe crowding. Individuals within China and Japan exhibited higher relative prevalence of severe crowding. Overall, significant differences exist in dental crowding prevalence across countries and social race categories using an anthropological grading system to assess crowding. These differences are likely impacted by sociocultural (aesthetic preferences) and economic (access to dental care) factors. • Dental crowding prevalence is examined in five countries and seven social race groups • Findings are framed within sociocultural and economic circumstances • Individuals in South Africa had the lowest prevalence of dental crowding • Individuals in the United States displayed high frequencies of minor dental crowding • Individuals in Japan and China had high frequencies of severe crowding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives In the first issue of the American Journal of Physical Anthropology, E.A. Hooton noted the expression of Eskimoid characteristics in the Icelandic skull, one of which was mandibular torus. Our goal is to evaluate this trait in another North Atlantic population, the Greenlandic Norse. Materials and methods An investigation of mandibular torus was carried out on all Greenlandic Norse skeletons disinterred up to 1986 ( n = 109), along with comparative samples from Iceland ( n = 82), Norway ( n = 98), and Denmark ( n = 64). Torus expression was scored on a six grade scale with absence and five degrees of trait presence. Results Greenlanders and Icelanders show extraordinarily high frequencies (65-97%) and pronounced expressions of mandibular torus. More surprising was the almost complete absence of this trait in a Danish Viking sample (9%) and a significantly lower frequency in medieval Norwegians (48%). Discussion The dramatic expression of mandibular torus in the Greenlandic Norse and their contrast to related Scandinavian populations in Europe stimulated the collection of data from the literature and the database of Christy G. Turner II for 49,970 individuals in 335 populations. When plotted on a global scale, mandibular torus shows a strong clinal distribution with the highest frequencies in northern latitudes and the lowest frequencies around the equator. Although mandibular torus has some hereditary component, as indicated by family studies, the trait has a strong environmental component of variance. How factors of a northern environment, including climatic stress and dietary behavior, influence torus expression remains enigmatic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are not juxtaposing bias and objectivity here intentionally; instead, we are hoping to illustrate how there are differences between I objectivity i and I neutrality i and that recognizing these differences can allow forensic science practitioners to engage with their communities in productive ways that are separate from their scientific analyses and professional responsibilities. Recently, there has been some debate in the forensic science community around issues of importance to all forensic science professionals, that of objectivity and neutrality in our work. [Extracted from the article]

Observer error and agreement rates for craniometrics, odontometrics, and cranial and dental morphological traits have been inconsistently evaluated on three-dimensional cranial reconstructions and almost never assessed on subadult individuals. This study uses a computed tomography (CT) scan sample of 12 subadults aged between birth and 20 years from the Subadult Virtual Anthropology Database (SVAD) to evaluate intra- and inter-observer error and agreement rates associated to these four types of data on virtual crania. Forty-eight cranial landmarks, 33 standard inter-landmark distances (ILDs), 13 cranial macromorphoscopic traits, four permanent and four deciduous dental landmarks and measurements per tooth, and 21 permanent and 12 deciduous dental morphological traits were collected on each individual. Results matched or improved on published standards for dry bones, teeth, or dental casts. Technical Error of Measurement (TEM) associated with metric data ranged from 0.00 mm to 0.99 mm and relative TEM ranged from 0% to 5.76%. Cohen's kappa coefficient values for agreement on morphological traits scores were above K = 0.5 for 90% of the traits. Type III cranial landmarks showed higher error rates than Type I and II cranial landmarks. Agreement on dental morphology scores seemed influenced by observer experience and rater agreement improved when using di- or tri-chotomized grades. Skeletal maturity did not significantly affect error rates, meaning most craniofacial and dental metrics and morphological traits can be reliably obtained from virtual subadult crania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bioarchaeological record of human remains viewed in the context of ecology, subsistence, and living circumstances provides a fundamental source for documenting and interpreting the impact of plant and animal domestication in the late Pleistocene and early to middle Holocene. For Western Asia, Çatalhöyük (7100-5950 cal BC) in central Anatolia, presents a comprehensive and contextualized setting for interpreting living circumstances in this highly dynamic period of human history. This article provides an overview of the bioarchaeology of Çatalhöyük in order to characterize patterns of life conditions at the community level, addressing the question, What were the implications of domestication and agricultural intensification, increasing sedentism, and population growth for health and lifestyle in this early farming community? This study employs demography, biogeochemistry, biodistance analysis, biomechanics, growth and development, and paleopathology in order to identify and interpret spatial and temporal patterns of health and lifestyle under circumstances of rapid population growth and aggregation and changing patterns of acquiring food and other resources. The record suggests that the rapid growth in population size was fueled by increased fertility and birthrate. Although the household was likely the focus of economic activity, our analysis suggests that individuals interred in houses were not necessarily biologically related. Predictably, the community employed resource extraction practices involving increased mobility. Although oral and skeletal indicators suggest some evidence of compromised health (e.g. elevated subadult infection, dental caries), growth and development of juveniles and adult body size and stature indicate adjustments to local circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]