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People ascribe purposeful behaviour to the movements of artificial objects and social qualities to human body motion. We investigated how people associate simple motion cues with social categories. For a first rating-experiment we converted the body movements of speakers into stick-figure animations; for a second rating-experiment we used animations of one single dot. Rating-experiments were "reversed" because we asked participants to alter the movements (i.e., vertical amplitude, horizontal amplitude, and velocity) of the stimuli according to different instructions (e.g., create a stimulus of high dominance). Participants equipped stick figures and dot animations with expansive movements to represent high dominance. Expansive and fast movements (i.e., high velocity) were mainly associated with high aggressiveness. Fast movements were also associated with low friendliness, low trustworthiness, and low competence. Overall, patterns found for stick figure and dot animations were similar indicating that certain motion cues convey social information even when only a dot and no body form is visible. The "reverse approach" we propose here makes the impact of different components directly observable. The data generated by this method offers better insights into the interplay of these components and the ways in which they form meaningful patterns. The proposed method can be extended to other types of nonverbal cues and a variety of social categories.

People assign the artificial words takete and kiki to spiky, angular figures and the artificial words maluma and bouba to rounded figures. We examined whether such a cross-modal correspondence could also be found for human body motion. We transferred the body movements of speakers onto two-dimensional coordinates and created animated stick-figures based on this data. Then we invited people to judge these stimuli using the words takete-maluma, bouba-kiki, and several verbal descriptors that served as measures of angularity/smoothness. In addition to this we extracted the quantity of motion, the velocity of motion and the average angle between motion vectors from the coordinate data. Judgments of takete (and kiki) were related to verbal descriptors of angularity, a high quantity of motion, high velocity and sharper angles. Judgments of maluma (or bouba) were related to smooth movements, a low velocity, a lower quantity of motion and blunter angles. A forced-choice experiment during which we presented subsets with low and high rankers on our motion measures revealed that people preferably assigned stimuli displaying fast movements with sharp angles in motion vectors to takete and stimuli displaying slow movements with blunter angles in motion vectors to maluma. Results indicated that body movements share features with information inherent in words such as takete and maluma and that people perceive the body movements of speakers on the level of changes in motion direction (e.g., body moves to the left and then back to the right). Follow-up studies are needed to clarify whether impressions of angularity and smoothness have similar communicative values across different modalities and how this affects social judgments and person perception.

Former research has examined potential human sex differences in spatial abilities or home range size. Both are assumed to have an adaptive function. In this study we combined the investigation of home range size in an urban environment and spatial abilities by accuracy analysis of cognitive maps. Participants ( n = 87) drew a sketch of their home range in Vienna depicting all places regularly visited in every-day life. We used the sketches' geographical locations to calculate the size of the home range. With the Geometric Morphometric Methodology, we quantified the accuracy of cognitive maps by measuring Euclidean distances between corresponding landmarks in the sketches and the geographical maps of home ranges. Our results showed a non-significant trend for men to have a larger home range. Overall, participants' cognitive maps were fairly accurate. However, men sketched their home range more precisely than women. Female map accuracy increased as a function of residency duration. In addition, accuracy of cognitive maps was influenced by home range size and number of frequently visited places. In summary, findings indicate that sex differences in home range size and spatial abilities may still persist in humans living in urbanized Western societies, but are also influenced by environmental experience.