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À partir de la récolte de trames de carnets de confinement renseignées par des enquêté∙e∙s volontaires (projet « Récits confinés »), notre article questionne les représentations des temps et des espaces dans le contexte particulier des confinements du printemps et de l’automne 2020. Le confinement de mars 2020 a été caractérisé par une décélération des rythmes quotidiens avec la limitation des sorties, l’arrêt des déplacements pour se rendre au travail ou à l’école et une multiplicité des temps sociaux ramenée à la seule sphère domestique : temps professionnel, temps d’apprentissage, temps domestique, temps libre et ludique. Par une approche anthropologique et une sociologie de la vie quotidienne, notre article montre que le temps du confinement peut être perçu comme le temps de l’apaisement (loin des rythmes et des déplacements quotidiens parfois subis) mais également comme le temps des tensions, au sein d’un même foyer ou d’un même individu, selon les saisons. Le confinement amène à utiliser la temporalité de l’événement différemment : retourner dans le passé ; contempler le temps qui passe ; accélérer les actions quotidiennes ; reconfigurer les routines afin de « réussir » cette expérience sociale inédite. Le temps du confinement est celui de la rupture (des rythmes quotidiens et professionnels) qui annonce un renouveau, un temps contemplé avec profondeur, qui permet de « faire le point ». From the collection of diaries according to a specific questionnaire frame filled by volunteers (project called “Récits Confinés”), this article questions the representation of time and space in the particular context of the two confinements of spring and autumn 2020. The March 2020 confinement was characterized by the deceleration of daily routine rhythm with limitation on movements, interruption of transportation to go to work or to school and a multiplicity of social times limited to the domestic sphere: professional time, learning time, domestic time, free and leisure time. Through our anthropological approach and sociology of everyday life, our article shows that confinement time can be perceived either as an appeasement time (far from daily rhythms and movements sometimes endured) but also as a time of tensions, in the household or within the same person, according to the season. Confinement leads to using the temporality of the event differently: going back to the past; contemplating the passing of time; speeding up daily actions; reconfiguring routines in order to “succeed” this novel social experience. Confinement time is also the time of rupture (daily and professional rhythms) which announces a renewal, a contemplated time, a moment to step back and take stock. A partir de diarios de confinamiento escritos por participantes voluntarios (en el marco del proyecto “Récits confinés” / “Relatos confinados”), nuestro artículo cuestiona las representaciones del tiempo y el espacio en el contexto particular de los confinamientos de la primavera y del otoño de 2020 en Francia. El confinamiento de marzo se caracterizó por una desaceleración de los ritmos cotidianos causada por la limitación de las salidas, la interrupción de los trayectos hacia el trabajo o la escuela y la reducción de numerosos tiempos sociales al mero ámbito doméstico: tiempo profesional, de aprendizaje, doméstico, tiempo libre y tiempo de juego. A través de un enfoque antropológico y de una sociología de la vida cotidiana, mostramos que el confinamiento puede percibirse como un tiempo de apaciguamiento (lejos de los ritmos y movimientos cotidianos a los que solemos estar sometidos), pero también como un tiempo de tensión, dentro de un mismo hogar o en un mismo individuo, según la estación. El confinamiento conlleva un uso diferente del evento (événement) y de su temporalidad: volver al pasado; contemplar el paso del tiempo; acelerar las acciones cotidianas; reconfigurar las rutinas para que esta nueva experiencia social sea “un éxito”. El tiempo de confinamiento es de ruptura (de los ritmos cotidianos y profesionales). Una ruptura que anuncia una regeneración, un tiempo contemplado en profundidad que permite “hacer balance”.

About 40% of foodborne infections are acquired in the home. The aim of the present study was to track contamination of pathogens during domestic food preparation and link the contamination to preparation practices. Research participants from 87 households in six European countries were observed and interviewed during shopping and preparation of a chicken and vegetable meal. The presence of Salmonella spp., Campylobacter spp. and norovirus on raw chicken, kitchen surfaces, cloths and sponges was determined.\ud \ud \ud \ud The prevalence of Campylobacter on raw chicken varied from 8.3% in Norway (NO) to 80% in France (FR) and Portugal (PT), with a mean prevalence of 57%. Campylobacter was found on half of the products that had been frozen and appeared to be less prevalent on chicken from supermarkets than other sources. Salmonella was found in 8.6% of raw chicken samples, exclusively from Hungary (HU).\ud \ud \ud \ud A relationship between observed practices and spread of pathogens to kitchen surfaces was found only for the use of cutting boards for chicken and/or vegetables. After food preparation, Campylobacter and Salmonella were isolated from 23% (samples derived from HU, RO, UK) and 8.7% (HU), respectively of cutting boards. Research participants in France and Portugal were more likely to buy products that fitted their recipe, with less need for using cutting boards. Using the same board and knife for vegetables after using it for chicken and without washing with detergent was common in Portugal and Romania, but not in the other countries. Contamination with Campylobacter to other kitchen surfaces or washing utensils were found in five households (UK, RO, PT). Rinsing chicken in sinks was common in three countries (PT, HU, RO), and washing vegetables in the same sink was also usual. Prevalence of Norovirus was low, with detection in one out of 451 samples. The participants' awareness of the risk posed by pathogens from raw chicken differed among the six countries, with higher awareness in Norway and the UK than the other countries studied.\ud \ud \ud \ud In conclusion, practices intended to avoid cross-contamination from chicken to kitchen surfaces and washing utensils are not established among consumers in all European countries. Nevertheless, cross-contamination events that disseminate infectious doses of pathogens seems to be rare, probably due to the relatively low levels of pathogens in food combined with food preferences. Food safety interventions must consider the national food culture, preferences, practices and the prevalence and levels of pathogens in food. Emphasis should be on providing and promoting chicken products with lower risk (prevalence of pathogens, ready-to-cook) and safe use of cutting boards.

Nearly 40% foodborne outbreaks in the European Union are attributable to food practices in domestic homes that include handling and preparation of raw chicken. Hand washing is an important way to prevent cross-contamination with pathogens during chicken preparation. This study, which is part of the EU Horizon 2020 funded consortium SafeConsume, aimed at quantifying and understanding hand washing practices in three categories of households and five European countries. A quantitative survey (n = 1889) was combined with qualitative research, during which 75 participants from France, Norway, Portugal, Romania, and the United Kingdom were observed and interviewed. An original method for analysing video with “The Observer XT” software was developed to identify when and how risk arises. The quantitative survey and qualitative research data revealed that touching raw chicken was more frequent in Romania and Portugal. Practices to avoid touching raw chicken were declared and observed, although observations revealed that these practices were not always consistently followed. Only a third of the participants washed their hands with soap after handling raw chicken with important variations among countries (a majority in Norway and in the UK, a few in France and Portugal, none in Romania), in contrast to the results of the survey. Observations and interviews suggested that rinsing hands with water only and washing hands with soap are considered equivalent by many people. Barriers to washing hands due to improper equipment were mainly observed in Romania. Washing hands after touching raw chicken was motivated by food safety concerns for some participants in Norway and the UK, but not in France and Portugal, where it was motivated by unpleasant feelings on hands, or presented as a habit. Participants not washing their hands after touching the chicken did it after other actions they presumably perceived as unsafe (e. g. touching the bin, handling pets, and blowing the nose), indicating that they did not specifically consider touching raw chicken as risky. Knowledge, habits, and equipment with regard to chicken and hand washing differed among European countries, resulting in safe and risky practices. This work was supported by the Horizon 2020 project SafeConsume (Grant Agreement No. 727580).

International audience; How is food handled in safe and unsafe ways from retail to fork in European households? This is the overall research question raised in this report. The aim of this report is to contribute to an in-depth, detailed, empirical and nuanced analysis of how food is handled in everyday life in five European countries: France, Norway, Portugal, Romania and the UK. The first chapters (Part 1) describe the food cultural difference and food safety variation between the five countries, theories of practices that underpin the study and the transdisciplinary methods employed for studying shopping, transportation, storage and cooking a meal with chicken and raw vegetables in 75 European households. The first empirical chapters (Part 2) introduce the households in this study (chapter 2.1), discuss the everyday food life the households (chapter 2.2) and describe food anxieties and experiences with foodborne illnesses (chapter 2.3). Part 3 concentrates on food procuring and organising practices in the households and includes three empirical discussions of shopping (chapter 3.1), transportation (chapter 3.2) and storage (chapter 3.3). Part 4 discusses food preparation and comprises five chapters discussing the order of cooking (chapter 4.1), chicken preparation (chapter 4.2), vegetable preparation (chapter 4.3), determining doneness (chapter 4.4) and washing hands (chapter 4.5). Finally, Part 5 discusses the main findings in the report and suggests further research steps.

A transdisciplinary observational study, coupled with a web-based survey, was conducted to investigate refrigerated storage of food, in five European countries. The investigated consumer groups in this study were: young families with small children and/or pregnant women, elderly people, persons with an immunodeficient system, and young single men. The refrigerator temperature was monitored for approximately two weeks using a temperature data logger. Variables such as country, income, age of refrigerators, education, living area, refrigerator loading practices had no significant effect (p > 0.05) on the overall average fridge temperature, whereas consumers' practices showed a significant influence (p < 0.05) on registered temperature values. Compared to temperatures inside the fridges belonging to young families and young single men group, the temperatures inside refrigerators belonging to elderly was in the temperature danger zone (5–63 °C). The lowest temperatures were recorded in UK consumers’ refrigerators, whereas the highest were in French households. Presence of Listeria monocytogenes was confirmed in three refrigerators out of 53 sampled (two in Romania and one in Portugal). The most vulnerable category to food safety risks is represented by elderly persons with low education, unaware of safe refrigeration practices and the actual temperature their fridges are running. This research was supported by the Horizon 2020 project SafeConsume (Grant Agreement No. 727580).

A la suite des recommandations de l’OMS de la fin des annees 1970 de valoriser et d’encadrer la medecine traditionnelle, des dynamiques gouvernementales et des programmes de developpement se sont developpes a Madagascar. Ils procedent, d’un cote, a l’evaluation des guerisseurs dans leur pratique sociale et, de l’autre, a l’evaluation des plantes medicinales, percues comme les principales composantes des remedes valorisables et analysables par les outils biomedicaux. Les formations ouvertes aux praticiens sont limitees en termes de retombees sur leur pratique et servent avant tout a renforcer la biomedecine. Un recent projet de decret sur le code d’ethique des tradipraticiens cible la necessite de leur engagement a titre de collaborateurs dans les projets de developpement. Cet article montre le decalage qui peut exister entre des decisions gouvernementales et leurs applications locales et la place occupee aujourd’hui par les tradipraticiens dans les programmes de developpement sanitaire.

Cet article porte sur la perception des menaces sanitaires liées à l’alimentation dans un cadre domestique chez des consommateurs du Maine-et-Loire, en France. Les menaces peuvent être immédiates, avec le risque microbien, ou différées, avec un risque à long terme dû aux éléments exogènes perçus comme néfastes pour la santé (pesticides, antioxydants,etc.). Dans leur action quotidienne de s’alimenter, les consommateurs élaborent des choix qui tentent de maîtriser ou d’éviter les risques perçus ou connus inhérents à l’ingestion de nourriture. Une certaine autonomie dans la prise de risque est constatée avec l’affranchissement de certaines règles sanitaires considérées comme « dépassables ». On remarque une acceptation du risque lorsqu’il est pensé comme maîtrisé par le consommateur et une méfiance plus grande sur la possible dissimulation de la composition de certains produits alimentaires issus de l’industrie agroalimentaire. This article focuses on the perception of food-related health threats for consumers in a domestic setting in Maine-et-Loire, France. The threats can be immediate, with microbial risk, or delayed with a longterm risk due to exogenous elements that are perceived to be harmful to health (pesticides, antioxidants, etc.). In their everyday eating activities, consumers develop choices that try to control or avoid the inherent perceived or known risks of eating. A certain degree of autonomy in risk taking is noted with the passing of certain health rules considered to be “un-passable.” We note an acceptance of the risk when it is thought to be controlled by the consumer and a greater mistrust on the possible covering-up of the composition of certain food products coming from the agri-food industry.&nbsp

International audience; À Madagascar, les pratiques de soins traditionnelles côtoient celles de la biomédecine et sontencore largement utilisées pour des raisons d’ordre économique et géographique, maiségalement politique, social, culturel, voire religieux. Les individus consomment aussi bien desremèdes à base de plantes médicinales que des médicaments allopathiques, par automédication,sur prescription d’un médecin ou de personnel soignant ou sur conseil de guérisseurs. Cet articleexamine les éléments ethnographiques recueillis lors d’enquêtes réalisées à Madagascar, dans unvillage de la région Analanjirofo (côte est). Il présente l’offre de soins disponible pour lesvillageois et le pluralisme thérapeutique à l’œuvre dans leur quête de soins. Le choix du remèdeet du thérapeute s’opère selon le type de traitement recherché et le modèle étiologique supposédes symptômes ou de la maladie (dite « naturelle » ou « surnaturelle »). L’expérience vécue dumalade, l’avis du « groupe organisateur de thérapie » ainsi que les représentations de l’efficacitédes remèdes sont autant d’éléments qui entrent en jeu dans le choix du traitement et la façon dele consommer (en automédication ou chez le thérapeute). La recherche de soins, de remèdes etde thérapeutes peut ainsi être analysée comme une forme « d’automédication différée ».

International audience

Following the WHO recommendations made in the late 1970s, many countries in Africahave implemented dynamics of recognition of traditional medicine and traditionalhealers. This dissertation focuses on the development of « integrative medicine » inMadagascar, consisting in its integration into the formal and conventional health caresystem. This development project, focusing on improving population's public health,requires a double evaluation: a social evaluation with the supervision of traditionalhealers' practices and a therapeutic evaluation with research on medicinal plants anddevelopment of improved traditional remedies. This research is the result of amethodological approach based on multi-located fieldworks conducted in the Malagasycapital and its surroundings and an ethnography of a rural town in the Analanjiroforegion (east coast of Madagascar). On one side, this approach focuses on the attempts ofapplication of political decisions regarding the supervision of traditional medicine andon the other side, on the real practice of traditional care as well as on individual andcommunal behaviours when facing disease, sickness, illness and misfortunes withextended case studies. This thesis contributes to the anthropology of health with a focuson political and developmental dynamics. A special emphasis is placed on the nature ofcohabitation existing between practitioners (doctors and traditional healers) going froma simple referencing of patients to a rare collaboration. This study tends to highlight thepossible gap between government decisions and local applications as well as theresulting social, political and economic issues., Depuis les recommandations de l'OMS de la fin des années 1970, de nombreux pays enAfrique ont mis en place des dynamiques de reconnaissance de la médecinetraditionnelle et de ses praticiens. Cette thèse s'intéresse au projet de développement dela « médecine intégrative » à Madagascar, consistant en son intégration au sein dusystème de soins officiel et conventionnel. Ce projet a pour objectif l'amélioration de lasanté des populations et passe par une double évaluation : au niveau social avecl'encadrement des activités des tradipraticiens et au niveau thérapeutique avec larecherche sur les plantes médicinales et le développement de remèdes traditionnelsaméliorés. Cette recherche est le fruit d'une démarche méthodologique qui s'appuie surdes enquêtes multi-situées, avec un terrain de recherche dans la capitale malgache et sesenvirons et avec l'ethnographie d'une localité rurale de la région Analanjirofo (côte estde Madagascar). Cette approche s'intéresse d'un côté aux tentatives d'applications desdécisions politiques en matière d'encadrement de la médecine traditionnelle et de l'autreà la pratique concrète des soins traditionnels ainsi qu'aux comportements individuels etcommunautaires face à la gestion des maux, des malheurs et de la maladie avec desétudes de cas approfondies. Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le champ de l'anthropologie de lasanté avec une orientation sur les dynamiques politiques et de développement. Unintérêt particulier est porté à la nature de la cohabitation entre praticiens (médecins,guérisseurs) se déclinant d'un simple référencement de patients à une plus rarecollaboration. Cette étude met en exergue le décalage pouvant exister entre desdécisions gouvernementales et leurs applications locales ainsi que les enjeux sociaux,politiques et économiques qui en résultent.

International audience; The data presented here capture the structure of kitchen layouts belonging to consumers vulnerable to foodborne diseases and food risk-takers. Data were collected in the frame of the SafeConsume project by multidisciplinary research teams that visited consumers during preparing a meal and had the possibility to examine their cooking routines. Distances between sink and stove, sink and refrigerator, stove and refrigerator, sink and working place (countertop or table), stove and working place were analyzed to correlate food safety practices applied during cooking with kitchen arrangements. The results arising from analyzing the ergonomics of kitchens versus potential cross-contamination events are presented in Mihalache et al., [1]. These data contribute to a better understanding of real kitchen layouts and can be used as a starting point for future research regarding food safety-oriented arrangements instead of ergonomics-focused designs, for food safety risk assessments, as study cases for explaining specific measures that can be established to improve food handling and hygiene practices in homes and for sociological research pointing consumers' behavior during cooking.