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xposure to daylight has much to offer and should be optimised to maximise its potential. In order to harvest its benefits, any visual discomfort from daylight should be anticipated and minimised. Hence, there is the need to predict discomfort from daylight glare. While more than 20 models for predicting discomfort from daylight glare have been developed, none accurately predict it. The inclusion of additional factors in the models may improve the predictions. One such factor is the socio-environmental context of the observer. This study compares the evaluations of discomfort glare from daylight for office buildings in four socio-environmental contexts: Chile, Belgium, Japan and Switzerland. The evaluations of discomfort glare, each consisting of subjective assessments and physical measurements of a view condition, were collected at the office desks of 401 participants, although only 211 responses were used in the analyses due to exclusion rules. The results do not suggest evidence of an influence of socio-environmental context on discomfort from daylight glare. In other words, the participants in this study perceived discomfort glare similarly, regardless of their socio-environmental context

This survey reviews the role of intergovernmental organizations (IO) in domestic social policy. It first describes those IOs which are most relevant for national welfare states in developed nations: the World Bank (WB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Trade Organization, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), and the International Labour Organization (ILO). Then it deals with the modes and means by which IOs attempt to have an impact on national welfare states. Five channels of influence are identified: resources, constraints, standards, evaluations, and ideas and information. The final section looks into the impact of IOs on national welfare states, the strategic interactions between IOs and domestic political actors (including blame shifting in the multi-level system), and uploading of national policies to the international level. The question of soft versus hard law, and the shift to soft law, as well as the democratic deficit on the level of IOs, are discussed.

This study evaluates the performance and robustness of 22 established and newly proposed glare prediction metrics. Experimental datasets of daylight-dominated workplaces in office-like test rooms were collected from studies by seven research groups in six different locations (Argentina, Denmark, Germany, Israel, Japan and the United States). The variability in experimental setups, locations and research teams allowed reliable evaluation of the performance and robustness of glare metrics for daylight-dominated workplaces. Independent statistical methods were applied to individual datasets and also to one combined dataset to evaluate the performance and robustness of the 22 glare metrics. As performance and robustness are not established in literature, we defined performance as: (1) the ability of the metric value to describe the glare scale (evaluated by Spearman rank correlation), and (2) the ability of the metric to distinguish between disturbing and non-disturbing situations (evaluated by diagnostic receiver operating characteristic curve analysis tests). Furthermore, we defined robustness as the ability of a metric to deliver meaningful results when applied to different datasets and to fail as few as possible statistical tests. Average Spearman rank correlation coefficients in the range of 0.55–0.60 as well as average prediction rates to distinguish between disturbing and non-disturbing glare of 70–75% for several of the metrics indicate their reliability. The results also show that metrics considering the saturation effect as a main input in their equation perform better and are more robust in daylight-dominated workplaces than purely contrast-based metrics or purely empirical metrics. In this study, the daylight glare probability (DGP) delivered the highest performance amongst the tested metrics and was also found to be the most robust. Future research should aim to optimise the terms of glare equations which combine contrast and saturation effects, such as DGP

Consociational democracy has become the most influential paradigm in the field of power-sharing institutional design and post-conflict peacebuilding. Consociation institutes representation for certain formerly excluded groups. However, it simultaneously inhibits effective political representation for groups that do not align with the societal divisions that consociation seeks to accommodate, specifically the ‘additional’ cleavage of gender. Given the extensive use of the consociational model as a peacebuilding tool in divided states and the growing awareness of the disproportionate negative effect of conflict on women, there is a surprising lack of consideration of the effect that consociational power-sharing has on women’s representation. This article considers the specific impact that the consociational model has on women’s representation. We argue that because gender is an integral factor in conflict, it should therefore be integral to post-conflict governance. With empirical reference to contemporary Northern Ireland, it is illustrated that consociationalism is a ‘gender-blind’ theory.

The Oxford Handbook of the Welfare State is the authoritative and definitive guide to the contemporary welfare state. In a volume consisting of nearly fifty newly-written chapters, a broad range of the world's leading scholars offer a comprehensive account of everything one needs to know about the modern welfare state. The Handbook is divided into eight sections. It opens with three chapters that evaluate the philosophical case for (and against) the welfare state. Surveys of the welfare state's history and of the approaches taken to its study are followed by four extended sections, running to some thirty-five chapters in all, which offer a comprehensive and in-depth survey of our current state of knowledge across the whole range of issues that the welfare state embraces. The first of these sections looks at inputs and actors (including the roles of parties, unions, and employers), the impact of gender and religion, patterns of migration and a changing public opinion, the role of international organisations and the impact of globalization. The next two sections cover policy inputs (in areas such as pensions, health care, disability, care of the elderly, unemployment, and labour market activation) and their outcomes (in terms of inequality and poverty, macroeconomic performance, and retrenchment). The seventh section consists of seven chapters which survey welfare state experience around the globe (and not just within the OECD). Two final chapters consider questions about the global future of the welfare state.